Debates an 10race:ring5 in Vadiament.
THE ADDRESSES AND THE ANSWERS.
Both Houses met on Saturday, though not in great numbers; and pro- ceeded, about two o'clock, to Buckingham Palace, to deliver the Addresses to the Queen, by the hands of the Lord Chancellor and the Speaker.
In the House of Commons, on Monday., the Sr 410En read the following answer from the Queen-
" I have received with satisfaction your loyal and dutiful address. I rely with confidence on your support in my endeavours to maintain the blessings of peace abroad, and to promote at home the welfare of all classes of my subjects."
A similar answer was reported in the House of Peers, by the LORD CHANCELLOR ; except that the Queen, inverting the phrase, assured the House of her own desire to cooperate in promoting the happinessund con- tentment of her people.
• MINISTERIAL EXPLANATIONS.
In the House of Lords, on Monday, the Duke of RICHMOND asked whether the Duke of Wellington had received her Majesty's permission to state the reasons which induced the Government to resign and to reaecept office?
The Duke of WELLINGTON replied as follows, after a few introductory remarks, promising brevity.
"My Lords, when the accounts were received from Ireland and different parts of Great Britain during last autumn of the state of the potato crop, and the in- conveniences likely to result, my right honourable friend at the head of her Majesty's Government deemed it his duty to call together his colleagues, in order to take those ,reports into consideration." Accordingly he did so; reports and propositions were submitted to the Cabinet; and among the rest, Sir Robert Peel proposed to suspend-the operation of the existing Corn-law, so as to open the ports for the admission of corn duty-free. "it is not necessary, my Lords, that I should discuss the motives or the grounds on which that proposal was founded. I was, however, one of those who considered that it was not necessary that such a measure should he adopted at that time. I considered, that although the mis- fortune to which I have referred would undoubtedly have the effect of depriving millions, I may say, of a large portion of the provision they had made for their sustenance during the year, yet that there was not exactly a deficiency of food. Mil- lions it is tree, had been deprived of their food; but still there was no deficiency of food in the country, according to all accounts. It was my opinion that it was advi- sable arrangements should be made, as had been done before, to find the means of employment for parties who had suffered this deprivation, and to Sad also the means of rewarding them for their labour, and of giving them food. My Lords, it appeared to me, besides, that, under the provisions of the existing Corn-law, Parliament had provided for such an emergency. If the price of corn reached such an amount that there should appear to be any deficiency of supply, or any want of food in the country, the law had provided that corn should be admitted at a nominal duty. Under these circumstances, it appeared to me to be unnecessary to suspend the law; and on that ground I certainly was one of those who objected to this proposition of my right honourable friend. At the same time, I was most anxious—and the Government almost unanimously con- curred in the same view—to adopt such measures as, under the circumstances, might seem calculated to meet the apprehended misfortune." A Commission was appointed and instructed to take measures for employing the people, paying them and procuring food for them—indeed, all the measures adopted on former similer occasions. In the course of the discussions on the subject, it was inti- mated that the suspension of the Corn-law might make its renewal very difficult; and subsequently Sir Robert Peel intimated his opinion of the absolute necessity of making an essential alteration in the Corn-laws. "I believe everybody ad- mitted that some alteration was necessary—that an alteration upon certain points was necessary. I think there is no doubt about that. That was admitted by all. My right honourable friend considered that it was necessary to make an es- sential alteration in the existing Corn-law. Many members of the Cabinet 'objected to this suggested alteration; and there was a strong difference of opinion on the subject. For my own part, I certainly was of opinion that it was desirable to avoid making any essential alteration m the Corn-laws. I confess also, my Lords, that I considered it was essential to the safety of the Government that the differences of opinion in the Cabinet should be reconciled. Having served the Crown of England now for above fifty years, I consider it my duty on all occa- sions to endeavour to promote the interests of the State; and I did everything in my power to reconcile the differences of opinion among my colleagues—to preserve in union a Government which enjoyed the confidence of the Sovereign, of the public, and of both Houses of Parliament. I considered it my duty to make every effort to retain union in the Cabinet, and to reconcile differences of opinion, as