,forrign fah tnInnial.

lraurf.—The Emperor has paid a visit to Fontainebleau to hunt. He invited a large party, including Prince Metternich. M. de Persigny has been for some time in Paris in close communication with his Imperial master.

M. de Is Gueronniero's pamphlet on the Pope and the Congress has

roved a fertile subject of discussion. Nearly all the Parisian journals have had their say about it, the greater part, including the official papers,

accepting its profferred solution of the Papal difficulty. It has, however, drawn forth a fulsome address to the Pope from M. Veuillot, answered by the Government with a "warning," and a stinging protest from the Bishop of Orleans. A telegram from 'Vienna says- " According to a telegram received by Count Rechberg from Prince Metternich, Count Waleweld has declared to the Diplomatic Corps in Paris

that, as long as he remains at the head of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, the pamphlet .Le Pape et le Congres shall not be considered as the pro- gramme of the French Ministry:" "

Another telegram from Paris dated Sunday says—" it is stated that the Papal Nuncio visited Count Walewski yesterday in order to demand

explanations on the rumoured official origin of the pamphlet Le Pape et he Congres. Count Walewski gave a positive denial to this rumour." These are the terms of a third telegram— "Paris, Thursday.—The Russian Ambassador, Count Kisseleff, has declared to Count Walewski that the pamphlet Le Pape et he Congres

contains—without considering the religious question, with which Russia does not intend to interfere—principles in opposition to the respect of authority on which the Russian Government is founded ; and that conse- quently Russia will oppose the programme drawn up in this pamphlet."

The concluding words of M. 'Veuillot's address to the Pope are these- " In defending the cause of your independence we defend our own, and that of every Christian people. You are the light and the rampart of

souls. It is your independence which saves human liberty. If the Pope were no longer King, the Cross would be torn from every Crown, and nothing could preserve the world ; it would soon be brought back to the worship of idols. Mankind would adore idols of clay, and be ground by idols of flesh. Oh, Father ! oh, King ! oh, most holy and immortal victim! may your mind, charged with anguish, dwell for a moment on us! On our knees, full of faith, full of love, we ask of you the benediction which fortifies the soul. May it for ever drive from us the unparalleled shame of betraying you!"

The Paris correspondent of the TIMM, has communicated to that journal a conversation purporting to have occurred last week between a

Frenchman and an Englishman. It is so remarkable that we quote it entire. After a few unimportant remarks on ordinary subjects, the Englishman, "with characteristic frankness," continued thus :— " You know my sentiments with regard to France, and my sincere desire to see the most complete union always subsist between my country and yours. Judge, then, of my surprise, and allow me to add my sorrow, at finding that the relations between our respective countries have gradually and profoundly altered—at least, if we may judge by appearances. I have carefully and conscientiously examined the state of the public mind in Eng-

land. I have interrogated and listened to persons of every class from the highest to the very lowest. Well, then, I declare to you, to my deep re- gret, I have found, with the one as with the other, mistrust pushed to the

point of only believing in menaces on the part of your country, and fear to that of deeming it necessary to put themselves in a state of defence. I ad- dress myself, therefore, to you, to explain certain facts which are generally represented in England as flagrant proofs of the bad intentions of France with respect to us."

Frenchman—" What ! you, my dear Sir ? You, whose mind is so just and upright ; you, whose judgment is so sound, and whose reason so firm

and enlightened—you, too, caught the contagion ? In_truth, you would make me laugh if I did not know you to be senous,. trial would class you among the foolish if I did not know you to be the contrary. Yes, I declare to you, in the eyes of my countrymen, as in my own, the panic spread abroad in England is actual folly.

.Englishman—"Folly, as much as you please. The fact does not the less exist; and as it exists, it must be taken into serious consideration. Do

you not foresee a fatal result, if so many unfounded rumours are credited ? People's minds on both sides will grow embittered ; and the merest cause will suffice to bring about a rupture, and the slightest spark to light up a flame."

