The Queen, who has a healthy taste for strong exercise, ascended the hill of Morven, near Balmoral, on Friday last. When partly up the ascent, her Majesty and Prince Albert alighted from their horses, and walked to the summit. Nest day the Queen rode towards Gairn Shiel, while the Prince Consort went to his deer-stalking. The weather was so inclement on Sunday, that her Majesty was prevented from attending church. But on Monday it cleared up, and, with the Princesses, she drove out in an open carriage, while Prince Albert again followed the deer.
Her Majesty and Prince Albert, the Prince of Wales and Prince Alfred, drove on Tuesday in an open carriage to the Braemar Tryst, and afterwards went to the Linn of Dee.
Viscount Hardinge arrived at Balmoral on the same day, and had an audience of the Queen, at which he kissed hands on his appointment to the office of General Commanding-in-chief of the Army.
We understand that the date of her Majesty's departure from Balmoral is definitely fixed for Monday the 11th. The Queen will, therefore, in
all probability, arrive in Edinburgh on the evening of the same day, and depart from Holyrood Palace on the following morning for the South. The Duchess of Kent is expected to precede her Majesty by a few days.— Edinburgh Advertiser.
The Liberals of Perth had a grand field-day on Friday last, for the double purpose of admitting Lord John Russell to the freedom of the city, and entertaining the late Member for Perth, now Lord Panmnre, at a public dinner.
The "freedom" to Lord John—the instrument of admission as a bur- gess—was enclosed in an oak box, made of a rafter said to have belonged to a house in which "the Fair Maid of Perth" resided : a tradition not lost sight of in the complimentary speeches that accompanied the pre.. sentation.
The dinner to Lord Panmure was given in the City Hall, and the Lord Provost presided. The list of guests includes the names of Lord John Russell, Lord Kinnaird, Sir Charles Adam, Colonel Maule M.P. Mr. Fergus M.P., Mr. Arthur Binnaird M.P. Mr. George Duncan M.P., Mr. Moncreiff M.P., Sir James Anderson M.P., Mr. Archibald Hastie M.P., and a choice set of local celebrities. Among the formal toasts, a tribute to the memory of the Duke of Wel- lington led Admiral Sir Charles Adam to mention, that it had fallen to himself to cover the debarkation of the troops sent to Portugal under Sir Arthur Wellesley in 1808, and afterwards to assist at a review of the British troops under the same commander at Paris in 1815. In replying to the peculiar toast of the evening, Lord Panmure said, he looked upon the "splendid ovation" they had accorded to him, not as a tribute to himself, but to "those great landmarks which the Whig party had ever respected and never for a moment had been tempted to desert, and to political principles openly and manfully avowed, and political con- sistency rigidly and religiously adhered to." He reviewed his own public career, from the Reform Bill agitation,—his election for Perthshire in 1835, his appointments to office as Under-Secretary for the Home De- partment, as Vice-President of the Board of Trade, and finally as Secre- tary at War. Here the transition was easy from the War Office to the late Commander-in-chief; and Lord Panmure offered his tribute to the superlative efficiency of the Duke in the transaction of public business. He referred to the position of the present Government ; of whose policy we are so ignorant. "Judge them," said he, "from the past, they are of one colour ; judge them from the present, lo ! they change ; judge them for the future, lo! they are blank.' He put forward a claim, for "that party of whom my noble friend is the great leader," to the merit of having won for us "the great liberties of this country" ; and he thought that public gratitude should not forget those who had done such great services. After an enumeration of the services of the last Whig Administration, he made this scarcely equivocal allusion—" You may rely on it, that, let the Liberal party seek where they please for leaders, there are no soldiers to take the field such as those that have been accustomed to lead forward armies to victory. They know the tactics to be guided by, and the ground to stand upon ; their ho- nour is unimpeached, their consistency is unquestioned ; and they deserve the confidence of the country, rather than those who may present themselves as younger and mere raw recruits." In the peroration, when he was bidding forewell to his old constituents, he said—" There are, gentlemen, yet many reforms to be achieved. The Reform Bill was but the stone set in motion; it never can stand still. There may be seasons of progress; that progress may sometimes be faster and some- times it may be slower, but progress this country must and will ; and as people become more intelligent and capable of governing themselves, the franchise must be extended, and privileges must be held out to them which they do not at present enjoy: I hope I shall live to see the day when we shall have a far larger extension of the franchise than at present ; I hope to live to see the day when a sound religious and secular education shall spread fur and wide among the people ; and I hope to see the day when this country will take as high standing for the enjoyment of its liberty and for the intelligence of its people as any country can do on the face of the earth. In the enjoyment of liberty, at present, I believe, she stands first; let her also aim to stand as the beat-educated and most enlightened people of the world."
