CORRESPONDENCE.
ALSACE.
[FROM A CIORRESPONDENT.]
Strasburg, December 24. HAVING made several excursions into Alsace under circumstances peculiarly favourable for observation, I think I have acquired insight into the condition of the province and the temper of the population. I am quite sensible of the difficulty in getting at a full knowledge of things, in the distracted state of Alsace. If it is always rash to write confidently about a foreign country, it is
doubly so in a case where such a social chasm exists as to make it hardly possible to mingle indiscriminately with the ruler and the ruled on the footing necessary for checking the value of conflict- ing statements. I can only affirm that, having enjoyed this rare advantage, I have sought to gather facts, and the more salient inferences I would present here are not inspired by onesided prepossessions.
The point of capital interest, of course, is whether the inherent conditions warrant the possibility and the probability of assimila-
tion between Alsace and Germany, or whether the existing anta- gonism between population and rulers is of that indelible and stubborn fibre that resists emollient action, such a fibre as made it never possible for Austria to win the Venetians, and makes the Pole inflexibly hostile to the Russian, though of the same Slavonic race as himself. Ibis my decided conviction that there is no analogy between the eases. In Venetia and in Poland the roots of native anta- gonism, being of thoroughly national fibre, in the full sense of the term, could never be removed, for the reason that the opera- tion was incompatible with any maintenance of the dominion.
Whereas, in Alsace I believe the hostility to be the outcome of a provincial irritation capable of treatment, because in this case not incompatible with the indispensable exigencies of the central authority. If I am right, this would constitute a radical distinc- tion. I do not make light of the prevailing hostility to the new
Government, but I make out the mainspring to be, not of French, but of purely Alsatian fibre ; not of national, but of provincial patriotism, in its way strongly typical of the Teutonic nation ; animated, not against Germauisin, which is a conception outside the intellectual range of the Alsatian, who is incredibly ignorant of German things, but against the concrete bugbear of Prussian- ism. What the Alsatian rebels at is the thought of being made, at point of the victorious sword, to wear the spiked helmet instead of the kepi, for whatever larger historical consciousness he has contracted has come from French lymph. But that consciousness is skin-deep, it is the merest veneering, as becomes apparent on penetrating interior Alsatian life. Teutonic tenacity has pre- served unimpaired the Alsatian's German individuality in tongue and customs as these were inherited. To understand this one must go into the country. Strasburg does not represent Alsace, any more than the few Alsatians who dwell in Paris. The Alsatian is a burrowing—one may say churlish—creature, curiously sensitive of not being able to speak well German or French, and therefore shy of conversing with a stranger. This applies not merely to the mass of the people. I have found many Alsatians of position able to express themselves in French only with labour, while I know only one who has not an intense German brogue. The Alsatian at home—whether this be a cot- tage or a mansion—speaks nothing but the Allemaine dialect, exactly as spoken by his forefathers; but this un-Gallicized Teuton, who, notwithstanding long contact with foreign culture of high class, never has weaned himself from his own broad and illiterate idiom, has not an inkling of the great literary movement that has distinguished the progress of the German race in the interval since he got separated from it. This indelible Toutoniam is a curious archaic relic, preserved like a moose-deer that has been embedded in a peat-bog; or it may be likened to a bough torn from a sapling which has grown into a full-blown tree. After years the bough is picked up and sought to be grafted again to the stem ; but though unseared in grain and fibre, the bough will not easily fit into the original joint, because the latter has expanded with the tree, while the bough has remained stunted as it was'. I would draw particular attention to this provincialism—this can- tonal sentiment—for it is in my opinion the characteristic feature of Alsatian nature. French language and French thought are mere externals, clapped on as a coating for particular gala pur- poses over the rough and coarse-grained Teutonisin which is ineradicable, and yet has only vegetated through centuries, for never imbibing French culture into its system, it has also never quickened with the national current of mind and letters in the Fatherland. There is but a single exception to the dead level of indifference, and as it is conspicuous, it is well to define its import accurately. The theological faculty of Strasburg has always been singular as the one nursery of German letters and German predi- lections. I need in illustration only point to the fact that Reuss, though professor at the French University, published his com-
mentary on the New Testament in German. This phenomenon is duo to Alsatian Protestantism being, not of Huguenot con-
nection, but a direct plant from the German Reformation, BO that their Church traditions have inspired the specific representa- tives of this provincial Protestantism with a peculiar and caste-like interest in Germany. But this sympathy of mind is strictly con-
fined within a select circle of Strasburg theologians and a sprinkling of country pastors, for all have not undergone this Germanizing influence, inasmuch as distinguished French-born divines have also taught at this University, as, for example, Colni, who has now left, while his Alsatian colleagues continue lecturing.