Frenchman—" The difficulty is to lead back to the truth those who obsti- nately wander from it, and to cure the blind who will not see. Neverthe-

less, I wish to submit to your diseased imagination facts that cannot be re- futed—to those phantoms that flit about on the other side of the Channel realities which can be easily verified and proved beyond dispute. Facts shall speak first, and figures after. Now, the Emperor has given to no foreign power more than to England guarantees of his desire to live in good

harmony. Hardly had he ascended to power when he despatched, in spite of the Assembly, the French fleet to make common came with yours in the East. Subsequently he united himself with you in the Crimean war ; and when the insurrection which broke out in India employed all your army in Asia, did he profit by the absence of your force to pick a quarrel with you ? On the contrary, he offered to the English troops a passage through France. lie subscribed, as well as the Imperial Guard, for your wounded, while (be it said, on peasant, and without meaning reproach) our wounded in Italy seemed to find you indifferent. Finally, how many measures for the last ten years have been proposed by divers Governments which might have shocked England? He has rejected them all, and made no merit whatever in your eyes of the rejection. How can so many proofs of a cordiality so constant be all at once forgotten ? And how does it come to pass that mis- trust and error are substituted for the legitimate effect which it should have produced ? Why should a line of conductSo honest be answered by passion- ate and mistaken alarm ? I look about in vain and I cannot understand the cause of this sudden terror in England. vain, good heavens! what a time has been selected to propagate it! Why, the very moment when the Emperor has given a rare example of moderation. From the very day when he proposed and concluded peace people were pleased to attribute to him ambitious designs ; he was represented as marching to new conquests when, arresting the impetuosity of his troops, he so resolutely traced the limit beyond which he would, not push his victory. There is, then, something insensate in converting into one eager for war the man than whom none can wish to be more pacific ; and into a cause of fear what ought to be a pledge of security."

Englishman—" The conduct of the Emperor would, I admit, be the most appropriate argument to convince us, and his sympathy for England has never ceased to inspire us with confidence. But, the people—but the army ? Come now, frankly speaking, do they not both detest us ? And will not public opinion force your Sovereign some day to declare war against us ?" Frenehman—" To such questions as these I reply—Error, error the most grave, my dear Sir. It cannot be denied that there is at bottom, in both countries, a remnant of rancour and rivalry which still subsists, but subsists much inqrSiVe a latent than in an aggressive date. Material interests on one side, liberal ideas on the other, tend incessantly to draw the two coun- tries closer to each other. Moreover, France is more practical than you imagine. What advantage, material or moral, could a war with you bring us ? None—absolutely none. Consequently no one desires it. But have you expressed all your thoughts? Do you not keep silent as to the cause of this mistrust which is so universal in England against the Emperor and his Government ? Be candid, and I shall be the same."

Englishman—" Well, then, I will be candid. Here is our decisive reason, our principal grievance ; the development given to the French navy is out of all proportion to the requirements and the greatness of your country." .

• .Frenehman—" This is anotherprejudice ; is it possible that a man like you should share it? Truly, if instead of being some hours distant from our frontier, England was at the Antipodes, one would not find it a greater stranger than you appear to be as to what is passing in France. You speak of our extraordinary armaments, but are you quite sure of the fact ? Some journals have printed it ; you have read it. Some persons have told you of ; you have repeated it, and you believe it—that's all. Such is the only source of your conviction. Learn then, What is doing in France, -and hold it for certain. Not a centime can be vent without the vote of the Legislative Corps, and without the previous examination of the Council of State. Con- sult the estimates of the navy and army, and you shall find in them no ex- cessive expenditure on the part of the Government."

Englishman—" Your estimates are nothing to me, my dear Sir ; I am ignorant as to how they are arranged. Figures are easy of handling, and are susceptible of every combination. Facts, on the contrary, are inflexible ; and, since you have appealed to them, I will appeal to them in turn. At Toulon and Brest you are building Plated ships. Against whom can they be intended, if not against us ? At Nantes you have on the stocks hundreds of flat-bottomed boats. For what purpose, if it be not to throw in an in- stant 20,000 soldiers on our coast ? And then, your immense supplies of fuel, and the prodigious activity of your arsenals ? Everywhere you are building ships ; everywhere you are casting rifled cannon and projectiles of all kinds. These are so many evident facts, and of public notoriety. What answer will you give me to them ? "