The next toast from the chair was " the health of Lord John Russell, and success to the cause of civil and religious liberty all over the world." This was greeted by the most enthusiastic cheers ; the company standing, the ladies waving their handkerchiefs, and the band taking up the dying shouts with the air " Saw ye Johnny comin' 2" Lord John Russell opened his speech with a warm eulogy of his "noble friend" Lord Panmure. Thence he dashed at once into the great public topics. Adverting to the sentiment connected with his name, he said that they had little cause to congratulate themselves with the progress of civil and religious liberty on the Continent of Europe, " whether we look to Germany, Italy, or France." He stigmatized the attempt which was made in 1848 to introduce " wild licence in place of sober liberty"; that it had tended " to confirm the claims of authority, and make men rush with willingness, nay with enthusiasm and vehemence, into the arms of despotism." We, on the contrary, had pursued a more sober course ; and during the changes of the last twenty or thirty years, " I for one cannot say that at any one moment authority has been really endangered." " Gentlemen, in connexion with this subject, I must mention an alarm which has been lately—I was going to say excited, but it is not an alarm which has really been excited, but an alarm which has been attempted to be ex- cited—with respect to the advances of Democracy. It seems to me that those who at present have the conduct of public affairs, being somewhat embar- rassed as to those measures which my noble friend says truly are kept in pro- found secrecy, have rather endeavoured to divert public attention from what may be their shortcomings or dubieties on these subjects, by endeavouring to create a panic that we are at present subject to a fearful approach of a wild, unbridled democracy. I hold, myself, that that alarm is totally groundless. Perhaps, however, my authority will not be considered great on that subject, because part of the alarm was that I had abandoned my opinions—that I had adopted some other opinions. No one said exactly what they were, but they were supposed to be very alarming and highly demo- cratical; that I was about to introduce measures which should have the effect, at some future time, of shaking the stability of that constitution which I venerate as much as any man in this United Kingdom. Well, I need not say, on that subject, that this rumour was totally unfounded ; that it had no circumstance on which it rested ; that no opinion of mine that I had given in public made me subject to that insinuation. Whether this was a charge, or whether it was an observation that made me subject at all to the statement that I had changed to these opinions, and was about to advance in this dangerous and democratie,a1 direction, I will not say. A right honour- able friend of mine, Sir George Grey, told me that he, in his canvass, found some persons who attached some credence to this matter. I asked him what explanation he gave. He said his explanation was very simple and very direct; it was by using a monosyllable which I will not now repeat to you. But, gentlemen, let us look at what is this alarm which is attempted to be created at the present time. Does it mean that the people of this country (who are, iu other words, the democracy of this country) are seeking to add to their own power at the expense of the Crown or of the House of Lords ? Does any one mean to say, really and solemnly, that the people of this country are endeavouring to diminish any of the prerogatives of the Crown ? I really believe that nobody could stand up and say that that was really his opinion ; because the notorious fact is, that at no time in the history of this country have its people been more attached to the Monarchy, or more loyal and affectionate to their Sovereign. Well, then, does it mean that they are attempting to take away the lawful privileges which the House of Lords holds, and to deprive it of its part in the constitution of this country ? Now, I think I may appeal to my noble friend, who lately entered the House of Lords, whether he has ever heard of such an attempt, where it has been made, and what impediment there has been to the lawful exercise of any power or any privilege which by the constitution of this country the House of Lords possesses. Well, then, if that has been so, that at least is not the charge that is made. It does not mean that the democracy of