CONDITIONS AND RESULTS OF THE LATE WHIG-RADICAL UNION.

"We have thus briefly characterized the various parties which support Ministers in the House of Commons. It is difficult to ascertain bow many adherents belong to each party, for the line of demarcation cannot be drawn -clearly and distinctly. Generally, however, they may be classed into those whose opinions are Liberal and feelings Democratic, and those whose professed opinions are Liberal and whose feelings are Aristocratic. The latter are the Whigs properly so called. "The principle of union between the two parties was that of uncompromis- ing hostility to the then Tory Administration : the conditions of the uoion were, that all denominations of Liberals should mutually support each other in the various elections. The object of the union was to reinstate the Melbourne Administration, and to support that Administration as long as it adhered to its

professed opinions; and those opinions were of the most Liberal description, founded upon two principles,—that of satisfying as much as possible the Radi-

cals, and of Injuring as much as possible the Tories. The Ministry was rein- stated; and the Radicals continued their support, at a far greater sacrifice of the duty of promulgating their separate opinions than can ordinarily be justified for the sake of supporting a Ministry. What has been the consequence, and how Las this conduct been rewarded?

"The policy ,vhich the Whigs ought to have pursued was a clear and straightforward one. They ought to have brought forward only really good and Liberal measures, such as the body of Reformers in the nation would zea- lously have supported. These measures they ought to have laid upon the table of the Upper House, and assented to no compromise. By pursuing a bold and

manly course' they would have secured the esteem of the People, and perhaps

have daunted the Peers. Their al istocratic feelings prevented their acting in this manner. They did not, indeed, like the Grey Ministry, abstain from pro- posing any meanies but such as the Tories would support. They did not sa- crifice everything to shielding the Lords. But they sacrificed the comprehen- siveness, the consistency, and the practical utility of their measures to it ; and when their small measures of reform were made still smaller by their enemies, they, with the timid policy of irresolute men, attempted to conciliate the Lords by partial submission, and to curry favour-with the People by loud-sounding words. They thus curiously contrived to debase themselves in the eyes of the nation, and at the same time to excite strongly the popular feeling against those whom they wished to defend. No line of conduct which they could pos- sibly have pursued could have done so much injury to the House of Peers ; for .Ministers, by degrading themselves to the uttermost, and by making the nation Indifferent to them, strengthened the Lords in their resolution of resisting po- pular measures ; while at the same time they clearly demonstrated that the feelings and opinions of the Lords were opposed to those of the People, and that the former would accept of no compromise from the Representatives of the .latter.

"Almost every measure which Ministers proposed to the House of Com- mons was carefully framed so that it might contain the semblance of a Liberal principle with the smallest possible application of that principle (for instance, the Irish Church Bill), and might thus be as little obnoxious as possible to the House of Lords. It is not to be supposed that they induced their followers to

went to these timid proceedings without the greatest difficulty. Generally, first, a meeting was held at the Foreign Office, at which Ministers stated the principle in broad and general terms, amongst the cheers of those assembled. Silence and astonishment succeeded, too often, when the meeting learned the manner in which that principle was to be applied. Then, generally, some Radical Member remonstrated. Immediately one of those respectable gentle- men, whose years and constant devotion to the Whig party commanded respect Amongst a certain class of Members, rose and talked about union amongst Re- formers—about the glorious results (in the reinstatement of the Whip irauffitx) of that union ; and asked whether the meeting would destroy its own great work, and allow the Tories to return to power ? at which there was generally cry of no, no! from his friends. He frequently concluded by stating, that a little was better than nothing ; and if the Lords refused to grant that little, why they would be put utterly in the wrong,' and then the meeting would see what 31inisters would do: which generally was, to call another alerting, and to ask fur still further concessions. In private, every species of sophistry, flattery, entreaty, and menace, Was employed by the minions of the Ministry to obtain the consent of the more Liberal Members to these degrading concessions ; and generally with success. It was painfully amusing, at times, to read the speeches of popular candidates at the meetings of their constituents, and then a few days afterwards to see their votes in the House or Commons. Such influence has a mere party cry, oft.repeated, over the conduct of the most honest and conacien- tious men."