Frenchman—" The most categorical , in the world. Give me your atten- tion, for I will now quote laws and regulations, authentic reports, and go back to a period which will not be suspected by you—According to a Royal ordinance of the 22d November, 1846, the total strength of the naval forces on the peace footing was to be 328 ships, • of which 40 were liners and 50

i

frigates—sailing vessels. When the war n the Crimea came on France had very few steam-ships ; it was easy to see that sailing ships had passed their time, and that it was necessary to boldly admit the principle that hence- forth every man-of-war must be a steamer. The Emperor consequently named in 1855, under the presidency, of Admiral Hamelin, a commission to fix the basis of the new fleet necessary for France. The commission re- ported in favour of transforming the sailing ships, and of appropriating to them our ports, giving them especially the yards and docks which they re- quired. The report terminated by demanding that the annual grant for the maintenance of the materiel of the fleet should be augmented by an annual sum of 25,000,000 francs for thirteen years, the period judged indispensable to complete their transformation. Of that sum 6,000,000 francs were ap- plied to the ports. The Council of State, when called upon to give its opin- ion, reduced to 17,000,000 francs for thirteen years the amount of extraor- dinary credits demanded for the navy. Do not tire, my dear Sir, with these details. Here is one quite recent, and not less precise—In 1869 our fleet consisted of 27 ships of the line (vaisseaux) and 16 frigates, screws, com- pleted; and of three plated frigates. We have then in order to arrive at the force on a peace footing, decided under Louis Philippe, 13 ships of the line to transform, and 35 frigates to build, which, I repeat, will still re- quire ten years at, -least. As for the plated frigates—the invention of the Emperor—nothing is more natural than to construct them as an experiment, since if they succeed they can be advantageously substituted for ships of the line. But this is not all ; the necessity of having only a steam fleet entailed on us expenses from which England may be ex- empted. When our fleet used sails, and we had an expedition to send, as for instance to Africa, to the Crimea, and to Italy, it was easy to find among the trade sailing transports for men, horses, or stores. But at the present day our merchant navy is not sufficiently developed to enable us to find steam transports when we have need of them. We are therefore forced to build them, in order to have at all times a certain number ready, and this imperious obligation is so present to us, that at the very moment I am speaking to you all our transports are proceeding to China ; and that we may not be entirely without resources, and be unprovided, the Naval De- partment has been obliged to purchase three large steam. ships in England. You see, then, I have at heart to convince you that I penetrate without hesitation to the very bottom of things, and I disclose to you the minutest details of our situation."

Englishman—" These categorical explanations begin to reassure me.

But have you any such to give me on the supplies of coals and the boats in- tended for the landing of troops ?

Frenehtnan—" I will continue with the same frankness. Some months back your Tory Ministry was so much opposed to the war in Italy that everything announced its wish to place itself on the side of Austria. It was even on the point of causing coal to be considered as contraband of war. Now, our navy used only English coal. The Minister had then to occupy himself with that semi-hostile attitude of your Ministry, and to look about for the means of supplying, in case of need, the French fleet with French coal. It was his duty not to leave our supplies at the mercy of your Govern- ment. With this object, essays were made in changing our boilers, and coal was brought to Nantes, which was to be directed to Brest by the internal canals. Sixty iron barks, of a very small draught of water, were built to facilitate the transport of coals over the docks ; but these boats, very different from those which serve for the landing of troops, did not merit the honour of exciting your apprehensions and disturbing your sleep." Englishman— Very good. Yet, for all that, you did not the less order from us a very considerable quantity of coal." Frenchman—" That is perfectly true. The important part, however,. is to know for what purpose we wanted this great quantity of coal which frightens you. Well, then' it is exclusively destined to supply our fleet in China and in other parts of the globe. Thus, since the 1st of July we have chartered in France fifty-one ships, carrying 26,000 tons of coal' to Mar- tinique, to French Guiana to Senegal, to Geese, to the island of Reunion, to Mayotte, to Hongkong, Shanghai, to Saigon, to the Mauritius, to Sin- gapore. We have °bartered in England twenty-five ships, carrying 31,000 tons of coal, to Hongkong, Woosung, Singapore, Chusan, St. Paul de Loanda, and the Cape of Good Hope. Of all these details there is not one of which you may not procure the material proof, and then you must agree with me that the apprehensions of your countrymen are chimerical, and without reasonable foundation."