this country—and, be it observed, democracy has as fair a title to the enjoyment of its rights as monarchy or nobility—it does not mean that the democracy. of this country is in a state of discontent and disaffection, and is endeavouring to push down this constitution, and to deprive the other branches of that con- stitution of any powers which lawfully belong to them. That cannot be— that, I think, we must immediately say cannot for a moment be maintained. But it may mean something else ; it may mean something else which it be- hoves us all to wish—that the democracy of this country—meaning by that term the people of this country—by increase of power, by increase of in- telligence, by increase of wealth, has increased in that weight which they must have not only in this country but in each of the countries of
i the world ; has gained an increase in that weight which is due to a people highly industrious, and earning a competence by their labour, i
physical and intellectual—employing their minds in the acquirement of knowledge, and in the forming and fostering of that public opinion which is SO much the guide and government of this country. But, gentlemen, if these attempts to which I have lately alluded are made, which, though they have existed, ought to be discouraged and resisted—this fair growth of the honour of democracy—this growth of intelligence--this growth of wealth—this forming of opinions more enlightened and more cal- culated to carry on, in an enlightened manner, the government of the world—this is an increased power which ought not to be crushed, but ought to be encouraged and maintained. But I will say more—I will say this, that the manner of dealing with that increase of the powers of demo- cracy could not be according to the old system of restraint with which I was but too familiar during the first few years after I had entered Parliament in 1817 and 1819 ; which, besides all the faults of an irritation promoting that discontent which it was intended to check, proved utterly powerless, and had much the same effect as if persons were to attempt to darn up your mag- nificent river with the view of preventing an inundation—or, to use a simile which applies perhaps more properly to the present time, as if persons were to lock up all the gates of the railroad, with the hope that the express-train would be stopped in its course. Well, then, that is not the mode in which this increase of the power of democracy ought to be dealt with ; but the way in which the power of democracy ought to be dealt with is, by listening to every complaint, by considering every grievance, and by giving a legitimate
and legal organ to that power and influence which otherwise may be mis- chievous, irregular, and injurious. That is my way of dealing with that which is complained of—this increase of democratic power in this country. Let me ask you, suppose at the time of the revolution in France in 1848, which broke out to the astonishment of all men—suppose we had found our- selves, having followed the blind counsels of those who are our opponents in Parliament—suppose we had found ourselves with all the nomination boroughs in full force—with Birmingham, Leeds, Manchester, Sheffield, without representatives—in short, with all the abuses of the old system— suppose we had found a corn-law which tended to make the food of the people dear and scarce—suppose we had found the people of Ireland discontented and disaffected, in consequence of the denial to them of all civil rights on account of their religious beliefs—suppose we had found all these things to be the case in February 1848—I ask, how should we have met that revolution which was attempted to be made by some turbulent persons in the spring of that year, with the confi- dence and support of the whole people, as we had the glory to do ? I think it of the utmost importance that the people of this country, and above all, persons of property, should not be affected by this vain and groundless panic —and that they should go on, as my noble friend says, with progress—that they should go on with improvement, and trust to the confidence which they show—to the wisdom which they exhibit, for those bulwarks against demo- cracy which your violent measures never will produce. It was justly said as a proverb of old, 'He denies everything who denies what is just.' That has never been our policy. We have been always for granting what was just, in order that we might be strong in refusing what was unrighteous.