the best service I could render to the Sovereign in the circumstances in which the Cabinet was placed with reference to this subject. My Lords, un- fortunately, in these efforts I did not succeed; and the result was an .intimation on the pest of my right honourable friend, that he would submit to her Majesty the resignation of his office, and that he would recommend her Majesty to endeavour to form another Government. My Lords, this course was adopted, alter a discussion whether it was advisable that my right honourable friend should come down to Parliament and make his proposition for an alteration of the Corn-law, having a divided Cabinet, a majority ot which was against the proposition; or whether it was not best, and most for the interest and convenience of her Majesty, that he should at once intimate to her Majesty the position in which he stood, and express his desire that her Majesty would permit him to resign his office. I certainly thought it was desirable that my right honourable friend should resign office immediately, rather than submit his proposition to Parliament with a divided Cabinet; and I believe all the members of the Cabinet entertained the same views." Sir Robert Peel took that course; a noble Lord attempted to form an Administration, but failed; and the Queen called upon Sir Robert to resume his post. "Be wrote to me, (I was in the country at the time,) informing me of the circumstance; and stating, that if he did resume office, he had determined, happen what might, if he stood alone, that, as the Minister of the Crown, he would enable her Majesty- to meet her Parlia- ment. I highly applauded my right honourable friend on that occasion, and I determined that I-fOr one would stand by him. I felt it my duty; and I did think the formation of a Government in which her Majesty would have confidence was of greater importance than any opinions of any individual upon the Corn-law, or any other law. (A laugh.) My Lords, my nght honourable friend wrote to me and desired me to attend the Cabinet that evening; which I did. I admired the conduct of my right honourable friend; I was delighted with it; it was exactly the course which I should have followed myself under similar circum- stances; and I determined that I would stand by him. My. Lords, at the same time that I did this, I knew well the position in which my right honourable friend stood in relation to the Corn-laws. I knew well, that in consequence of his baying resigned his Affice into her Majesty's hands, because he could not prevail upon his Cabinet to support him in a material alteration of the Corn-law, those who were employed to form a Government must have had a knowledge of the particular circumstances under which my right honourable friend had resigned his office; and, my Lords, how could my right honourable friend go into the House of Commons, and again defend the Corn-law, as he had done only the preceding July—(A laugh )--how could he go into Parliament and defend the Corn-law against those gentlemen who were informed of his opinion that it ought to be altered, and who, of course would have reproached him with a fresh alteration of opinion? I knew well, therefore, when I told my right honour- able friend that I would stand by him in the resumption of his Government, that in doing so I must be a party to the propwition for a material alteration of the Corn-law. It could not be otherwise. I knew it, and I did it. I knew it."The Duke went on to express his belief that the measures to be proposed by Sir Ho- = bert Peel would be satisfactory to the country and to his right honourable friends. He observed that the President of the Board of Control, a great landed proprietor, would scarcely propose measures that would betray the interests of agriculture. Be entreated their Lordships to wait and hear the measures which would be laid before them, and they would then see whether Sir Robert Peel had betrayed his duty. "But, at all events, my Lords, whatever that measure may be, I say, that situated as I am in this country, highly rewarded as I have been by the Sovereign and the people of England, r could not refuse that Sovereign to aid her to form a Government, when called upon, in order to enable her Majesty to meet her Par- liament, and carry on the business of the country. Upon that ground, my Lords, I present myself now to your view; and I claim from you an acquiescence in the pnnerple which I have laid down, that I positively could not refuse to serve the Sovereign when thus called upon. I have no doubt, when those measures come to be laid before you, that they will be found to be such as will meet your satis- faction and general approbation." The Duke of Bucauxollam was not satisfied, and called for further explanation-
. The Government, it appeared, had become quite a Free trade Government; and he wished to know why, when Lord John Russell attempted to form a Govern- ment, the present Ministers had not supported him. As for himself, he would go with the Duke of Richmond to defeat any measure of this or of any Govern- ment to introduce free trade.