Englishman—"J am willing to admit that what you tell me has the ap- pearance of truth. I have a last objection, and it concerns your arsenal& If, as you assure me your Government does not contemplate recommencing the war, why does iecontinue to show such great activity ?" Frenchman—" I have in vain insisted on one essential point—viz., that, like other countries, we are in a complete state of transformation, but you seem not to wish to comprehend it. We have to change not only all the materiel of the navy, but on land also the whole of our artillery; and, al- though the Emperor had in Italy 200 rifled cannon, he will still require three or four years to entirely accomplish the definitive transformation." ,Englishman—" I thank you for all this information ; and I shall turn it 16 account."

Frenchman—" Permit me one more observation. You have avowed frankly all the apprehensions which my country causes you,- but I have net expressed thyou the whole of my opinion on yours. If, in England, people are convinced that France desires to declare war against you, we here are,' in our turn, -well convinced that the mistrust excited on the other side of the Channel-is a party manceuvre. The Tory party, dissolved, as you are aware by Sir Robert Peel, seeks the means of reconstructing itself; and, according to it, the best possible one would be by reviving the hatred of France, and by seeking, as in 1804, to forth a European coalition against her. The statesmen who at this day take the lead in public opinion cannot be ignorant of all that I have just told you. Among us it is well under- stood that the Tories, in place of combating these errors, labour to gain them credit, and pursue their policy with traditional perseverance. People ought to take care, however, lest by dint of wishing to deceive others they end by deceiving themselves. There was a certain Marseillaise, whose his- tory occurs to me quite opportunely, and with which I may close a conver- sation which is already too long. Our Marseillaise,wishing to have a joke at the expense of his fellow citizens, went about crying out that a whale had just entered the port of Marseilles. His pleasantry succeeded, and every one ran to the port. Soon, drawn on by the example, he himself began to run in the same direction to see, with the others, if his invention was not a reality." At this point the conversation ended. Mr. Cobden "had a length- ened audience of the Emperor of the French at the Tuileries on Wednes- day last"—the 21st. It has been suggested that the Englishman was Mr. Cobden, and the Frenchman the Emperor Napoleon.

M. F. Bartholony, chairman of the Lyons and Geneva Railway, has recently published a pamphlet., entitled Simple Expose de Quelques

Idees Financieres et Industrielles," which, independently of the position of its author, has attracted considerable attention in financial circles here. Taking the Bordeaux programme, "L'Empire c'est la Paix," for a basis, and as the chief article of his political and financial faith, M. Bartholony, after glancing at the expenditure of loans amounting to 60,000,000 ster- ling in the Russian war, arrives at the conclusion that France is able to

support all the charges which may be imposed upon her by'political exigencies and the extension:of public works, on one condition—that her confidence be restored, and she should know whither she is led. Ile says- " If credit appears profoundly altered today—if, after a war as short as it was brilliant, on the eve of a congress wherein the agreement of the great Powers will complete the. preliminaries of peace signed at Villafranca-

when all appears to unite in removing, with the chances of collision, the causes for distrust--the market remains inert, and makes but feeble efforts to recover itself, it is not because it is exhausted or believes itself powerless. . . . It is not the abundance of resources which is weakened, but truly the security which previously determined their employment. . . . It will not serve to delude oneself as to the sentiment which actuates France. She does not see clearly into the present, and still less into the future. Shaken by unforeseen events, she fears to give way too soon to confidence ; she examines with anxiety all points of the horizon, fearing a tempest in every cloud, and guarding herself with suspicion against the serenity which ap- pears momentarily to her view."

The prosecutions directed against M. de Montalembert and M. About have ended in a non-suit. There is nothing illegal, it has been found, in these works. It has been suggested that the Government is not un- willing to allow M. de Montalembert's pamphlet—The Pope in 1849 and 1859, to be read now that M. de la Gueronniere has had his say. France has acquired a footing at Zoulla in Abyssinia, and has sent out a military governor. The increase of the French in Egypt strikes tra- vellers with surprise.

