30 AUGUST 1834, Page 10

LETTERS FROM PARIS, BY 0. P. Q. No. XXIII.

THE SESSION OF 18.54.

TO TIIE EDITOR OT TIIE SPECTATOR.

Paris, 271/1 -August 1834.

Sra—The article in the Quarterly Review on the State and Pros- pects of France is not without merit, nor is it destitute of truth. There can he no question about the fact, that France is very far indeed from being settled down ; and it is to my mind indisputable, that we have not arrived at the termination of the Revolution of 1789. But the Quarterly Reviewer would lead his readers to draw inferences from the present state of France, injurious to the interests of the people, and destructive of the principks of a wise and exalted liberty. I ad- mit we must have further changes. I admit that our Parliamentary Reform will progress. I admit that property will not much longer be taken as the " only" test of capacity or of civil rights. I admit that

the ancient monopolies of trade and of commerce muat be destroyed. admit that the superstitious awe which is even still felt for Royalty, in seem of the French departments, must give place to the civilizing

priociple of Elective and cheap Governments. I admit that the pre- sent Fremth bumidaries of territory must be somewhat extended in

order to secure to France her just and necessary frontiers. I admit fbat the Prc ss will become a fourth power in the stute; and that en- tighteired Public Opinion must govern, instead of being compelled to submit. I admit that the influenee of the Priest vill be exclusively spiritual ; and that the system of Education now pursideg in France will lead to the unravelling of many a riddle, and to the levelling of

many an error. I admit all this, and rejoice in it ; and I add, that I know " ot&1 things will pass away, and all things will become new." But religion will be more respected ; virtue will be more iefhiential ; talents will be more general ; knowledge will be more beneficial ; property will be more secure; labour will be more remunerative ; the burdens of the people will be reduced ; and although the distinctions of rank in society may become less visible, still a wealthy, an industrious, and an ingenious man will always be sure of seeming, to himself an influence not possessed by those destitute of such qualifications. I look forward, then, to the changes which must take plime, not as a cause for anxiety and dismay, but for hope mid happieess : and before I can be induced to deplore the prospects of change which are before us, I must first of all. be taught to believe that our present condition is unimproveable. Far from being unimproveable, our actual condition on the contrary is untenable. IVe moot go oa as We are it present. If the malady of a sick man be not cured, but simply arrested in its progress by some strong bat dangerous applications, his compleint will take another turn ; it will perhaps become organic; it will perhaps become constituti-

onal, and the last case will be worse than the first. The direction attempted to be given by the Doctrinaries and Juste Milieu to the Revo- lution of 18:30, has resembled these strong but dangerous applications ; and it has of course not succeeded. For a while the patient looks better ; his limbs are in motion ; his appetite has partially returned ; alai his quack-doctors proclaim him to be cured. But the disease is there. So, in France, educates have ceased ; insurrections have during the last four months been unknown ; trade and commerce are some- what improved ; and the harvest both of corn, of oil, alai of wine is abundant. But this is not the end of the Revolution of 1789. The moral and political wants of France are not satisfied. They will be so. If not this year, the next ; and if not the next, the year after ; and if not then, still later—a year or two are of little importance in the history of a nation—for now,•or some years hence, the Revolutions of 1789 and 18:30 will be satisfactorily and popularly terminated. Thus much for the Quarter& Review. Let it teach the governors of nations, that if they will not advance with, or lead the spirit of the age, they will be unable to maintain their ground ; and let it teach the governed, to persevere by day and night, through evil and through good report, In their just claims of their just rights, leaving to time and to circum- stances to effect the rest.