The Duke of WarrasaaroN—" I don't know what the noble Duke means by a Free-trade Government.' Perhaps the noble Duke will explain what he ..means." (Laughter.) The Duke of BUCKINGLIAM—" No doubt, the noble Duke is staggered to find himself in a Cabinet professing measures so totally different to what he for- merly professed." Ministers who are now ready to carry out measures which they opposed in 1841, form, if not a Free-trade Government, as nearly one as possible. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said, that as the circumstances under which Lord John Russell had attempted to form a Cabinet had been fully explained to the public, he did not feel called upon to state the occurrences which then took place. He explained, however, how he himself had aban- doned a fixed duty on corn- " A friend to the principle of a fixed duty, I saw good reason for abandoning it at this moment,-after the public declarations that had been made against it by a person so high in authority as the right honourable Baronet at the head of the - present Government and at the head of the former Government, at all times, that that substitution for the existing Corn-law was one to which be never could consent. And. when I found that to his high authority was added that of my noble friend the Member for the city of London, I—retaining my opinion that U. fixed duty would have been the most satisfactory arrangement that could be made of this question, and one which, had it been adopted earlier, would have prevented the agitation which has taken place on this subject—I did think that rt was impracticable to bring a fixed duty before the consideration of Parliament with any chance of its being adopted." In the course of some further remarks, Lord Lansdowne mentioned, that when Sir Robert Peel -found himself unable to carry on the Government, an effort was made to ascertain whether those who differed from him in the; Cabinet thought themselves capable of carrying it on. He hoped that the House would now devote itself to the satis- factory settlement of the question. "1 for one do hold the opinion, that the facilities enjoyed by the noble Lords opposite of carrying this question were greater than those which others could have, as the question only could be carried by effecting conversions in some quarter or another. Those conversions are needed, not on this side, but on the other side of the House; and a much greater degree of facility in effecting them would be found by your Lordships opposite than could be hoped for either by myself or by any of my colleagues: and there- fore I am sanguine that, under the influence of those noble Lords, this great ques- tion may be brought to such a settlement as I for one earnestly desire to see. The Duke of WELLINGTON added a few words to his explanation— "It is perfectly true' as stated by the noble Marquis, that in the course of the discussions which took place (after the resignation of my right honourable friend, - and before the resumption of his office) between her Majesty and the noble Lord in another place and the noble Marquis—it is perfectly true that I, and I believe others, were called upon to state whether any one of us was disposed to form a Government on the principle of maintaining the existing Corn-law. My Lords, what others answered 1 cannot pretend to say. I answered immediately, that I was not; that I could not undertake to form a Government. But my Lords, when I made that answer, I did it not only out of diffidence in my own ability to undertake such a charge, but likewise, my Lords, because I felt that it would be absolutely impossible, according to my knowledge of the government of the House of Commons, to form a Government in which the public could have confidence which should be formed on the principle of supporting that measure. Under those circumstances, my Lords, I certainly, when called upon to say whether I (and I believe others) would or not form a Government for her Majesty on that principle, declared that I could not and would not."
The Earl of Ransaart asked how it was, if Sir Robert Peel thought it necessary on the 31st of October to open the ports, and if, as be said, in two months the failure of the potato crop would prove too serious a cala- mity to be made the subject of jokes about "mouldy potatoes," the Cabinet bad not met from the 6th to the 25th of November? Had anything yet been done to provide for such a state of things? He hoped that no com- .penaation for "exclusive burdens" on land would be given without in- quiry. The Duke of Waist/Mos repeated his assurances that precautions had been taken.
The Duke of RICHMOND also hoped that there would be inquiry before any change should be made in the law—
If there were, be would pledge himself to prove that a farmer paying 3001. a year rent paid treble the taxes that Mr. Cobden paid, although he made 30,0001. a week. (Laughter.) The members of the League, both in that House and out of it, were always making assertions, but were never able to prove them.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE, too, wished for inquiry; but the Duke of Richmond's friends had always prevented it.
The Duke of RICLIMOND said, that they had done so because Mr. Cob- den had demanded it with the avowal that he did so to get rid of the Corn-laws-
His friends were always ready to give every information upon that subject.. He supposed that the highway-rates and the poor-rates were not burdens upon land ? (Cries of " No, no.!") He should like to know whether one of his tenants did not pay more than the whole League put together? (Laughter.) Lord Clanricarde said that Mr. Cobden had made converts of the whole of the Cabinet of Sir Robert Peel and the rest of the Ministers, and then he said that he had made converts of the people out of doors: if that were the case, then let the Minister dissolve Parliament and go to the country. Ile (the Duke of Rich- mond) would say to the farmers throughout the country, Protection, not to corn alone, but to British industry." Let them go to the country, and ask the manufacturers of England—ay, the manufacturers of this town—the English tailors and shoemakers—whether they would consent to foreign articles coming in free of duty ? He defied them to go to the country; but let them go and ap- peal to those constituencies that placed the present Government in power, and those constituencies would say, " We are against free trade now."
Lord Bastian:aim, arguing in favour of protection, called for the reasons that made converts of those Ministers who at first opposed Sir Robert Peel in the Cabinet; especially designating Lord Ripon, Lord Haddington, and Lord Aberdeen.