M. Granier de Cassagnac, in the Pays, M. Walewski's organ, has been instructed to state that M. de is Gueronniere's pamphlet has been wrong- ly interpreted. The pamphlet does not propose to deprive the Pope of the Lgations, but advises his Holiness to submit to the present state of things, and proclaims the necessity of maintaining the temporal power of the Pope. M. de Cassagnac adds that the pamphlet confines itself to pronouncing an opinion; the Congress alone will decide, and even after that the Church will remain full and entire. .51alq.—Count Cavour's appointment as Sardinian Plenipotentiary to the Congress has given great satisfaction. He went to Turin before Christmas to arrange the details of the business. The _Daily News cor- respondent at Turin, speaking of his nomination, says—

At first there existed much apprehension with respect to France, and there has been some talk of a letter sent by the King to the Emperor on i

the eubject of this proposed mission, but n reality no letter has been written at all by either of the two sovereigns. Count Walewski gave it to be understood that no adverse feeling existed in a high quarter, but that the Piedmontese Government ought to reflect whether Count Cavour was the most proper person or not to represent correctly the policy of the present cabinet. .As for the other Powers, Sir James Hudson bad orders to state that England would see Count Cavour at the Congress with more than ordinary satisfaction. Ari respects Russia, I am enabled to inform you that Prince Gortehakoff has himself written to the Count, and declared to him all the sympathy of his (the Prince's) Government. Prussia has raised no difficulties, so that the opposition of Austria has remained isolated and fruitless. The greatest obstacles, however, have been created at home, and even now all of them are not removed. Count Cavour from the very first stage of the negotiations frankly, declared that he wished to be determined exactly the maxims and rules he .shonld have to observe iu his diplomatic conduct, and that these should be strictly defined between himself on the one part and his Majesty and the Ministers on the other. Moreover, he desired to be invested with the faculty and freedom of modifying, if his own judgment sanctioned it, his course of action in the Congress; and he de- manded that this said free action should not be thwarted or rendered inopera- tive by any secret and extra-official influence through the medium of private correspondence between the two Crowns, seeing that instances of the kind had happened more than once already. Count Cavour considers a correspondence of this nature, however political it may or may not be, totally irreeoncileable with constitutional principles and the immense responsibility, that would fall upon him. With respect to this latter point everything has not been adjustedyet,but the wish of the country, and indeed of all Italy, is throwing its weight into the scale, so that three of the Ministers have now declared they will quit office if Count Cavour does not go to Paris."

The Times has published a grand eulogy on Count Cavour, who is pronounced to be emphatically an "Italian statesman." Signor Duoneempagni entered Florence on the 22d. Oedema, and Ridolfi met him at Leghorn, and the whole personnel of the Government received him at Florence. The people showed great enthusiasm. In a proclamation to the " Populations of Central Italy," the Governor+. General says- " I come among you, appointel by his Royal Higness Prince Eugene of Savoy Carignan, in order to contribute to the maintenance of thedaws you have established until the fate of these provinces shall have been defini- tively settled. I come among you to assure you of the King's friendly

feelings towards you and of the affection of Piedmont While the Government of Tuscany and those of the Trans-Appeuine provinces, stronger now than they were, since they are now united under a single hand, preserve all the powers conferred upon them by the Assemblies, I, according to the agreement entered into between them and the Government of the King, assume the supreme direction of the league, in order that the bonds which unite the allied provinces may be strengthened and their

relations with Piedmont becrime more intimate He whose name will be immortal in history for having been the first among foreign rulers to proclaim the indubitable rights of Italy, and for having himself led the chivalrous French army to our aid, the Emperor Napoleon III., assures you by his august word that your work shall not be prevented by foreign vio- lence, which formerly was wont to suffocate the germs of liberty in Italy. The Powers of Europe are about to assemble in Congress in order to delibe- rate on the moans of settling the affairs of Italy and repairing the evil done by the treaties of 1815, which regulated the rights of I'rinces, but forgot that there was in Italy an Italian nation. King Victor Emmanuel will appear there by means of his representatives to uphold your rights, which are those of Italy, sanctioned by eternal justice, and consecrated by the blood of our brethren who died for our country." A telegram from Rome, dated December 26, says—" it is positively stated that the Duke de Gramont has been officially informed by Cardinal Antonelli that, in consequence of the publication of the pamphlet Le Pape et le Cong eel?, the departure of the First Plenipotentiary of the States of the Church for Paris, to be present at the Congress, has been suspended."

