30 JANUARY 1841, Page 11

TOPICS OF THE DAY.

FURTHER REFORM: MEETING OF THE ASSO- CIATION AT LEEDS.

" We look upon Universal Suffrage as a right withheld—one that cannot safely be withheld much long■ r; and we consider the question with regard to it tube rapidly narrowing itself to the consideration of these two points—howl and when I' SINCE the 27th October 1838, when we expressed the above opinion, nothing has occurred to shake, and much to strengthen it. Every folly or outrage of a Chartist has been dwelt upon by the Whigs and Tories as a proof of the badness of the cause : every imprisonment or banishment of a Chartist has been an- nounced as the extinction of Chartism. Still the stupid Chartists could not or would not understand that iu propriety they ought to cease to exist, and continued stubbornly to live on. Till at last it has come to this, that a tolerably numerous body of the middle classes, having at their head some men of great wealth, countenanced by influential Members of Parliament, have in- vited Chartists to appear on the same hustings with them for the purpose of expressing their common opinions; and have most sedulously avoided the expression of any sentiment or opinion that might hurt the feelings of their Chartist allies. The Leeds meet- ing has materially changed the position and prospects of Chartism. The existence of the Chartist body as an influential portion of public opinion has been solemnly recognized : the assistance of the Chartists has been invoked by a portion of the enfranchised Re- formers, and only granted in consequence of important concessions. The difference between the position of the Chartists before and after the Leeds meeting, is the difference between the position of Texas or the South American Republics before and after their re- cognition as independent states by the European Powers.

The Ministerial and the Tory journals concur in taunting the gentlemen with whom the Leeds movement originated, as having intended a demonstration in favour of Household Suffrage only, yet having been drawn into a demonstration in favour of Universal Suffrage. It cannot be denied, that many of those who had a share in originating the proceedings have been carried much further than they intended. Some of them believed that by setting up House- hold in opposition to Universal Suffrage, they would lure away the followers of the Chartist leaders. Some of them goodnaturedly clung to the vain belief, that if they could muster a strong enough body of supporters, they might induce the Whig Ministers to place themselves at their head. Both have been disappointed. Earl FITZWILLIAM tells them flat—and he speaks the sentiments of his " order," and those who cling to it—that he " will not march through Coventry with them." If the Leeds Association is to go honestly and firmly on with the work it has taken in hand, it must make up its mind to break with Ministers. Again, not one Chartist has been induced to say that he will postpone his claim of Universal Suffrage if the instalment of Household Suffrage be paid in the mean time. The Leeds Association, taking upon itself to speak in the name of the advocates of Household Suffrage, has met the Chartist Delegates, speaking in the name of the advocates of Universal Suffrage ; and the two parties have agreed, that the change effected upon our representative system by the Reform Bill has been found inadequate to insure good legislation, and that further constitutional changes are necessary. The two parties have not yet come to the discussion whose plan is to be tried first, or what modification of both, or of either. It is as likely (for any thing that has been said or done) that the first move will be for Universal, as that it will be for Household Suffrage : nay, inasmuch as all the advocates of Universal Suffrage expressed distaste of the limited suffrage proposed, while the advocates of Household Suffrage admitted the superiority of the other abstract- edly considered, the probability is, if any thing, in favour of unrestricted, unqualified suffrage.

And not only have the taunts a foundation in fact ; they will have an effect upon many even of those who took a part in the Leeds meet- ing. The approximation to a cordial feeling with the Chartists has been, on the part of some, too sudden to be lasting or productive of immediate effects. They concurred in the declaration of the Leeds Association, because, in their opinion, it was not Chartism ; they went on with the arrangements after concessions had been made to the Chartists which they did not like, but which they saw were un- avoidable; they entered into the spirit of the meeting, and cheered because their neighbours cheered ; but when they returned to their homes, the old accustomed opinions and feelings of Whiggery came back upon them, and at the first election that occurs they will vote as if no such meeting had ever taken place. The Leeds meeting will produce no immediate tangible result. A great portion of the middle classes concerned in it will, in all likelihood, tremble at their own temerity, and draw back : and it is equally probable that many of the Chartists, overrating the importance of the ad- vance they have made, will grow overweening and commit more follies. Besides, at that meeting nothing was agreed upon ; no ge- neral plan of action, no organization was hinted at. Chartists and Household Suffragists merely met upon terms of common civility, and guardedly concurred in the opinion that all was not right, and that something ought to be done. But in making this remark, we mean not to say either that the meeting will lead to no results or that its results will be unimportant. Much has been gained by the mere fact that members of the middle and working classes* have again cooperated at a great public meet-

• Some ingenious arguments have been used to show that we are all work- ing-men : but there is an essential difference between head-work—which is education, and hand-work—which impedes education. The working-classes ing. Men who have stood side by side on the same hustings, striving for a common object however unimportant, have already begun to be acquaintances. The majority of the middle-class men at the Leeds meeting will henceforth view any unqualified attack upon the Chartists as personal to themselves; and the Chartists who took part in that meeting will, in like manner, feel themselves called upon to patronize their associates of the middle classes. The par- tition-wall which circumstances had run up between Reformers of the middle and working classes is already begun to be pulled down. A vigorous movement party is in the course of being formed, at the very moment that the various fractious of the drag party, (for, properly speaking, there is not, and cannot be, a positively station- ary party,) seem on the eve of being recombined. The shades of difference between Tories, Whigs, and Parliamentary Radicals, are daily becoming more imperceptible ; and much•decried Chartism is in the fair way of becoming the nucleus around which the scat- tered elements of a popular party are to gather into form and sub- stance.