The Earl of ABERDEEN alone replied; stating at the same time that his position left him nothing to account for-
' When my right honourable friend, at the commencement of November, made the proposal to the Government which has been alluded to, I gave to that pro-
posal my cordial and unhesitating assent It would not be proper at this time to enter into the reasons that induced me to come to that opinion; but such was the opinion I then entertained, and such is the opinion I entertain now."
Here the conversation dropped.
COMMERCIAL POLICY. OF THE GOVERNMENT.
The House of Commons resolved itself into Committee, .ori Tuesday, to consider that portion of the Speech from the Throne which refers to the commercial policy of Government; the passage being read by Mr. Greene, the Chairman. [At this time the House presented an unusual aspect: every crevice into which " strangers " may penetrate was crammed; and hundreds who had obtained tickets of admission were unable to make good their way into the House. Even out of doors, in the streets, a large concourse had collected, to learn Sir Robert Peel's anticipated explana- tions bit by bit, or merely to wait in excited expectancy. Among the visiters below the bar, sat Prince Albert, the Duke of Cambridge, and the Earl of Jersey.] Sir ROBERT PEEL rose to make his statement; which occupied nearly four hours in the delivery, and fills about twelve columns of the daily papers. He was attentively listened to throughout: the cheers were not• very frequent, but were occasionally emphatic, especially from the Oppo- sition side.
He began by bespeaking the patient indulgence of the House. He declared that he proceeded on the assumption adopted in the Queen's Speech, that the re- peal of prohibitory duties and the relaxation of protective duties is in itself a wire policy. He was about to act on thepresumption, that during the last three years, notwithstanding the relaxation of heavy taxes, there had been increased revenue, increased demand for labour, increased commerce, increased comfort, contentment, and peace in the country. If not caused by the policy which Parliament had adopted, those great blessings were at least concurrent with it. He was not then about to ask the House to recede from any course which it had hitherto pursued: he would not disregard considerations of revenue, nor neglect the recommendation in the Speech to treat the great interests of the country with caution and forbear-
ance. He trusted that the confidence expressed by her Majesty would be justi- fied by the result. His scheme might be thought rash and improvident: if so, it
would be easy for those who were called upon to relinquish the supposed benefit of protection, to put on record their approbation of some principle counter to that on which Ministers were about to act—to resolve, for instance, "that protection to domestic industry is in itself good, and that that principle ought to be sanctioned by the House." Those who were disposed to dissent from particular parts of the scheme might yet be inclined to accept it as a whole; and the voice of the country might pronounce the plan not an unequitable adjustment, preferable to protracted conflict. if so, he should hope for success: but at any rate, the sooner the ques- tion could be disposed of the better. He was not about to apply the principle of relaxation of protective duties to any particular interests—not alone' for instance, to agriculture; be made no separate and isolated proposals; but he asked ail the protected interests to make the sacrifice. Within the last three years, the Tariff—id est, the whole scheme of Customs- duties—has been submitted to the review of Parliament: and the general prin- ciple of the changes then effected was, to remit the duties on raw materials, and to subject foreign manufactures to a duty of 20 per cent. Notwithstanding the fears of falling revenue, those remissions were carried further: in 1844, the duty on wool was altogether reduced; in 1845, the duty on cotton-wooL There is hardly a raw material imported from other countries upon which the duty has not been reduced : and the manufacturers having that free access to materials for their fabrics, he thought himself entitled to call upon them to relinquish protec- tion. Almost the only articles of the nature of raw material still Subjected to duty are timber and tallow, extensively used in things conducive to the comfort of the people, such as candles, soap, &c. He proposed to reduce both. Tallow is chiefly imported from Russia; the duty on it is 38. 2d. per hundredweight: mainly with a view to our own interests but partly to induce Russia to follow our liberal policy, he proposed to reduce the duty to Is. 6d. With respect to timber, he could not yet state the particulars, as the details would need careful adjust- ment. Colonial timber is already admitted at a nominal duty, but the Colonies, with other protected interests, will be called upon to relinquish protection. The duty on foreign timber will be reduced. " The course which Government will probably take will be a gradual reduction of the existing amount of duty, where it shall rest, a certain time, lower than at present; the reduction being so appor- tioned, if possible, as to prevent any derangement of internal trade by inducing parties to withhold the supply of timber in the hope of realizing a large amount of duty, and yet at the same time as the importation of timber from the Baltic partakes in some respect, from the nature of the article, of a monopoly, to take care the reduction of duty should be an advantage not so much to the producer as to the consumer." The-details would be stated in a few days.