V.ung ar q.—It appears that some incorrect statements have been made touching the rule of Austria in Hungary. The Greek Bishop of Munkacs, after all, was not arrested. Then it is officially stated that "the reports of numerous arrests having taken place in consequence of the meetings of the Protestants in Kmsmark and Miskolz are unfounded. The authorities have brought accusations against three persons only, for having excited the inhabitants to disobedience, but these three persons have been set at liberty. Two domiciliary visits have been made by order of the competent tribunal, and not of the police."

The Times Vienna correspondent, who helped to diffuse the misstate- ments, joins in diffusing the correction. On the 12th of December, the representatives of eleven out of the thirteen Protestant communities of the Liptau Seniorate resolved to pe- tition his Majesty to suspend his patent of September 1st, "until a . general Synod had been convoked." The representatives of the 12th community wished to accept the Imperial patent. The 13th community —that of St. Miklosch—was not represented at all, its spiritual chief having declared that any person who should say a word against the Im- perial patent would be punishable by law. One of the more influential members of the community having ventured to express a contrary opin- ion, the clergyman—a Slovak—asked him how he, a man who had never re- ceived the sacrament, could dare to oppose, "I accuse you," thundered the reverend gentleman, "before the Church and before the Sovereign, of having offended against paragraph 65 of the Criminal Code. Seize him, and lead him away." As no member of the congregation displayed an inclination to obey the behests of the Liptau despot, he grew exces- sively angry, and exclaimed, "My curse be on all of you. You are un- worthy sons of the Church. I dissolve the assembly.' In a long memorial, the Vienna Lutherans and Calvinists have made known to the Government their wishes. The principal are :-1. That there shall be a representative constitution of the Church by means of presbyteries and eynods. 2. That the communities shall have a certain influence in the composition of those organs by means of which the State exercises its right of superintendence. 3. That changes shall be made in the laws respecting mixed marriages. 4. That in case of a proposed change of religion Catholics and Protestants shall be on the same level. 5. That Protestant employes shall superintend the Protestant schools. 6. Either that a Protestant University shall be founded, or that there shall be a complete parity between Roman Catholics and Protestants at some of those universities which are now exclusively Catholic. The Duke of Modena and the Pope are both recruiting in Austria.

f rarra.—The Spanish position in front of Ceuta, stretching from sea to sea, fortified by five redoubts and connected by roads made by sol- diers, is said to be now completed. A road towards Tetuan through a dense forest had been begun. The working parties were protected by General Prim's corps. The Moors have assailed General Prim and even General Quesada, placed further in the rear to protect the works. Mar- shal O'Donnell says that his troops retired—when the period appointed for the cessation of work arrived. This action took place on the 22d of December. The Spaniards admit a loss of fourkilled and forty wounded. On the 20th the Spaniards were assailed on the right and left, but their position was too strong and too well manned for the assailants to have any chance. The Spanish loss was fifty-one wounded.

The Moors were in force all along the route to Tetuan, and were en- gaged in strengthening the defensive works of that place. The Madrid papers publish the following letter, addressed by Lord Howden (General Caradoc) to the Spanish Consul at Bayonne—.

" Bayonne, December 13, 1859.

" Sir—An old connexion with your army and long and intimate relations of a civil kind have, I flatter myself, given me the right to consider myself as somewhat of a Spaniard. For this reason I-claim for myself the satisfac- tion of adding my offering to those which will be sent to you in support of a war which I desire with all my soul will end in the triumph of Spain. I beg of you, therefore, to accept the thousand frame for which I subscribe, and to insert my name in the list.

"Receive the assurances, &c., " General CARADOC."

A military commission is being organized at the War Office to pro- ceed to the head-quarters of Marshal O'Donnell to follow the operations of the army under his command. The commission is composed of a Lieutenant-Colonel and a Captain of the Staff and a Captain of Engi- neers. It is said that the Emperor of Morocco has "invited some of the European Powers to send officers to the head-quarters of his army.