Although it would be a mistake to conclude that any considerable portion of even the most thoroughly Protestant section of society shares in the German tastes of mind entertained by these Protestant scholars, their existence is nevertheless a fact of possibly great consequence for facilitating assimilation between a large party in Alsace and Germany,—for, next to provincialism, the most promi- nent characteristic. of Alsatian life is Denominationalism. The division between Protestants and Catholics is sharp, and of late has been becoming sharper ; for, favoured by the Imperial functionaries and led by a Bishop of strong Ultramontane views, the priesthood has been extending its action in all directions against the Protestants, who were obnoxious to the old Government, as, for the most part, belonging to the Opposition. The fortunes and the enterprise of the province are, however, represented by the latter. The leading men are Protestants—all the great manu- facturers are Protestants—the industry of Miilhauseu is the crea- tion and the property of Protestant ingenuity, and it was a Pro- testant gentleman who contested time after time the Department du Haut Rhin against the full weight of official and clerical influences, until victory crowned his efforts. Thus in every province the wealth, enterprise, and culture of Alsace are found identified with the Protestants, who have been engaged for years in a continued struggle to resist encroachment, notably in the management of schools, from a powerful priestly organization, abetted by the Government functionaries. Now, in both these fields of provincial patriotism and of denominational desires, I believe the German Empire might elicit sympathetic response by action quite within the lines of its constitution, quite compatible with even-handedness towards all faiths, and not involving any distinction on behalf of Alsace to the detriment of other organic members of the Empire. For Alsatians' local patriotism and Teutonic spirit of self-government would be greatly attracted by the kind of limited autonomy allowed to other German States, while the grievances of the Protestants would be relieved by simply not conceding privilege or favour to the very Ultramontane priesthood.
The political organization of Alsace, in respect to its constitu- tional position as an unit in the Empire, is still undefined ; and Prince Bismarck has shown his characteristic statesmanship in the manner he has availed himself of the latitude afforded by pro- visional dictatorship for dealing summarily and efficiently with delicate matters. It is admitted oven by stern Alsatians that the high civil appointments have been well made. The present Governor and Prefects are picked men, who in very difficult posi- tions have shown temper and remarkable judgment. The same applies to the new magistrates, for only seven of those in office have continued to serve, a selection even more difficult to make. The civil tribunals are now open, the counsel pleading in French or German, as they may prefer, and I have not been able to hear complaints of the manner in which law is administered. Some members of the Bar intimate indeed an intention to emigrate. I am prepared to find that some may do so, but as much has been said about expatriation on a vast scale of the population, and I quite believe the extent of such migration to afford the surest test of how far the feeling of the country is really affected with implac- able aversion to German rule, I will give facts gathered by me on the spot, and which you may rely on implicitly. It is true there has been a large exodus into France, but it comprises a large pro- portion of non-Alsatian elements, all French residents (and these were very many in the towns, specially in Strasburg) taking their departure. But it is absolutely untrue that any families of standing or any branches of industry have left or are minded to leave the country. In all Alsace, only one firm at Bischwiller, which makes a cloth article specially for the French market, removes its works ; but the splendid merchant patricians of Mill- haugen all have determined not to emigrate, though not a German is admitted across their thresholds, and nowhere is the hostile feeling more uncompromising. It is still more curious that the single manufacturing family of repute that does go away to reside in Paris (but leaving its mills under an agent) is an Hanoverian one in the first generation of immigration, while, to my personal knowledge, thorough-bred Alsatians, on the other hand, have returned home from Franco under a sense of duty to their imme- diate country. This idea of what is due to their country has been signalized by what attended the municipal elections. The authorities scrupulously abstained from all attempt to secure the nomination of partizans. They absolutely refrained from any interference. Still, in many places, only a rutnp-constitueney voted (for the priests especially urged abstention), but the muni- palities selected are composed of highly respected citizens, quite the prominent men in their localities, who now enjoy the thanks of their fellow-townsmen for having consented to take charge of local interests in critical times. At the same time, they are perforce obliged to have intercourse with the German authorities on many matters, and this, I think, has already reduced asperity in some instances. I do not lay too much stress on the effect so produced, but I do think that the continued residence in the country of its patricians, under strongly distaste- ful circumstances, merely from a sense of duty and attachment to their birthplace, and the existence of corporations so excellent in qualifications, are two hopeful symptoms of the practical business- like nature of the population.
The decree that the primary schools are to be no longer deno- minational has given real satisfaction in all quarters except those under the immediate influence of the Bishop. The journey of this prelate to Berlin was with the view of obviating this measure, but at Berlin he naturally failed in his mission. This measure and the reconstruction of Strasburg University are well calculated to have a good effect, but I am bound to say that there is a question in suspense which threatens to nullify every effort at concilia- tion, and throw into the country a brand of sterner ill-feeling than has yet existed. This is the question of compulsory military ser- vice. No final decision has yet been announced on this matter, and it is still hoped that the intention of introducing the German system may be postponed. I have given my opinion that emigra- tion until now is very limited, but I must also affirm that I fully believe a wholesale exodus of youths of all classes, high and low, whose ages would render them liable to serve, will follow, if it is resolved not to put off the term for the introduction of the system. I have already got etatistics on the spot proving increasing emi- gration in the last few weeks, and facts of so conclusive a nature as these are to my knowledge, leave on my mind no doubt. There are many other points of interest, but my letter is already too long. The upshot of my impression is, then, that the Alsatians can be won, if only their provincial sentiment be taken into account. I think that the Germans have conducted themselves with much judgment so far. Their blunders have been trivial, while they have already endowed the country with some measures likely to have permanent consequences. But my mind misgives me that if they persist in forcing military service so soon as next year on the Alsatiaus, they will increase public irritation grievously, and retard for a considerable while the silent process of organic assimilation in my opinion already unconsciously going on.
AN ENGLISIIIVIAN.
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