Doubts About De Gaulle
By DARSIE GILLIE Paris THE first parliament of the Fifth Republic has met and given the Government a majority of nine to one, after a debate in which the new Prime Minister, the new President of the Assembly and the spokesman of the great neo-Gaullist party, the UNR, have all declared their belief that parlia- mentary control of the Government is an essential in the balance of powers established by the new constitution. The Assembly has given itself 'a pro- visional set of standing rules, set up parliamentary commissions and marshalled itself into parties before going away again to wait for the first regu- lar session to open in April. There has been a great deal of talk about the new morality, the new constructive attitude of the opposition (add the spokesman of the Socialist Party made a very telling opposition speech, constructive though it was) and a great deal of insistence that the Fifth Republic is a republic, concerned to preserve human liberty and social justice. - For a January of national and political renewal the press makes odd reading. The subject that has been filling more space than any other in the press during this period is the Lacaze affair, a scandal concerning some very wealthy people, an adopted son, his character, and measures alleged to have been taken to discredit or even, according to the extraordinary, statement of, one witness, to get rid. of him. Though some of the persons involved in the story or series of contradictory stories are on the fringe of the Gaullist movement, it is, essen- tially a private affair and many of the events took place before the collapse of the Fourth Republic. It becomes a political phenomenon only in so far as it takes up such an enormous amount of public attention and is an occasion for people asking Whether the new men of the new, system, are, going to prove themselves able to fulfil the hope that they will set a new standard of efficacy. The new regime cannot easily quicken up the slow processes of French justice. But the impatience of the public does draw attention to the nature of some of the hopes attached to the new regime Which in many quarters had the fundamental defect of wishing to see France's difficulties straightened out with a minimum of responsibility on the part of her citizens and yet within limits that they should lay down.
This same neo-Gaullism, that wishes to escape responsibility, is linked with the one aspect of the short parliamentary session that has immediate hard, political consequences—the attempt of the Majority in the Assembly to obtain from the Prime Minister an interpretation of President de Gaulle's remarks about Algeria that reduces as Much as possible the President's liberty of action. M. Debrd is a devoted admirer of the President, but on one thing at least he does not see eye to eye with his leader—on the necessity to respect and give political expression to what the General calls 'the personality' of Algeria. It was not diffi- cult therefore to obtain from, him declarations Which overlap but certainly do not coincide with the General's and which in fact quite clearly render any hope of a solution in Algeria other than by military force more remote.
It may be that the difficulties of reaching an agreetnent with the Moslem nationalists are, any- way, too great for the difference between M. Debre's and President de Gaulle's statements to matter as far as a settlement in Algeria is con- cerned. But this difference matters in another way. If, over Algeria, the General can be thwarted, can he get his own way in other respects? The question has now been asked by the very respect- able Figaro in connection with the -leakage of information about the devaluation. There was undoubtedly large speculation in gold in the week before Christmas. The Figaro gives December 16 as the date when the speculators got to work. It says that two of the General's closest advisers asked for an inquiry and that the General himself said that these profiteers must be made to hand over their spoils to the Treasury. At several de- valuations in France there has been something of the kind, but there should not have been under the new regime with its high standard of official secrecy and honour.
- This raises the question of another leak, also at President de Gaulle's expense—that of his inten- tion to introduce generous measures of clemency in Algeria on his arrival at the Elysee. It was probably the leak of a saboteur.
On top of this comes the announcement of four successful ambushes in Algeria and a petrol train destroyed, a loss of fifty-four soldiers in one week, a sudden rent in the picture of an Algeria which the army was steadily getting under con- trol. If there is one faithful executant of the General's liberal intentions in Algeria it is M. Delouvrier, the new Delegate-General of the Government, appointed just before Christmas. Btu the semi-official comments from Algiers on the last turn of events have been so fatuous—or perfidious—that it is clear that he is far from having as yet even the central administrative machine under control.
In so far as President de Gaulle acts constitu- tionally and stands back, he allows the belief to grow that he is not really in control where it matters most—in Algeria, for instance, and when it is a question of preventing rich men from becoming richer through illicit knowledge just when he is imposing heavy sacrifices on the poor. Observers look back at the record of his premier- ship, during which he did preserve public liberties but failed to control the military in Algeria. How far did he knowingly accept limitations, so as not to ruin long-term objectives, resolute (as he has shoWn himself) to cling to his original purpose even if he could not effect it at once? Or how far is he suffering defeats that cannot be remedied? There is no doubt about his resolution, but there is ground for anxiety about the renewal of his opportunities, for his prestige is suffering—and- not only with those who simply hoped for a miracle-worker. It is clear that there are people who brave his authority with impunity. He cannot long afford this. And if someone has had .the sinister idea of using private scandals to keep the public entertained, then he should think again, for all scandal is bad for a government's reputa- tion unless the spectacle offered is that of the government relentlessly intervening to enforce law and justice. Alas, the mills of French law grind slowly.
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