111115i R.—The Court did not go to Moscow, as was expected, to cele- brate the family festival of St. Nicholas, and the reason assigned is sig- nificant in the present state of Russian politics. The object of the projected journey to Moscow was to present the Grand Duke, heir to the throne, to the inhabitants of the old capital, the Grand Duke having taken the oaths on his majority. The Emperor, however, is much occupied at this moment. The nobility in general give him a great deal of trouble, and those of the Government of Moscow are the most ardent throughout the empire in their opposition to the emancipation of the pea- sants. In a country like Russia the visit of the Sovereign is a great favour ; and, by not going to Moscow on the festival of St. Nicholas, the Emperor gives the nobility of the old capital a proof of his dissatisfaction. The Em- peror is not only dissatisfied, but he is irritated at the concealed opposition against the emancipation, which has assumed the character of factious auda- city, and which, if carried too far, may produce serious consequences. The chiefs of the malcontents are the Orloff', Pamim Menschikoff, Etibeaupierra and others. The position of the Imperial Government is extremely diffi- cult. The financial question and the emancipation of the serfs are two sources of anxiety and care." How Russia deals with her peculating officials is described in a letter from St. Petersburg dated December 17th-

" At the conclusion of last year the Emperor appointed a military tribunal, with General Mouravieff as President, to try the individuals charged with robbery or negligence in supplying the army of the South and the army in the Crimea with provisions during the war against the allied armies of Great Britain and France. This tribunal has just closed its sittings and has passed a severe sentence. A great num- number of individuals employed in the Commissariat have been severely, dealt with. Major-General Zatler, Commissary-General, and Colonel Mos- jewski have been deprived of their commissions, their decorations, and their titles of nobility, and are to be incorporated with the army as private sol- diers. Councillors Wordezowski, Brodecki, Witt, and Chetchebroff have been sentenced to a similar punishment. Councillors Wojeichowski, Orlow- ski, Akinin, and Tchowoff have been deprived of their appointments and

i imprisoned n a house of correction." Reports which have been current respecting a change in the Russian tariff have been officially denied.

rkpu.—It is stated, in letters of the 14th of December from Con- stantinople, that after numerous sittings ofDivan, a definitive reso-

lution has been adopted, calling upon e to settle the Suez Canal question in its political bearing by guaranteeing the integrity of the Turkish Empire. M. de Thouvenel and the four other Ambassadors had agreed to that arrangement. The Grand Vizier and Fund Pasha had drawn up a notification to that effect, which was to be sent to the different Powers.

The Bulgarians, to escape the tyranny of the Pasha, were seeking re- fuge in large numbers in Servia. There was some rumour of the Turkish Government intending to interfere. The religious investiture had been granted to the Bey of Tunis, but the Porte claimed tribute from him.

511 ki Z.—The Calcutta mail of the 24th November arrived in Lon- don on Thursday.

Preparations for the China expedition were actively going on ; and Sir Hope Grant had reached Calcutta to organize it. About 10,000 men were to be sent—one half Sikhs. Much is expected from the fact that Sir James Outram is the official who will cooperate with Sir Hope Grant.

Lord Canning held a levee at Cavenpore on the 3d of November. The Maharajah of Rewah, "who fully comes up to one's ideas of a Native Rajah,' magnificently attired, sat at the right hand of the Viceroy. There were nearly 100 Rajahs present. One figure in the durbar merits more particular notice- " There was one extraordinary old person, whose general appearance ex- cited even the risible faculties of the Viceroy himself when being introduced; he wore a pair of large green velvet loose trousers, made either stiff with buckram or stuffed out with cotton, so as to give his legs the appearance of being two big green pillows, and a very short tunic, which was composed of yellow, red, blue, and green, and he had a turban of some glaring colour, with the most comical old face possible, a great projecting, thick, white moustache, making him strongly resemble a dressed up monkey, and in his right hand was a huge broad-bladed sword, encased in a yellow sheath, of the scimitar shape. This very queer-looking old chap, too, was decidedly of a talkative turn, or else had been taken an extra quantity of bhang, or Something else that made him demonstrative. He looked sufficiently of a Guy when he came to receive his khelat., but when that, consisting of a long i