DANGER OF A TORY MAJORITY IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

The Peers, however, so far from being touched by this conduct of Ministers, have either rejected the tonsures at once, or struck out or altered the clauses which they considered most objectionable. The Commons hut too frequently consented to receive and adapt these mutilations. In thus acting, the House of Lords calculated upon the timidity and irresolution of Ministers; for though the latter were sometimes irritated into the using of harsh language, they were never desirous, as the Peers were well aware, to do anything willingly to di- minish, or to set at defiance, the power of the Upper House. It was fre- quently amusing to hear Sir Robert Peel, whilst blaming the expressions of the Ministers, at the same time complimenting them on the prudence of their con- duct in conceding, and not listening to the counsels of their more determined followers. The Peers have likewise relied upon the circumstance that one half of the English Representatives are Tories; that at almost every election the latter party has gained ground ; and they believe that the l'eople of England are indifferent to the Whigs. All these facts are undoubtedly true, not ex- cepting the latter one; and as that indifference is each day augmenting, in the event of a dissolution there is much reason for believing that the number of Reformers (that is, the aggregate of Whigs and Radicals) who will be returned for England will be diminished ; for we think, for reasons which we shall state hereafter, that unless the Whigs adopt a very different line of conduct, their pai ty will be diminished to a still greater extent than that of the Radicals will

be augmented. •

All the aristocratic elements have united themselves together, under the title of Conservatives, to stop the progress of Democratic principles. These principles have advanced, and will, we have no doubt, advance, even thougliConservatisin for a time may seem in the ascendant. The Conservatives are a rich and powerful body ; the majority of the electors of England are men in dependent circum- stances ; except, therefore, when some strong feeling pervades them. they will not, and cannot be expected, openly to set at defiance those upon whose good- will thee feel themselves dependent ; and those persons are mostly Conserva- tives. in periods of tranquillity or political indifference, the power of the ariatocratic classes is amazingly augmented. At the present moment, the People are indifferent to their leaders, simply because those leaders have disap- pointed them. We have stated what has been the timid and irresolute conduct of those men ; we have shown how, placed between two conflicting principles, they have not had the cirurage to adopt the one, or set at defiance the other: all their measures have been half-measures, and this the People have well perceived ; those measures the Lords have either scornfully rejected or obliged the Commons to receive mutilated and mangled ; thence two feelings have been

generated amongst the People—one of indignation against the Lords—the ot11:1-; of indifference towards the pusillanimous chiefs of the Whig party,

wilioe sincerity they have good reasons for doubting. Amongst that party no striking talent, no powerful orator exists, capable of destroying this impression, and hurrying the People away by admiration of his superior abilities. In every debate the inferiority in tact and talent of the Whig leaders to those of the Opposition benches is painfully apparent ; while the perpetual conflict between

their words and their deeds elicits sarcastic praise from their antagonists, most mortifying to those who receive it. This indifference of the People is not con- fined to the Whig leaders, but extends to their followers—to all who have not solemnly protested against their conduct ; and, alas! how few are they who have done so! As long as that feeling of indifference exists amongst the People, it is vain to hope that the Conservatives can successfully be resisted. The question for the Liberal party in the House of Commons to consider is, how can the confidence of the People be regained ? how can the enthusiasm of the People be again excited?"

IMPOLICY OF THE WHIGS.

"In order to regain the confidence of the nation, they must sacrifice their Aristocratic feelings, and show themselves determined to adopt the means which are necessary to put their professed opinions in force. The Whigs, on the contrary, have declared that they are desirous of certain ends, and at the same time have avowed that they are averse to the only means by which those ends can be obtained. Now, in such a dilemma, there are only two lines of conduct which a rational person can pursue. If he considers that the means by which alone his ends can be obtained are superlaterely bail, he ought at once resolutely to renounce the ends; if, on the other side, he considers that the ends must be obtained, he ought boldly to adopt the means, however averse to them he may be. The remaining alternative—that of continuing to profess a desire of the ends, and at the same time refusing to adopt the means—is the ridiculous con- duct of' the timid and irresolute. Such, however, is the conduct of the Whigs. They propose to themselves certain measures, to which they must now be con- vinced the House of Lords will never assent, for the Peers are bold and deter. mined men ; are supported by a powerful party in the nation, which party they believe is an increasing one; are represented in the House of Commons by a large minority, which daily threatens to become a majority ; and, moreover, are justly convinced that no strong feeling amongst the People will ever be ex- cited in favour of a Whig measure as long as the Whip continue to act as they have done. The only means by which the Whigs could have overcome the resistance of the Upper House they have rejected, for they have thrown away almost every opportunity of gaining the favour of the People. They have made a Cabinet- opposition to the Ballot ; they have repealed that portion alone of the Taxes on Knowledge which falls upon the wealthier classes ; they staked their existence as a Ministry on the English Church Bill ; they supported salaries of 4500/. a year and upwards to the Bishops, and of 15,000/. to an Archbishop; and are pledged to a uational payment of Church-rates," fke. Ste.