"And now, gentlemen, let me say, that I believe all this attempt to make an alarm—this attempt to point me out, among others, as one who was en- deavouring to make-dangerous changes in our constitution, is, in fact, merely an attempt to make a diversion on the part of those who feel that they have a very difficult task to perform. We know that Parliament is to be sum- moned very early in the course of November. We know that the Prime Minister has pledged himself that the commercial policy of this country shall then be settled. For my part, I shall be quite willing to wait, and anxious to hear what that plan of commercial policy will be. I will not bo diverted by the fear of this panic, and forced from looking that question in the face. My persuasion is, that during the last ten years we have been in the right course; and knowing I am on the right road, the device of any gentleman who tells me to bear back, or to bear to the right or left, will have very little influence with m% because I am persuaded the road we are travelling, which has already produced so many material benefits, and which has and is pro- ducing so much moral and political content, is a road from which we ought not to stray, but ought rather steadily to pursue. And at the same time, we are bound in justice, as well as I think directed by policy, to wait until these measures are produced which are to give to the agricultural interest, to the colonial interest, and to the shipping interest, all that compensation of which they have hitherto been unjustly deprived, and which are at the same time to confer benefits on every class in the community ; these admira- ble measures, which are to Put an end to a long contest, which are to satisfy People who are at the present moment in the greatest state of satisfaction, which are to content people who have never been discontented, and which at the same time are to reconcile along with them other classes who are dis- contented and dissatisfied. Now, no man can deny that there has been a great belief that such measures are to be produced ; nobody will persuade me, although great abuses have prevailed in many of the late elections, of a kind and degree to which I will not refer—nobody will persuade me that men so eminent as Sir George Grey and Mr. Lewis would have been set aside for per- sons so insignificant that nobody would ever expect anything of any value to come from them as Members of Parliament—I cannot persuade myself that such men would have been set aside for those who have been chosen as their suc- cessors, were there not a belief on the part of the agricultural interest that they have been unfairly treated, that what is their due has been taken from them, and that their friends now in power are able to give them relief. Well, then, if such be the case, let us know what the relief is. Let us be put in possession of this great secret. It will not do for them to be putting off. For the time will coma when people will ask for Protection —for this great benefit, which is to restore them to the prosperity of which Sir Robert Peel, in the first place, and the Whig Adminis- tration in the second, have cruelly and unjustly deprived them. I know it appears to me—I may be wrong in this respect, but I know it appears to me somewhat like the case found in no historical work, and of which there is no precedent among statesmen, but of which there are precedents to be found in the practice of daily life—I mean of the patient who seeks for a regular physician, and who says to him, I feel very much depressed ; I have not been well for some time ; I want to be cured. The physician says to him, I see what it is : I am sorry to observe that for a long course of years your regimen has been very unhealthy, and that you have lived on artificial stimulants : I advise you to return to wholesome food and exercise, and to trust to nature for your recovery.' Well, I have very often heard that that patient has been very much dissatisfied with this advice, and that he has said, This is a trumpery fellow of a physician, who tells me nothing but to lead a wholesome life : it is not worth listening to his advice ; I will turn him oft', and send for some one else.' He has only to take up a news- paper, and be will find the announcements of persons who say that without any confinement, without any inconvenience, by, merely taking a few pills, the patient shall be restored entirely to 'health, and shall never have any reason to complain afterwards, but, on the contrary, shall be strong and vigorous for the next twenty years of his life. I cannot help thinking that the present case is likely in the end to turn out something like this."
His suspicion might be unfounded ; but in November all will be told us. "All I can say is, that I think and I trust, when we meet in November, we shall confine ourselves in the first instance to asking what the course is that is to be proposed ; and when we have heard what that course is, we shall then consider what ought to be our course with respect to it." Lord John, who had been alternately greeted with encouraging cheers and sympathetic laughter, resumed his seat amid a storm of applause. Other toasts were proposed and speeches delivered ; and the party broke up with three cheers for the Queen.
A woman who is in custody at Banff on a charge of child-murder and concealment of pregnancy, is said to have confessed that she threw the new-born infant into the swine's trough, where it was eaten up during the night !
While some soldiers were proceeding with cartridge practice on Glasgow Green, the wadding of a musket penetrated the lungs of a boy, and eventually caused his death. It is supposed that the gun must have contained two cartridges, or else that the boy came too near the soldiers.