With these exceptions, there hardly remains a raw material subject to duty. " Having given the manufacturer the advantage of a free command, without any
impost, of the raw materials which enter into his fabrics, I call upon the manu- facturers of the three great articles which enter into consumption as the clothing of the great body of the community, to give that proof which I am sure they will give of the sincerity of their convictions as to the impolicy of protective duties, by consenting to relax the protection on their manufactures. (Loud cheers from the Opposition benches.) The three great branches of manufacture of which I speak are those which are immediately concerned with the clothing of the great body of the people,—I speak of the linen, the woollen, and the cotton mann- tartly and cheerfully, the protection they enjoy." (Cheers. It should not be factures. I ask them at once to set the example to other) by relaxing, volun- said, as Mr. Bankes had said, that he considered only the ' great interests " and are nish their protection; but those articles which are made up, and which intreld. the little interests. The great manufacturers would be called upon to there ore employ the labour of' the industrious classes, would be treated with more 'forbearance. " As the case now stands, the great articles of the cotton menu- lactate, such as calicoes, prints, &c., are subject to a duty of 10 per cent on im- portation; while cottons made up, such for instance as cotton stockings, &c., when brought from abroad, are subject to a duty of 20 per cent. With respect to cotton manufacture generally, which is now subject to a duty of 10 per cent, I propose that it shoulde imported duty-free; and that duty of 20 per cent, which now ap- ,plies to the manufactured articles of cotton in a more advanced state, I propose to .reduce to10 percent. (A cry of" Take it all of! " and some slight interruption.) The only favour leak is, that I may be permitted to state the whole of the plan, 'without any inferences being drawn at once as to any particular parts. I may have ,to make qualifications—to adopt precautions; and the first part of my proposal may give rise to erroneous conclusions unless the judgment is suspended until the whole as explained. All I ask therefore is, not even that you. should suspend your j udgment to a future day, but that at any rate yon should wait until I conclude my observa- tions." It was the mercantile and manufacturing interest which first set the example a. requiring protection: Adam Smith, speaking historically, says—" Country „gentlemen and farmers are, to their honour, of all people the least subject to the wretched spirit of monopoly." (Laughter and marks of dissent.) He was aesidng of the origin of the protective policy; and as the commercial classes set ▪ e example in demanding protection, it is but just that they should set the - example of relinquishing it. Sir Robert proposed also to call on the manufac- turers of linen and woollen to relinquish protection on the coarser manufactures, ' -which are used in the clothing of the great body of the people. "There will be -tome loss to the revenue; but I believe that the importation of some articles, -competing with the production of our manufacturers' will stimulate their skill; -and, with the capital and enterprise of this country, I do not doubt but that they will beat foreign manufactures. At present, woollen goods which are made-up are subject unc.er the reiluced tariff of 1842 to a duty of 20 per cent; and I propose that, as in the case of made-up cotton goods, the duty should be reduced from 20 per cent to 10 per cent." Flax is a raw material imported free of duty: the duty will be taken off the coarser manufactures; on the finest and made-up kinds it will be reduced by one half. Silk apparently enjoys a protection of 30 per cent, -practically ranging indeed to 78 or even 145 per cent on some made-up articles, such as net, and bonnets or turbans: but a false reliance is placed on that protection, for it is a delusion; there are many houses in London mid Paris that will undertake to introduce silken goods into this country at half the duty. Both the revenue and the honest trader therefore are robbed by the smuggler; and the manufacturer is -deluded by an unreal protection. "With respect to silks, I propose to adopts mew principle. The general rule will be, enumerating each article of silk menu- .facture to levy a duty of so much per pound, giving an option to the Custom- house-Officers of levying for every 100/. value of silks duty of 15 per cent. This -will be the adoption of a principle of 15 per cent with respect to silks, instead of -'-the present variable and capricious duty, which is called one of BO per cent, but -vrhich is less in some instances and vastly more in others." Sir Robert went on • to explain the reduction of ditties on several other articles: paper hangings, car- tiages, metal manufactures, soap, &c. [For these the reader IS referred, as the House was by Sir Robert Peel for many articles that he did not name, to the • tables of the proposed Tariff, published in a subsequent page of' this paper.] In 4842, the tariff was greatly simplified. As many as 1,100 articles still stand on the list, partly for convenient reference in the Customhouse; but of that number 400 are free of duty: he proposed that many other articles still remaining on the list should also be relieved from duty. He proposed to reduce the duty on brandy and foreign spirits. "The present duty upon brandy is not less than 228. 10d. per gallon. That has prevented the 'increase of importation. At the present moment, I believe, the consumption of 'French brandy in this country is not greater than it was at the latter end of the -seventeenth eentury, if it be so great; and I think that is mainly attributable to the exorbitant amount of the duty compared with the value of the raw material. Now, brandy, like silk, is an article in respect to which the apparent protection is delusive: there is no article, unless it be silk, in respect of which, speaking of our intercourse with the Continent, smuggling so much prevails as it does in the . article of foreign spirits. The diminution of duty, therefore, is no necessary dial- 'tuition of protection to the native producer: it may tend to prevent smuggling, it s'may tend to convert an unlawful into a lawful traffic; bat it is not necessarily
• the diminution of protection. I propose, then, that the present duty upon brandy, 'Geneva, and foreign spirits generally, should be reduced from 228. 10d. to 158."