TRUK POLICY OF THE RADICALS.

" It is undoubtedly true, that by their line of conduct, Ministars have pro- duced a stronger feeling against the Lords than could otherwise have been ex- cited : fur, if they had been a popular Ministry, and had acted up to their principles, the House of Peers might have yielded. If the object of the union between Whigs and Radicals had been to create the greatest posaible odium against the House of Peers, and to demonstrate by facts the evils of hereditary legislation, undoubtedly that object is attained, and the Liberals would have nothing to complain of. But tHis was not the object of the union; this effect is a mere accidental and unintended result of the policy of the Whigs, a god- send, for which the Radicals owe gratitude to no man, and which is most impro- perly assigned as an inducement to the Radicals for continuing to support the Ministerial party. The evil of herefitary legislation has been demonstrated uniatentionally by the Whigs ; the next step is to take the means of remedying that evil. For this purpose, the power of the People over the House of Cozum01111 noon be augmented, and the House of Lords reformed. To declare themselves in favour of such measures, is a course which no one can expect the Whigs at meant to adopt ; nor as yet will they permit any person connected with their Government to vote for such measures, even if he approve of thaw. As such AMAPA can lead te nothing hut their complete discomfiture, by the loss of all popular support, it is therefore for the Rarlicahr to coaaider, how they mayavoid *baring in the diegrace of the Whigs--how they may cause Cie People to regard Client nolonger with indifference. Their line of conduct ia clear and straight- forward : they have no Aristocratic feelings to combat with ; they have only to act in accordance with their principles and inclinations. A simple cry has de- livered them over, bound hamd and foot, to the Whigs: let them Net that cty at defiance, and act ; let them attempt, by amendments, to change the Italf-mea- entree of the Whigs into real measures of Reform ; let them bring fitrwaid good Pleasures themselves, and prove, by dividing the House, that they are in earnest ; let them, on every opportunity, seek to prove the Whirl, of the notion which has degraded them in the eyes of the nation, by making them appear to he the Subservient tools of the Whig.. Again and again they will he defeated by the isomhined forces of the Whigaand Tories. Whichever way they act, nothing will be done fur the present : hut by adopting the couree recoMmentled, they will gain the confidence of the nation; by iulopting any other couree, the indif- ference and mistrust of the People will increase. By actitg in the one way, the period of doing nothing will be short ; by acting in the other, that period will indefinitely be prolonged. lithe Radicals will show contidenee and deciaion, the People will recoguize them as their leadere—will trust them—will exert themselves in their favour, and return to the House of Commons own who will follow out their principles."

bELF•RELIANCE OF THE RADICALS.

" By pursuing this line of conduct, the Liberals would not of necessity in- sure the destruction of the present Administration. Ministers would have ex- actly the same majority against the Tories as they now have ; because any al. liance with the Tories, similar to that which has been so often made with them by the Whigs, in opposition to Liberal principles, is impossib!e on the part of the Radicals ; and the Radicals would likewise feel it their duty to give their strenuous support to such measures of Ministers as were of a Liberal descrip. non. The only difference therefore would be, that, instead of being the servile supporters of the Whigs, the Liberals would hold an independent station ; in- stead of consenting to give up their measures to please the Administration, they would persevere in them, and call upon the House to decide."

ARGUMENT WITH MR. O'CONNELL FOR MEANS AS WELL AS ENDS. " Mr. O'Connell is the loudest and most valuable supporter of the present Ad- ministration ; but in the arguments of that gentleman we find the strongest reasons for condemning the conduct of the Whigs. His position with regard to the pre- sent Ministry is a peculiar one: as his power over the Irish is i tttt Dense, we may say the position of the Irish nation is the position which he pleases to assume; and during last session, lie embodied likewise the sentiments of the English Radicals ; for it was their acknowledged maxim, with reference to Ireland, to follow the opinions of that gentleman, and on all Irish questions to vote as lie voted—a maxim admirably suited to their apathy, and which saved them all