The FRENCII SESSION of Mit is another scene in the drama of the French Revolution ; and though it has been short and undisturbed, it has supplied us with lessons which we shall do well to remember, and which are of vast and general importance. Convoked against the will of both the Court and Government, at an unseasonable period of the year. in order to fulfil the letter of the Charter of 1830, the Ministers of Louis Plume exerted themselves-1st, to prevent the real as. semlding of the newly-elected Deputies ; 2rl, to prevent any inferences unfavourable to the Government from being drawn from the proceed- ings and votes of that Chamber ; and 3d, to prevent the discussion elan address which might, if undiscussed, be taken either as tire of approba- tion or of disapprobation of the policy of the existing Cabinet. The first attempt of the Government of Loins Plume was directed to pre. venting the biota fide assembling of the Chambers. In spite of the letter mid spirit, both of the Charter and the laws, the Deputies were told by the Government not to meet—since a formal and al.minal meet- MLS -ill thilt was required. The press of the Oppoeition soon ex- postal the Alachiavelianism of this policy ; and the Minister was beaten. " But," said M. Tin Ems, " if the Deputies must meet, there need be no speech from the Throne, no address from the Deputies, and nothing to exhibit the opinions and feeiings of the Ilotee. The examinations of tlie elections limy be enten d into ; the President and Vice-Presidents may be named ; and then the Deputies attending may be sent Ironic to their wives, their families, nod their oc- cupations." This second programme of the Alinister was not, however, adopted. The Prefects of the Departments informed I im that the propel: of such a demi-nominal session gave general dissatisfaction ; and Al. Deem, arriving at that moment from England, assured Loris PHILIP that all such projects to defeat the letter alel spirit of the Charter would be unavailing, and that a &mil fide session must commence. So the Chamber met ; and the Session of Lant was fairly begun. The speech from the throne was, as usual, vague and aeneral ; but yet it contained specific points, to which specific replies mold be made, idiout even violating that routine of Parliamentary addresses unfor- tunately adopted both by the English and French Governments and Chambers, and even by the American. But the speech from the throne was moderate. It had fewer adjectives, and less of violence, than those which had preceded it dining the paet four years ; and it was evident, that in spite of themselves, the Doctrinaires began to feel that the Chamber of 1834 would not tolerate the same language as did the Chambers of 183.2 and 1833. This was an homage rendered to public opinion, and a proof of the influence exercised by the press. The ejection of M. GRAS-Pig:VILLE from the chair of the Presi- dency, and the substitution of the next oldest member, M. BEDOCII, Was unquestionably an arbitrary and absurd proceeding ; but it was a Fledge given to the country by the majority in the Chamber, that such majority was not Legitimist, and that it began to perceive that it bad not followed up, as it should have done, the Revolution of 1830. M. GliasePassimat was a Legitimist. As a Legitimist, he would not be resent at the "Royal Sitting" of the opening of the Chembers ; and Ile was tot legally bound to assist at that ceremony. I have therefore Called his rejection absurd and arbitrary, as his presence at the Royal sitting could not legally be required. But still the majority felt, that their coustittients were more liberal than the members of the Chamber of 18:33 ; and that they must on all occasions, and immediately. Froelaiin themselves disposed to march with the Revolution of 18:30. The ma- jority said by this rejeetion—"As AI. GRAS- PREVII.LE by his noe-atteed- Rum at the Royal sitting. intended to show his disrespect to the Royalty of the Barricades, because it was not a Legitimate but an Elective Royalty, and as our constituents expect from us that the principle of tine Revolution shall be viediceted and upheld, we are bound at once to protest against any act of aggression on thin Royalty and Revolution." So AL GRAS-PRI:VILLE was ejected ; and Batmen took tine chair.

The Government, from the commencement of the session, teok great pains to secure the punctual attendance of its supporters at all the dis- cussions on the contested elections. ltlany of the decisions come to were violent and mnnrnnst ; mid the majority was too intuit beet on the simple point of proving that it was not Legitimist. I am boned to say, that the majority allowed its judgment to be warped, by its fixed wish —its single wish—of proving that it. was not Legitimist, and that it was not prepared for a Counter-Revolution. And yet what are the prin- ciples of' the Doctrinaires but Counter-Revolutionary ? and what is the natural tendency of the measure.: as well as dogmas of these men, if it be not that of showing all that is revolutionary is dangerous and bad ?