This result will not, as has already been observed, be immediate. Where there is cooperation there must be mutual confidence, and that does not at present exist : confidence is a plant of slow growth. The distrust of Mr. O'CONNELL, which the outspoken Colonel NAPIER expressed aloud, was shared by many who did not give it voice. We do not inquire as to the grounds or justice of his distrust ; we merely advert to it as a fact, the existence of which is acknowledged. The middle-class politicians distrust each other, and the working-classes distrust all of them. This is the necessary consequence of the substitution of " faith in the Whigs" i for fitith in principle. The gullible and the interested supporters of the Whigs are necessarily confounded in the popular estima- tion, for there is no external distinguishing mark wheraby to know the one from the other : and even men who have had the moral courage to separate themselves from both, are, in the unreasoning anger of the working-men, jealously watched, for no other reason than that they do not belong to their class. It is only by men's advance in knowledge of their common interests, and by perse- verance in an independent course of policy, that confidence can be reestablished ; and until it be, there can be little progress made.

Every thing, however, seems to announce the approach of the time when we shall again have the services of a Poi.ular Opposi- tion. The Leeds movement is not an isolated symptom. Turn to what side we please, we recognize indications sufficiently dissimilar to show their independent origin, sufficiently similar to show they are produced by the same pressure of circumstances. The Wal- sall election, and the manifesto of the Scotch Dissenters, are ex- amples of organized bodies compelled to adopt an independent course of political action. The Kirkcaldy election is perhaps still more striking ; the opposition to the Ministerial candidate having arisen apparently not so much front any essential difference between the avowed principles of the candidates, as from a distrust of any candidate understood to offer himself under Ministerial auspices. The great Anti-Church-rate meeting at Leicester shows that this growing stubborness is not so easily talked off as it used to be. The business of that meeting was opened by a Dissenting clergy- man, who hit hard at Lord JOHN RUSSELL. Then came Mr. Huron, who strove to whitewash Lord JOHN—Mr. EASTHOPE, who threw in a good word for Ministers—Mr. O'CONNELL whose de- clamation began and ended with " Keep in the Whigs." And after all this expenditure of breath, up rose the Reverend Mr. MURSELL, and quietly reaffirmed what his reverend brother had said in opening—" The Dissenters never would vote for any man who did not support the equality of civil rights without religious distinction. It had, he heard, been said, that such a resolution would embarrass the Ministry : but he might reply, that which was good for the goose was good for the gander, and the Ministry had too long embarrassed the Dissenters." Men of all classes are find- ing out, that if they wish to have any thing done, they must bestir themselves ; and the next lesson will be, that they must act unitedly. The habit of acting together will in time beget confidence in each other.

Nor is there any danger that matters will retrograde while the Movement is thus rallying for another advance. The politicians of both parties are aware of the strength of the people, and of the extent to which the peoplet feel their strength. They know that any flagrant attack upon the privileges which the people have already acquired would only precipitate their union. They are flattering and wheedling the people—speaking them fair, in order to keep them inactive and disorganized. Coquetting with the people is an old game of the Whigs, but the Tories are now obliged to play a part in it. Those anomalous things called " Conservative Operative Associations" are pregnant with suggestions to thought. And within the last week have we not seen Sir ROBERT PEEL him- self condescending to the office of a popular lecturer ! The Standard labours in season and out of season to cultivate a good understanding with " the Conservative Democracy." It is pal- pable to the grossest apprehension, that the Tories know ad well as the Whigs that the day for dragooning the people has gone by.

The day for " taming Leviathan" with smooth words has also gone by. It is not by lip-homage, by courteous professions, that the onward inclinatiun of the people is to be arrested. That in- fect this, and will not, on the strength of a play upon words, admit a man to the privileges of their " order." They don't understand " metaphysics." 1' By the word "people," we do not mean Whigs, Tories, or Chartists- handworkmeo, slfOpkeepers, or millowners—or any section of the community, but the great mass of the governed, as contradistinguished from the go- vernors. clination is inspired, not by mere personal dislike, jealousy, or envy of men in power, but by an acute sense of real discomfort. So long as there is suffering, so long will there be discontent ; so long as there is a feeling of exclusion from all influence in public busi- ness, so long will there be turbulence. The people, strong and conscious of their power, will not tolerate any exclusion. The terms of the reunion among the Popular party will be—full justice to each and all. A real and sincere union, founded upon such a perfect understanding, will be longer in being brought about than a more noisy coiireration for some momentary and isolated pur- pose ; but they who wish to effect any thing permanently advanta- geous must be content to "bide their time." The highest orders of being—the most perfect organizations—are those which are longest in coming to maturity. Enthusiasm is a thing of momen- tary duration. Wilful shutting of the eyes to important differ- ences of opinion cannot be long persevered in. Deliberate resolve, the consequence of sincere and full explanations and protracted discussions, is the only guarantee of success. He who hesitates when "the hour" has come, is not "the man " : but neither is he who wastes his strength in abortive efforts before " the hour has come."