shawl, was wrapped round his neck n such a way as an old gentleman would put on a wrapper in a cold night, mad with 3318 huge yellow scab- herded sword, at least a foot broad at the hilt, up raised, for he was evi- dently very proud of his weapon the old man as he made his obeisance to the Queen'ts representative in this guise, was too much even for his Lord- ship's gravity.' Lord Canning were General Mansfield, Sir Richmond Shakes- pear, Mr. Cecil Beadon, General Birch. Lord Canning personally placed a collar of honour on the Rewah Rajah. In a brief speech, the Viceroy called the especial attention of Lord Clyde to the Chikaree Rajah, a "brave man," who, of his own accord, opposed the rebels, and who, when besieged, refused to give up a British officer. Lord Canning left Cawnpore on the 5th of November.

(#it .—Advices from Shanghai to the 5th of November state that the Chinese have applied to the United States to act as mediator between them and the European powers. A report that the Russian Embassy at Pekin was in danger proves to be incorrect. The submarine cable to be laid down between Singapore and Java had arrived at the former place on the 21st of November.

uihiOfait5.—Up to the 15th of December the House of Repre- sentatives had not succeeded in electing a Speaker, and the President's Message therefore had not been sent in. The Republicans wanted six, and the Democrats thirty votes to give them a majority. Both sides looked for recruits from the Northern and Southern Know-Nothings and the Anti-Leeompton Democrats. In the debates, the Southern orators had put forward the doctrine that the election of Mr. Chase or Mr. Seward, or any other Republican, to the office of President, should be resisted, even to the destruction of the Union. Mr. Clark, of New York, an Anti- Lecorirpton Democrat, ceded openly at once from the democratic party, saying he would not act with "those who, in the event of certain men being elected President, however obnoxious they might be, without wait- ing for some overt act or violation of constitutional right, would deem it a sufficient ground for a dissolution of the Union." Mr. Hickman, Anti-Lecompton Democrat of Pennsylvania, made a bold speech. lie said among other things- " Coming to the subject of °dissolution, if dissolution means the dividing line of sentiment between the North and South, and virtual non-intercourse, why, we have reached that dissolution, for Northern men cannot now travel in the South ; and, as I understand it, any postmaster in any village of the South, where the receipts of the office would not amount to five dollars, can' if a letter bearing my frank goes into his hands, open it, examine it, and burn it. We have reached that dividing line between the North and the South. But if dissolution means that there is to be division of territory by Mason and Dixon's line, or by any other line, I say No.' I express my conviction—whether false or true the country can judge—that when I say 'No' the North will never tolerate a division of the territory." (Sensation and applause from the Rqublican benches.)

Mr. Gartrell (Democrat), of Georgia, rising amid great sensation—" I should like to know how you are to prevent it.'

Mr. Hickman—" I will tellyou. I am neither a prophet nor the son of a prophet, but I express my conviction that there is as much true courage in the North, though it may not be known by the name of chivalry—(sensa-

tiors)—as in the South. do not use the word contemptuously, for I admire chivalry everywhere. There is, I say again, as much true courage at the North as there is at the South. I always believed it, and I will therefore express it ; and I believe that, with all the appliances of art to assist, 18,000,000 men reared to industry, with habits of the right kind, will always be able to cope successfully with 8,000,000 men without these auxilaries. ' (Great sensation and applause, and some hisses.) Meetings have been held in the Free States to denounce the attempt of John Brown. Mr. Everett was the leading speaker at Boston, and Mr. Ingersell at Philadelphia. These are Union men, who have no sym- pathy with violent efforts to solve the slavery question.

The remainder of the prisoners in the Harper's Ferry affair were exe- cuted at Charlestown, Virginia, on the 16th of December. All passed off quietly, no attempt at rescue having been made. General Scott, on arriving at San Juan, proposed a joint military oc- cupation of San Juan. This not proving acceptable to Governor Douglas, General Scott withdrew all the troops except one company ; and returned to California. The two Governments will now have to settle the ques- tion. A report has indeed come from Portland by a Canadian steamer that the joint military occupation had been agreed upon, but it does not agree with the direct advicea from Victoria.