30 OCTOBER 1959, Page 26

The BBC's Yugoslav Service 'Z. Main' X Marks the Spot

Sir Jeremy Mostyn, Evelyn Waugh, Roderic Dun kerley The Scientists and the Bomb

Ethel Mannin, L. A. Jackson

Crime on the Roads Professor Thomas Wilson Telling the Patient Dr. A. E. Moore Refused Bail K. G. Johnson Hypocrisy? Rev. Austin Lee Nuclear Disarmament at Oxford Anon

THE BBC's YUGOSLAV SERVICE

Si,--Sincc I have escaped from Yugoslavia not so long ago and therefore know the conditions in my country fairly well, I would be very grateful for space to comment on the BBC transmissions to Yugoslavia. These transmissions arc in general so lukewarm that even convinced democrats in Yugoslavia often prefer listening to Radio Madrid, operated by Ustasha Fascists, because its transmissions at least contain some spice: although it is more often than not a very unpalatable spice indeed.

The Yugoslav transmissions of the BBC go out of their way not to mention the very word 'Com- munism,' and if they do they always carefully .add 'Soviet' or 'international.' Listeners in Yugoslavia wonder whether the British have given up their democratic principles and approve of the Com- munist dictatorship in Yugoslavia without reserve. Tito. on the other hand, insists again and again that be is a Communist—and 'international' at that—and that he does not think much of the backward multi- party system. Recently in Niksic, he has told a mass Meeting all over again that the Yugoslav system was similar to the systems in the Soviet Union and satellite countries.

In spite of this—or maybe because of this—the BBC transmissions for Yugoslavia do not bring talks or news generally critical of Communism, even Though such items have been previously transmitted to other countries under Communist rule. For in- stance, The New Class, by Djilas, was very scantily mentioned in the Yugoslav transmissions. There was no question of giving extracts from the book, although long extracts were,, at times, transmitted from other books far less interesting and topical. But, as The New Class was banned by the authori- ties in Yugoslavia, one cannot escape the conclusion that the fact that somebody is being unjustly per- Scented in Yugoslavia is enough for the BBC not to deal With his fate and work at any length in the Yugoslav languages.

Similarly, the student demonstration in Zagreb and Skopje in the spring of this year, which shook Yugo- slavia and caused serious alarm hi the highest ranks Of the Yugoslav Communist Party, were hardly men- tioned and never commented upon, although the British press wrote about these events. Important new Yugoslav legislative measures, economic plans. international negotiations—are never the subject of any sort of intelligent and critical comment and are always left strictly to the interpretation of the Com- munist-controlled press and propaganda machine. Even the solitary voice of Desmond Clark, who earned nation-wide fame by his penetrating, tren- chant, but above all fair, talks on the Yugoslav scene and who made the popularity of the BBC soar to new high levels, was silenced a few years ago. Nowadays, the transmissions of the Yugoslav ser- vices arc good, well informed, of a high standard, but Communism and all it stands for—and that is the problem in any Communist country—are left strictly alone.

By such tactics the Western transmitters, and In particular the BBC. are giving up a very strong weapon in the 'peaceful competition,' which will probably remain peaceful only as long as the Com- munist leaders do not feel strong enough to use other methods. They will, however, soon feel strong enough if the internal opposition practically disappears, which will certainly happen if Western broadcasts make the population of the Communist countries believe that the free nations do not, themselves, believe in democracy and in their own economic systems, that they approve of the Com- munist regimes and that they only care for, and pander to, the ruling Communist cliques. It is rela- tively easy, for example, for the Communists to make their subjects believe, by force of repetition, that their standard of living is low because of the 'imperialist encirclement' if nobody tells them that this is rather a consequence of fancy Communist planning.

Again the case of Yugoslavia is very illustrative. Observers agree that the Yugoslav population is hardly any longer interested in politics. For years the Yugoslays had expected a lead and inspiration from the West, but they have only seen a lot of handshaking with Tito and little else. Moreover, one of the most powerful weapons of free speech and free thinking, radio transmissions, and especially broad- casts by the BBC—so popular until a few years ago —has been deliberately muted, as if to prove to my people that the West stands squarely on the side of the Communist.

A great majority of Yugoslays, irrespective of edu- cation and social background, are anti-Communists. Yet Communist propaganda has managed to instil into many of them, especially the young, that Marx was somehow right in his criticism of the free eco- nomic and political systems. Small wonder : the Yugoslav official information sources always play up all deficiencies in free countries and play down the much bigger shortcomings of the 'Socialist' system. The BBC Yugoslav service stands by. however, with- out ever uttering the slightest explanation why Yugo- slays had lived so badly for a great many years and what measures—in fact measures of economic liberalisation—have made the recent betterment possible.

Unfortunately the BBC does not speak to people in Communist countries over the heads of their rulers. This is a great mistake in my opinion. Tito —and Khrushchev for that matter—certainly do not insist that the Governments and the people in Com- munist countries should be considered one to make things easier for the free world.

In Yugoslavia it is particularly important to strengthen the population in their democratic beliefs. Titoism is centred around the person of Tito. His disappearance will most probably mean the end of Titoism and thus his Communist heirs will tend to toe the Moscow line even more than Tito

' tends to do now. The only way to save Yugoslav independence could be a democratic movement among the Yugoslav population. Such a movement could be brought about, in the years until critical decisions will have to be taken, only by means of strong and outspoken propaganda for democracy and independence on the part of Western transmitters beamed to Yugoslavia, but first and foremost by the broadcasts of the Yugoslav service of the BBC.— Yours faithfully, 'Z. MARN' [This letter is referred to on page 576.—Editor, Spectator.]