Where policy recommendations are concerned, the lack of co-ordination between

the essays is even more marked than in evaluation. Policies for South-East Asia have their impact on the Middle East; the cold war in the Far East cannot be considered in isolation from problems of the Atlantic Alliance and the 'third world.' If western governments, our own included, are prone to ignore the wider repercussions of their regional policies, all the more reason for academic studies to trace the interactions. A collection of separate articles cannot possibly do so, and it is time publishers began to realise this.

Brian Crozier is elegantly non-committal about South-East Asia, where, as he says, the cold war is a hot war. In his essay in Mr. Luard's collec- tion, and in his Penguin, he shows how mislead- ing it can be to speak of the region as though it were homogeneous, with similar problems and self-evident solutions, when, in fact, all con- cerned are simply groping. His Neo-Colonialism, by contrast, is a one-theme book, which traces the history and functions of this potent slogan. Neo-colonialism is potent precisely because it is never consistently defined, but harbours several 'heads I win tails you lose' arguments simul- taneously. As Crozier writes, 'It is hard indeed for retreating imperialists to please all of the people all of the time. . . . If constitutional difficulties delay their departure . . . they are accused of wanting to hold on. . . . If they give independence to everybody, as in Malaysia, they are called neo-colonialists. They are blamed if they stop all aid . . . and blamed again if they are too generous. . . . If they drop everything and quit . . . they are showing an unseemly distrust in African intentions. If they stay on and

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Whether the term was first invented by Soviet propagandists, eager to prove decolonisation a sham and to retexture threadbare Leninist- Stalinist theses on colonialism, and only then taken over by the Nkrumahs and their white apologists, or vice versa, still remains open to argument. But what stands out is that the neologism pro- vides common ground for Communists and national-totalitarians to attack any constructive relationship between the West and backward countries and to justify the most destructive and atavistic impulses. Massacres in the Congo, ex- propriations in Egypt, sabotage in Venezuela, irredentist disputes between North African nationalists can all be sanctified by the magic word. Not to be outdone in inconsistency, our own 'men of good will' brandish the slogan no less enthusiastically to symbolise their avid ac- ceptance of guilt, while at the same time urgently demanding the increased British aid, investment and economic integration with Afro-Asian countries, which qualifies for denunciation as neo-colonialism by their own friends.

If, as several writers in The Cold War com- plain, Soviet statements of policy and intent rarely mean what they say, Soviet descriptions of the third world frequently provide a useful key to their intentions, once the code is cracked.

The Third World in Soviet Per repro- duces fourteen Soviet articles, with notes and a useful introduction. It traces the modest evolution

Chess

By PHILIDOR

224. Specially contributed by W. LANGSTAFF and B. P. BARNES BLACK Cu men)

WHITE (5 Men)

WHITE to play and mate in two moves ; solution next week. Solution to No. 223 (Lertoria) : Q—R 3, no threat. 1 . . . K—Q 3; 2 Kt—Kt 4. x ...KxP; 2 Kt—K 2. I . K-13 5 ; 2 Q—Q 3. x . . . K—K 5 ; 2 Q—B 3. i . . . P—B 5 ; 2 Kt—B 6. Clever problem with well-hidden key and excellent mates—especially

that after I P—B 5.

Top-class over-the-board chess is now a professional game in the sense that to have any hope of getting near the top chess must be your main occupation. This is still not true of correspondence chess, where you can get regular first-class practice without having to give up months wholly to tournaments and where the physical, psychological and technical preparation needed for OTB play is not required. So, although the Soviet players lead in correspondence chess as well as in OTB, their dominance is less marked and our own performance is better ; we have in fact got a player, K. C. Messere, in the finals of the current world championship and had more than one in the semi-finals. Here is a decisive win by one of our players in the latter events. which has taken place since Stalin's death, but shows how far these writers have to go before they produce anything acceptable by academic or journalistic standards, and move (torn demonology to scholarship. The section on Latin America is of particular interest, inasmuch as it is painfully reminiscent of the Comintern line towards European Social Democracy in the early Thirties. Social democracy and moderate reform are the main target, since they effectively com- pete with the revolutionary left for popular support. Betancourt and Figueres are the main enemies, the right-wing military dictators are shown as the lesser evil. If the Soviet policy- makers are correct in their underlying assump- tions, this would suggest a more encouraging state of affairs in Latin America than many com- mentators here would have us believe.