the trouble of active deliberation and debate. Mr. O'Connell states, that he consents for the present to stop the question of a Repeal of the Union, in order to see whether justice will be done to Ireland. By justice he means, Whether the Legislature will consent to such measures, with regard to the Irish Church and Corporations, as be will approve of. The period of trial, according to him, ought not be less than one, nor probably more than two years: at the end of that period, the cry of a Repeal of the Union will be again raised by him, unless material proofs are given that the English Government has not ceased to be disposed to render justice to Ireland; but proofs will be required, not words.' We acknowledge, that if it can be proved that the English nation are absolutely indifferent to the general interests of Ireland, and are not disposed to render justice to Ireland—and we accept the same test oj justice and injustice as Mr. O'Connell—then a Repeal of the Union is necessary. " Now, as we are opposed to a Repeal of the Union, we recommend that, by the energetic adoption of the necessary means—by supporting only such candidates and such an Administration as will boldly advocate those means—the People of England should prove the sincerity of their wish to do justice toIreland. It is a self-evident proposition, that a rational person, who sincerely deeires certain ends, nun desire, or at least advocate, the means necessary to the attainment of those ends; otherwise his assertions are mere word.. But the professions of Ministers are mere words, because they resolutely refuse to adopt the only ,neans of strengthening the popular party in the House of Commons, and of overcoming the opposition of the House of Lords. If Mr. O'C'emnell continue to give the bind of euppozt which be has given hitherto to such an Administration, and to call upon the English to return the adherents of men who assert that the re- sults of the Reform Bill have been such as to satisfy the expectations of the most sanguine, he will find that not one, but ten years will elapse, ere justice be done to Irelend. If Mr. O'Connell sincerely wishes that justice should be done to Ireland by the British Legislature, he ought to call upon the English to act without reference to the present Admiuistration—to act upon principles to which the present Administration are opposed—which would be tantamount to a dissolution of the union amongst Reformers. If, on the other hand, Mr. O'Connell does not sincelely wish that justice should be done to Ireland by the British Legislature, no means could be better chosen for this purpose, than that of attempting to revive a union, which will still return timid and irresolute men, pursuing a timid and irresolute policy, who will profess everything without adopting the means of carrying out their prufes- alone : for thus it would seem as if the People of England are indifferent to the interests of Ireland, when they are only disheartened and deprived of energy by the unnatural union with men who cannot and will not fulfil their professions. The question to be put to the English nation is this—You see the Lords will not do justice to Ireland : will you adopt the means which will Compel them ? Will you support only those candidates oho will advocate the measures by which alone your power can be firmly established? Those ques- tions being fairly and firmly put by their leaders, their answer will be the answer to the question, whether the English wish to do justice to Ireland or not. But it is unfair to call upon them to return men who will not follow out their principles, and then to say, because those principles are not adhered to by their Representatives, that the constituents are indifferent to the interests of Ireland."

DECEPTIVE APPEARANCES AS TO THE STATE OF PUBLIC OPINION.

" Those who are willing to employ any pretence for supporting the present Government. Many ef these persons are pseudo-Liberals, who of late have be- come intimately connected with the Government. With them, the question what party is to be in power, is one of immense importance ; for with them it is the question, who is to possess all the good things which result from patro- nage and power. By their position, and by their connexion with the depend- ent press, such men are often enabled to represent their interested views as the feelings of the nation, and to condemn, with every species of abuse and execra- tion, those who have become ind;fferent to their continuance in office. Thus, long after any feeling in favour of a party in power has ceased to exist amongst the People, its echo is still heard in the public journals ; and thence many are induced to believe that the same feeling still animates the mass. Time, however, soon discloses the real state of things: time has disclosed that the People are indifferent to the NVhiga ; and the war-cry of union amongst Reformers has lost its efficacy."

TERMS OF A NEW WHIG-KADICAT. UNION.

" The popular party ought to assume au independent attitude, and pursue

their ends without edema, to the existence or non-exietenee of the Whig Ministry ; voting with the Whigs in favour of the Liberal me:mites proposed by that party ; attempting to render threes measures still wore popular ; seeking every opportunity of expressing their peculiar opinions, and of 'kriging the House to come to a vote; looking merely to the advancement of their own principles, and setting at defiance that watchword which has rendered them negligent, and marked their whole conduct with the appeanwee of timidity.