The Government did not dare to bring forward a Doetrinaire candi- date for the Presidency of the Chamber of Deputies. For let it be at once admitted, that AI. Dreix is not a Doctrinaire—is bated by dim is as much hated as Oilimere Balmer or AI. Laarerm auil is to

them personally more obnoxious awl more dangerous. For as long as Loins PHILIP shall persist in his present system of go vcrament, neither Lamm,. nor PaitnoT could become Aiinisters of the Crown; whereas IDAy, Wilt'lleVer he shall think fo, unite xvith the Oppositiou, and turn out the Doctrinaires by a eirele vote. The election of Ai. 1 luPTS: by an iinMellFe majority to Om post of President of the Cbanther ef Deputies, was not, then, any triumph to the Doetrineires. It wa a, Iffi the contrary, a defeat. I do not amen that his election shi.Aild 1,11 to 11 change of Ministry ; hart it provi.d to G UIZOT Tin mt a, a mid tied r ss oci at es, the mice Oitin leIRIle by w WI: they Mill and bold their if r. None of tine appoietutente made by the Chamber were Doetriliabe, except one. None o joiecd the beert, or inspired with confidence the Journal des Debuts or its supporters. The elections of Deputies which were annulled—the elections of Pre- sident, Vice-Presidents, Secretaries, &c. which were made—and the affidr of M. Glees- PREVII.I.E, all proved, ;het the Chamber was speeially anxious to demonstrate that it was not Legitimist, and that it was not prepared for airy Counter- Revolutionary projects. This is goine a very little way with the people or with the Revolution, I admit ; bet still it is the first step, tiken with reluctance, and taken very bite, towards a gradual return to the principles and men of' July.

The Commission appointed to prepare an address to Lora: Permit

was, with but one excel time composed of men chereed to follow up this idea, that France would not consent to a Counter-Revelation. That Commission contained amongst its members men who certainly are Orleanist more than porno ie, and dynastic more than pi:puler ; but yet such men as M. InoNoe are tmt those who would leud the Restoration, or speak in glowing terms (tithe virtues of the Bolir!ions. The Address Commissiou, with:mt containing in its ranks imy very popular Deputy, yet was composed 4if no n who are too mueb compro- mised by the Revolution of 1.,30 to de:-:re the return of Ilia: es- the Fifth.

The addrass to tlic CrOWTI, prepared by this C:umaissien, we . ineeese sarily obscure and doubtful, on lueny points of great practical impore nowe ; but nevertheless, it contained some passages of real value, and the assertion of SCIi1C prirciples, the development of which would be most desirable. Economy in the public expenditure—honesty on the part of Government agents—moderation in the line of poliee to Inc pureued by the Cabinet—freedom from intrigue and trickery an the part of those who administer the public affairs—nun l a greater at to the principles of the Revolution of July—are amongst the demende of the address. Public umecy is not to be wasted ; the sums voted by the Chamber for the separate prefects of eech &pat tment arc not to lie- exceeded ; and the principles, not ofte Counter- Beach:Com hut of the Revolution " as moderately and libeally" understocil, ni e tn be enforced. All this is very good, as far as it goes ; Rad it ell me s to show, that the elections were made in 1R:31. under the fear, tam :be mut event of the electors, of a Counters Revolutlim. Althoegh the Fieneh electors are monopolists, they are neverthelees laanchown rrn,imen of businisss. They knew auil felt, that if the Counter-Revolution; should be hastened on by the Doctrinaires, that the re would be a gellaral and speedy resistance, end that they, the electors themselves, would be swept away by the torrent. They have, therefore, charged their newly_ elected representatives to oppose the Counter-Revelution ; to manage with the Revolution as well as they can—to give as little anti to advance as little and as slowly as possible—but above and before all timings, not to go ha' hoards. They are ordered to remain stationary_ to oppose heart and soul the success of BERRYER, LIENNEqUIN, end the Legitimist party; and, if possible, to fulfil the promises of the Charter without leaning either to the Revolution or Counter-Revolution. This will be impossible ; and therefore the Chamber will march.

The non-discussion of the address is no evil. It was the result of fear on the part of the Government, of a determination to say as little as possible on the part cf the majority, and of a moderate satisfaction with the spirit of the address on the part of the Opposition. The Government is beaten. DUNN'S party is on the ascendant. The Counter-Revolutionary party is kept in awe by the Opposition; and the chapeau of Parliamentary Reform is hoisted by the Legitimists and Royalists.

The short session of 1834 has then shown us—Ist, that tile new Chamber is not Doctrinaire ; 24, that the new Chamber is not Legitimist ; 3d, that France (even the monopolist electors) will net have a Counter-Revolution ; 46, that France is returning to the principle of the Revolutions of 1789 and 1830; and 5th, that with patience and perseverance, we shall yet secure the triumph of popular rights and national institutions.

I am, Sir, your obedient servant, 0. I'. Q.