Of special interest to the connoisseur of Khrushcheviana is the way the Soviet line on Asia and Africa has had to be trimmed of late to suit their conflict with the Chinese. The latter now denigrate all developments in the third world, in the way Russian propaganda did during the Forties and early Fifties, while the Russians are now at pains to demonstrate that govern- ments they aid or co-operate with are ipso facto on the right road. If only our 'men of good will' were obliged to read these Soviet essays, they would be less free with accusations of 'cold warrior'--or so I should have thought before reading Mr. Luard.

• ALFRED SHERMAN

White, B. CAFFERTY. Black, P. KUC-HTA (Czechoslovakia). Opening, ENGLISH. (Fifth World Championship, semi-finals) I P—Q 4 IC1-1K 3 2 Kt—Q B 3 P—Q 4

3 Px P KtxP

4 P—K 10—Kt s I don't know what is right, but

I am sure this is wrong. Perhaps lust 4 . . . P—K 3 is best. As Cafferty points out, Black loses this game because he loses too much time: this is the first example.

5 P—Q 4 B 4 6 Kt—B 3 P—K 3 6. . B—K1 5; 7 B—Kt 5 ch with advantage.

7 8-8 4 B—K 8 0-0 P—Q R3 Second loss of timc. Kt—Q 2

—K B I may be best, though I don't like Black's game, anyway.

so P—Q R 3 K 10-8 3

ro QL--K P—Q Kt 4 ii B—R 2 12-8 2 11 . . . P x Pi 12 R—Q 1, followed by P P and P—Q 5 is also good' for White.

12 P x P B P r3 P—Q Kt 4 B—Q 3 13 . . . B—K 2 seems a lade

i better: the K B s a piece worth keeping.

24 Kt—K 4 fit—K 4 Still more time lost. Black's

idea is to reduce his danger by exchanges, but White's two bishops and huge advantage in development are quite enough for victory, exchanges or nut.

15 Kt x ch Q x Kt r6 1(1<1(1 QxKt

17 8-1(12 Q—K 5 :8 K R—Q r . . . He could safely play sit B x Kt P, R—Kt 1; 19 P—B 3, but he prefers, rightly, not to give Black any counter-chances.

r8 . . . 8-1(12

rso P—B 3 rig 3

20 Q R—B Of 20 Kt-11 3;21 R—Q 6, R—Q B t; 22 B—Kt t !, P—B 4 (as... Q moves; 23 B—K 4); 23 B—R 21, Kt—Q t ; 24 R x R, B x ; 25 Q—Q B 2, B—Q 2; 26 Q—B 7, Q—B 2,27 R x R P, and White wins comfortably.

ar R—B 7 B—Q 4 If 21 . . . R—R 2, then, as Cafferty points out, not 22 B—Q 4?, B x PI but 22 B—Kt 11 and 23 B—K 4. 22R a! . . . Much stronger than B x13, which, however, would also win.

P

.sjBQP Q—Q 3 24 Q—Q31 • • •

25 Q—Q 4, and White threatens 25 B it P ch, followed by Q Q. Black might well resign.

24 • • - R—Q

25 Q—Q 4 Q—KB 3 26 BxPch 26 Q P Q ; 27 B It wins in more humdrum style.

26 . . . K—B 1 26 . . . K—lt t ; 27 Q.;Q,

P x Q; 28 B xP mate.

27 Q—B ch Q—Q 3 K—K 1; 30 B—B 7 mate. 28B—Q5 R—Q 3 28 . Qx(1; 29 B x P ch,

29 RxR QxQ

30 R—B 7 ch Resigns

Decisive; if 24 Q R; then