• • • " The union of parties will probably, therefore, be dissolved, unless the Whig Administration will adopt an alteied course. When they were last di iven from power, many of the Liberal% placed too much confidence in their lofty profes- eions—too much reliance in their ancient renown—too much trust in their tears and promires of amendment-

' Cretlidimus hiandis quorum tibi copia. verbio.

Credidinots generi, nonduitrusilue tuis,

Crolidinuts 1.1er mis-1111 Ci he stnorlare docentur?

Hie {plaque Irallent artes. (pique jubentur euut ?'

" The union must be a fair one, and founded upon equal terms. The fairest play should he given to the principles of both parties. The Liberals should mat withdraw their support froth the Administration because the measures of the latter are not of so popular a nature as they ought to be; nor ought the Admi- nistration to take umbrage when the popular Members bring their principles under discussion, by ttttt ving Radical amendments upon Whig propositions,— for instance, by changing the Appropriation•clause into an abolition of the dominant Church, either by paying no clergy, or the clergy of all sects in pro- portion to their RUIlibeIR. All the great questions at issue between the two parties ought to be made open questions. The Liberals ought nut to expect that the Government should use its influence in their favour on those questions; but they cannot honestly consent that this influence shall be employed against them. Every member of the Administration ought to he at liberty to vote as he pleases upon the questions of the Ballot, Triennial Parliaments, Household Suffrage, Reform of the House of Lortle, Electoral Districts, abolition of Corn- laws, of the Qualification fur Members of Parliament, of Church .rates and of the Irish Church, Reform in the Army and in the Universities: for if any one of these questions is to be stigmatized by a Cabinet opposition, or to be consi- dered as a test of exclusion from the government of the country, then the union ceases to be an equal one; and the holders of the prohibited opinion, who are the majority of the Liberal party, are reduced to a state of political sttb- eery iency. "

OPEN QUESTIONS ESSENTIAL TO A NEW UNION.

"If the principle of open questions be conceded, the Liberal party loses by its support of the Whigs none of its efficiency as an independent body ; and it is therefore bound in duty to support the present Administration as long as its conduct is in the slightest degree better than that of the Tories. In elections, the only case in which an express alliance is indispensable, both parties should actively assist each other's candidates, and should endeavour to avoid coming into collision one with the other. It should be a rule between them, that the weakest candidate, as far as it is possible to ascertain the fact, should withdraw in favour of tile rival, and be bound in honour to support him with as much energy as he would himself wish to be supported. These ought to be the principles and the conditions of union : to these the popular party could assent without sacrifice of principle, without compromise of honour, and without the accusation of immorality."

BALLOT THE REFORMERS' CHEVAL DE BATAILL6.

" For one measure above all the Popular party ought now to make a desperate struggle; for it is a question almost of life or death—it is the question whether the People shall be really represented or not—whether the control over the Holum of Commons shall be vested in the Nation or in the Aristocracy. The electors of almost every constituency in the empire are in favour of the Ballot. They should assemble, agitate, petition, till throughout the country one uni- versal shout is raised for it. To the earnest demands of the People Minister!' must and will yield ; and, should the aristocratic assembly refuse to assent, it will thereby seal its well-deserved doom, and happily accomplish its own de- struction.'

THE WHIGS WITHOUT A NEW UNION.

" Without adopting the line of conduct which we have advocated, it is possible that the present Administration may still linger on for a short period of time, each day becoming feebler and feebler ; a reproach to their friends, and a laughing-stock to their foes ; unable to carry any measure ; contemned by the House of Lords; disregarded by the People ; and in semblance clieging anxiously to nothing but their places and salaries."

FRIENDLY DISPOSITION TOWARDS THE WHIGS.

" Those who feel gratitude towards them for their right feelings and liberal conduct towards Ireland; who consider many of them to be friends, though timid ones, of great and glorious principles; who see and allow for the diffi- culty of their position, in bearing, as they do, the brunt of the collision between two great principles, to seither of which they dare give complete allegiance; who acknowledge, not unjustly, that they are, after all, the most enlightened and most well-intentioned Administration which has governed this country for many a long day ; all persons who, like ourselves, sincerely wish to see them in office, and to move on towards the great object in conjunction with them, ought earnestly to adjure them to reflect on the mighty movement which LS taking place in the opinions and feelings of the masses, and to adapt their sys- tem of government, in time, to the great change in the state of national affairs consequent on so great a change in the human mind."