THE SITUATION IN GREECE
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR
Sta,—Some of the views evinced in Great Britain, the United States and other countries over the present situation in Greece have painfully impressed most people who are living the experience on the spot. It is disheartening to hear staunch supporters of Democracy and convinced opponents of Fascism, whether of the right or left, criticising the attitude of H.M.'s Government in the present predicament of the Greek nation. It is a proof of the amazing confusion in the minds of many otherwise well-intentioned people, and their negligence to ascertain facts before showing indignation.
During the enemy occupation a great many organisations were formed by the enslaved Greeks with the object of helping their country's liberation. One of these was set up by the Greek Communist Party under the initials E.A.M., which could mean either "National Libera- tion Front" or "United Antifascist Front." The propagation of E.A.M. was greatly helped by its founder's ruthless methods and the Party's experience of underground work. Abundantly provided with arms and money by the Middle East Command, it soon organised in the highlands guerilla bands, the E.L.A.S., with the avowed object of fighting the oppressor. From the start it monopolised the mountains of Greece and prevented by force all other organisations not submitting to it from forming partisan troops. The murder of Colonel Psarros and scores of other Greek officers is a clear indication of their method. General Zervas alone with his partisans somehow managed to survive in the inaccessible crags of Epirus, in spite of repeated attacks by E.L.A.S. forces.
E.A.M. having enticed its followers under the banner of national liberation, and obtained the sympathies and support of the Allies, set aside its alleged object, and strove by every means in its power to prepare its way to power and absolute domination. Henceforward E.L.A.S. restricted its military action to sporadically killing isolated enemy soldiers, thus not only giving but little or no assistance to the common cause, but provoking by way of reprisals the wholesale destruction of a very considerable part of the Greek countryside. This caused unspeak- able distress to the rural populations, already groaning under the enemy oppression. How could these methods be explained otherwise than by the well known dogma that no social revolution can be achieved without widespread misery, destitution and famine?
On the other hand, the Germans had always threatened that their defeat would mean chaos and anarchy in Europe. As soon as they realised that they had in fact lost the war, they multiplied their fiendish endeavours to disintegrate the conquered peoples, in order to be able to recuperate, even though defeated, sooner than the victorious nations, Under the pretence of fighting Communism in the occupied countries, they fostered all forces of unrest and deliberately, even though indirectly, supported the propagation of E.A.M. To all unprejudiced witnesses this was for a long time evident.
That great quantities of German and Italian ammunition should have been conveyed to E.L.A.S., that Germans and Bulgarians should now be fighting at its side, that the super-efficient and ruthless Gestapo and S.S. should not only have been unable to stamp out Greek Communism after 3) years of absolute domination but in fact should have allowed its present expansion, with all its leaders, even though at times arrested, free and ready to assume command of the present rebellion—which by the way involved serious military and political difficulties for Great Britain—that the German High Command alone should benefit from the present complication, are further evidence, if necessary.
The Greek State was left prostrate and helpless by the retreating Germans, and entirely at the mercy of E.L.A.S. whose growth was curiously assisted directly by the Allies and indirectly by the Sermans, Indians and Bulgarians, much to the advantage of the latter, who thus Prevented Greece from levying an army to help in the final crushing of the abhorred enemy.
Now would it be in accordance with the Atlantic Charter to allow a Party organisation, with the weapons lent it mainly by the Allies for the purpose of fighting the common enemy, to instal forcibly a new dictatorship in Greece? On what democratic principles can the pre- tension of such an armed force to represent public opinion and force its views on the remaining population, be justified? Would those indignant persons agree that Sir 0. Mosley's party ought to have seats and the predominating influence in the Cabinet if it inadvertently happened to be the sole possessor of arms in Great Britain and had conducted a number of strident manifestations in the streets of London? Would it have been reasonable to suppose that Al Capone ought to have been Governor of Illinois, if not President of the United States, merely because he happened to lead men who, by making free and ruthless use of their deadly weapons, held whole districts under their thumb?
We firmly believe that the only way a Party should accede to power is by obtaining the votes of the electorate. Until this is done it is inconceivable that it should pretend to voice the majority's views, let alone achieve absolute power by the force of arms.
If Great Britain and the United States are really fighting for Demo- cracy, as we believe they are, they are bound to frustrate such attempts and establish in the disintegrated countries they have come to liberate, such conditions that will enable their peoples to express in due time freely and without fear their political opinions in no uncertain way. How in such a case can the British Government be accused of undemo- cratic conduct because it took its stand and helped the Government of Greece against armed revolution by Party bands which attempted to terrorise the Greek population into submission?
The vast majority of the Greek nation, a fervent lover of democratic government, are grateful to the Allies for their help in this fearful crisis. As sincere friends and admirers of the spirit of Britain, we cannot but deeply regret to find so little comprehension of the true facts by a section of the British public and its mouthpieces in Parliament.—Yours sincerely, P. B. SIFNEOS, M.A., LL.B. Athens, Hesiode Street, 8.
This letter has been delayed in transmission, and the situation has changed substantially since it was 'written, but it has still a value as showing the effect some British and American comments have had in Greece.—En., The Spectator.]
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