He now came to the subject of sugar. (Loud Opposition cheers.) He could not enter into details; and he feared that the proposition he had to make would not satisfy all. He had formerly estimated the probable increase of sugar con- sequent on the reduction of duties at 50,000 tons: in the remainder of last year -.there was an increase of 32,000 tons; but the consumption of foreign free-labour sugar was not nearly so great as he had estimated. The defalcation might be partly accounted for by the failure of the crop in Cabe, and consequent diversion -of supplies for the Continental markets; but still British Colonial sugar seemed able to bear a greater competition with free-labour sugar. He must still exclude slave-labour sugar; but on free-labour sugar the differential duties would be re- duced from 118. 8d for cloyed sugar to 88.; for muscovado, from 9s. 4d. to 58.10d.
• In making these reductions, it must be remembered that some heavy duties, such as those on tobacco, do not operate as protective duties; and considerations -of revenue must have their due weight in limiting the changes, especially as those proposed must press very heavily on the national income. Moreover, it has be- come the duty of Ministers to advise—not from any hostile intentions—increased estimates for the defences of the country.
He now came to those articles which are connected with agriculture; first taking those not immediately used for the food of the people. The removal of duties on some of those articles, so far from diminishing protection, must con- '-for a benefit on agriculture. Of such sort are the duties on seeds. On leek and -onion seed the duty is 208. the hundredweight: he proposed to make the duty on all seeds 58. the hundredweight. It is impossible to overrate the importance of - encouraging the fattening of cattle: the fertility of the soil is more promoted by the manure of cattle than by any other means. He proposed, therefore, to admit -an article mainly applied to the fattening of cattle free of duty—he meant maize or Indian corn. "I propose that the duty upon maize shall hereafter and imme- diately be a nominal duty. Now, I do not consider that by removing the duty on maize I am depriving agriculture of any protection. Maize is generally used in the United States, I believe, partly for human food; and I believe that, though it is very much disregarded in this country, on parts of the Continent it is made into excellent food, and in parts of the Uruted States it is even preferred to articles of food which we-in this country use. I do believe, that the free 'importation of „maize, so far from doing any disservice to agriculture, will, by promoting the feed- ing of cattle, be an advantage rather than a detriment. I propose, also, that the article of buck-wheat shall be subject to the same rule; that maize and buck- wheat, and the flour of maize and buck-wheat, shall be admitted duty free; I pro- pose to acImit the meal equally with the grain itself." Sir Robert produced stable exhibiting the costliness of linseed cake and rape cake within the last three years: the price of linseed cake ranged from 91. per 1,000 to 121. 58.; of rape cake, from 51. 5s. to 61. A merchant had strongly recommended to him the introduction of " rice-feed" for fattening cattle: it is the refuse of the rice ground up, and is less costly than linseed cake: that would be introduced free of duty. • He now came to the subject of agricultural produce immediately connected with the food of man. He feared that his proposal would not satisfy both sides—those who insist on untouched protection, and those who insist on total abolition of it. His object was such an adjustment of the question as both aides might concur in; though he anticipated opposition from both. " I can assure both, that my desire is, without favour or undue partiality, to suggest that which I believe to be just, and calculated to terminate that conflict, the continuance of which I think all must regret; to remove the causes of jealousy and dissension between different classes of her Majesty's subjects; not injuriously to affect any class, and yet to promote the general interests of the community. I consider that it is for the public advantage at least to lay the foundation of a final settlement of this ques- tion. I am not about to propose the immediate repeal of the duties which are imposed upon grain."
