STATE OF IRELAND.
Tr NiEs—When the notable experiment made by Lord Wellesley's Govern- ment in Ireland, for putting down the old Catholic Association, was under discussion here, we said that it never could be executed—that it was an un- wise and unjust law, and would rather defeat than promote the purpose of its authors. While the law lasted, what were its effects ? It multiplied the meetings of the Catholic body sixfold—Irons weekly to daily meetings ; it raised the spirits of the Catholics to enthusiasm—it magnified the power of their hoilv an hondredfold—it placed the almost undisputed representation of Ireland in their hands. The Ultra Tory papers in this country have been menacing the empire with measures of violence for putting down effectually the Association, which found means to thrive under Lord Wellesley's law for its suppression. The best commentary online madness of these men is, that the King's ministers have not shared it. They let the session close, and the law expire, without an attempt to restore it, or to substitute one more coer- cive. The people of Ireland would not, in fact, have borne it, nor would the people of England have endured a gag upon the complaints of British subjects crying out against injustice. That is the truth of the matter ; and ministers deserve praise on this occasion for understanding and bowing to the old spirit of constitutional liberty. The original Association is now revived, and has recommenced its sittings in Dublin. That intemperate individuals may there continue to expose their folly by want of discretion in their speeches, is more than probable, and that such persons should have the opportunity of openly discovering the little worth of indiscretion, is devoutedly to be wished, for the public peace and safety. If the Catholics are not permitted to nsect and vent their dissatisfaction publicly, they will still meet and brood over it in private : the spirit will be more compressed, and the explosion—should our impeller; drive them to an explosion—will be so much the more terrible. As for the indignation which is frequently indulged by Englishmen at the coarse- ness and apparent fierceness of the Irish orators, it is only so much good anger thrown away, and is as much misplaced as the fears entertained of their power. There is nothing intrinsically powerful among the Catholics but their grievance :—The demagogues, the priests, are but its creatures. Those men who appear most prominent among them derive their whole credit from being the organs of a feeling which is general, and which, when ex- pressed by the orator of the day, finds an echo in every Catholic boson,. To reduce these children of circumstance to their proper size, it is only ne- cessary to take, away the food which fattens them. When the exciting cause of the actual fermentation is removed, the froth of the ()Colinas and Shiels will disappear; and the real quality and body of the people of Ireland will recommend themselves to the English nation in all their strength and bright- ness. The only moment at which inferior men can eclipse their betters in the public estimation, is when society whirls round from sonic extraordinary impulsion, and objects are indistinctly seen. Tranquillize the present com- motion by removing the cause of it, and character and property will soon re- assert their influence. Away then go the priests and mountebauks together.
-MORNING CHRONICLE—The moral improvement of the people, the diffu- sion of education among them, must, ere long, produce a revolution in Ireland, if the Government do not:render such a change unnecessary. Know- ledge is power, and whatever adds to the intelligence of the Irish, adds to their power as compared with the ascendency by which they are oppressed. An ignorant people may remain an oppressed people ; but knowledge renders the oppressed dissatisfied, and, with the desire to change, suggests the means by which the desire may be gratified. There never was a greater mistake than to suppose that the disposition to revolution increases in the ratio of oppression. If this were the case, Spain and Portugal, Austria, Turkey, and Russia, would have been revolutionized before France. England was less oppressed under the Stuarts, than under their predecessors. Oppression may be carried so far as to render a people perfectly apathetic, resigned to whatever takes place. It is with nations as with individuals--persons in the lowest order are often the most contented with their situation, and the dispo- sition to better their condition grows with every step ascended in the scale ; and in like manner, nations who have already made advances are most hu- patient of the obstacles which stand in the way of their further advancement. Hence the Catholics of Ireland, under the penal laws, were resigned. They had lost almost the desire of recovering their rights. 'f I e partial repeal, by enabling them to acquire property, necessarily gave them ambition, anti every succeeding concession has only inflamed their desire to be rid of every remaining restriction. Were they under a government Purely arbitrary, which could exclude them from all access to liberal opinions, there might be some hope of being able to keep them down. But they cannot be debarred front the sources of information open to their fellow-citizens. They have, there- fore, the same wants that we have, with obstacles iii the way of their grati- fying some of them. Which obstacles only serve to enhance the value in their eyes of that from which they are excluded. With this growing information, growing power, and growing dissatisfaction, it (loci runt require the gift of prophecy to foretel, that if the Government do not level all distinctions be- tween the Catholics and Protestants ere Imme, the former will save them the trouble, and do justice to themselves. We have no doubt of r. O'Connell's sincerity, when he expresses himself anxious to prevent a revolution, but we question his ability to prevent it. The wheel, as it descends, will soon reu- der all attempts to impede its progress unavailing.
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