But first he explained his coarse with some other articles. He proposed that the present duty on butter, (20.9. per hundredweight,) cheese, (108.0 hops, (41. 10s.,) and cured fish, (28.,) should each be reduced by one half. He pro- posed an immediate [and total] repeal of duties on those articles which consti- tute meat as distinguished from gram,—namely, fresh or salted beef, salt or fresh pork, potatoes, vegetables of all sorts, and " unenumerated " articles of the kind. " I propose that all that enters into the vegetable, anything that constitutes ani- mal food, shall be admitted duty-free. I believe that the agriculturists need fear no alarm from all this. I tell them, as I told the manufacturers that I have
given them increased facilities for meeting foreign competition, by manufacturers, the importation of many articles for feeding of cattle. I believe that the skill in feed- ing cattle in this country, stimulated by competition, will givens greatly the ad- vantage over the foreign farmer in this respect." The duties on live animals would be abolished. Some urged him to make a distinction in the importation of lean or fatted cattle, as it was unfair to levy an equal amount on both kinds: his proposal to admit materials for fattening cattle would meet that objection. " I do hope that these advantages will be considered as somewhat a compensation for any immediate loss that may be felt by the introduction free of the other animals. I ask those connected with agriculture, while I am proposing these redactions, to bear in mind that I have already proposed the removal of protection from some of the great articles of manufacture connected with clothing in this country. I direct their attention not merely to the protection connected with the land, but ask them to bear in mind that I have called on the manufacturers to set the first example of the relinquishment of protection. They will bear in mind that their farm-servants and domestics will be able to command a cheaper supply of cloth- ing; and they will therefore be disposed to follow the example of those whom I have called upon to make the first example of relinquishment." "I will now state, with the permission of the House, the proposal which I mean to make on the subject of grain. I propose that, from the passing of the act, some articles shall be admitted duty-free. On the one hand, I do not propose the immediate repeal of the Corn-laws, but, in the hope of a final arrangement, of preventing undue apprehensions, and giving time for the adjustment of agriculture to the new state of circumstances, though I propose a temporary continuance of protection I propose it on the distinct understanding, that, after the lapse of a certain time, foreign grain shall be imported into this country duty-free. lain deeply convinced that any intermediate proposal would be of no avail. (Cheers front the Opposition benches.) It would have been entirely out of my power to explain or to suggest any modification of the existing Corn-law with a guarantee that it should be continued. The choice, I think, is either between the mainte- nance intact of the existing amount of protection in every particular, or laying the foundation for an ultimate settlement by means of ultimate freedom. I pro- pose, therefore a considerable reduction in the existing amount of duties; and I propose that the continuance of the duty so reduced shall be for a period of three years—(Great cheerine,)--that it shall then continue till that period of the year when I believe there will be least inconvenience in the termination of that pro- tection. I propose that, on and after the 1st of February 1849, oats, barley, and wheat, shall be subject only to that nominal rate of duty which I have proposed to apply to maize and buck-wheat.
"But what shall be the intermediate state of the law during the continuance of these three years? My opinion, Jam bound to say, as to the policy of pro siding immediately for a great reduction of the duty on corn, remains unchanged.
I cannot admit that I took an erroneous estimate—I regret to say I cannot, though I wish I could—of the pressure which, before the arrival of the next harvest, may be felt in many parts of the country; and not only looking to the prospects of the next spring, but looking at the consequences of the deficiency of food, and the sufferings which may follow therefrom, I think it is of great importance to take the means, so far as legislation can, to avert those sufferings. It is possible that the results of this deficiency may be more extensive than we contemplate: I wish it were possible to take advantage of that deficiency, and so far extract benefit from it as to the foundation of introducing among the people of Ireland a taste for a higher kind of food than they have been accustomed to enjoy, and at the same time diminish the chance to which they are often exposed of the recurrence of a loss of the ordinary food of millions." The reliance on the potato, however, cannot be dispensed with at once. He proposed therefore a great reduction in the duties on grain; the reduced duties to endure only for a limited term; there being a guarantee, by express enactment in the bill, that on the arrival of that period the then existing duties shall be converted into a nominal duty. He pro- posed that the enactment to endure for three years shall be to this effect—that in lieu of the duties now payable on the importation of corn, grain, meal, or flour, there shall be paid, until the 1st day of February 1849, the following duties:
WHEAT.
Whenever the average price of wheat, made up and published In the manner required by law, shall be for every quarter Under 48s. the duty shall be for every quarter 10s. Od.
48 — 49 ditto ditto 9
49 — 50 ditto ditto 8
50 — 51 ditto ditto 7
51 — 52 ditto ditto 6
52 — 53 ditto ditto 5
53 and upwards ditto ditto
4
With respect to all other restrictions, on barley, oats, &c., he should follow the scale that affects wheat. There would now, according to the proposed scale, be levied on foreign wheat a duty of 4s. instead of 16s. This arrangement would be accompanied by other provisions, calculated, he would not say to give compensation, but materially to advance the interests of the community that would be affected by the ultimate abandonment of protection. Take some of the burdens on land, and see whether they are not capable of alle- viation, not by their transfer to others, but by introducing reforms into their administration. Take that admitted grievance the highway-rates. As railways advance, the parish highways will become of increased importance. There are 16,000 local authoriMs that have charge of these highways. There is a nominal "surveyor" to each parish—a surveyor who knows nothing about rates. Such a division of authority makes lax expenditure and bad management. An existing act of Parliament authorizes the union of parishes for the management of high
ways; but the act is permissory, the union must be voluntary; and in very few epee% has advantage been taken of the statute. Sir Robert proposed to make what is now voluntary compulsory ; and taking the scale of the Poor-law, there would be 600 district authorities instead of 16,000. Each district would appoint a competent professional man to be its surveyor. One district of parishes in the North of England has formed itself into a union, and the effect of the change is remarkable. The expense of the high-roads there was formerly from 6d. to 9d in the pound on the rents, the greater part of which was money completely thrown away. All that is now altered.; the management of the whole is performed in a manner satisfactory to the rate-payers, aMetillie rate now levied is only from lid. to &L in the pound, whilst in nine townships in the neighbourhood the rate vanes from 4d to la 3d. in the pound. It appears, then, that by the plan proposed the channels of communication throughout the kingdom may be improved and at the same time the suffering party may be relieved from the burdens which press upon them. That then, is one mode in which Government propose, by the reform of
an institution which has been perverted, to give relief to aagriculture.The law of settlement has been the subject of complaint. A man is removed from the agricultural to the manufacturing districts: he is retained in manufac- tures till his strength is gone, or till there is a revulsion of trade; and then he is turned back upon the rural parishes, enervated or decrepid, for support. The circumstances of the year 1842 would be remembered by many. Sir Robert pro- posed to alter that, by making five years of industrial residence give to the work-
man a settlement; an act ofjastice to the agricultural districts, still more to the labouring man. "No residence in a prison, barrack, lunatic asylum, or hospital in that parish—no period during which the individual was receiving public relief—
shall be reckoned in those five years, or, on the other hand, be an interruption. There shall not only be no power to remove that man, but there shall be no power to remove his wife or his children, legitimate or illegitimate, under sixteen years of
age: those children shall be permitted to reside with the father and mother; for
there is to be no power to remove them when the removal of the man himself is prevented. There is to be no separation of the children from the parent in this
case, or of the man so situated from his family." (Great cheering.) No widow shall be removeable for one year after the husband's death. No removal shall be allowed on the ground that a person may probably become chargeable, on account of accident, or of sickness.
There is on the part of agriculturists a dread, a natural dread, of competition. It is not to be denied that agricultural science is as yet in its infancy-. But the dreaded competition can be met by the application of skill, capital, and industry; and he proposed that the State should encourage agricultural industry. A Com- mittee of the Lords, of which the Duke of Richmond was Chairman, sat last session, and collected valuableinformation on entailed estates: the evidence showed that in immense districts the means of improvement are neglected, and that draining is one kind of such means. There are various difficulties at present, and among them is the necessity for the intervention of the Court of Chancery. To obviate those difficulties, loans of public money would be advanced for improve- ments to persons applying for assistance; the public to be secured against ulti- mate loss. The Exchequer Bill Commissioners would be authorized to make the loans; the administration of the measure would be intrusted to the newly-ap- pointed Enclosure Commissioners; the preliminary expenses to be borne oy the applicant for aid. An annual repayment by instalments will be secured as a rent-charge, having priority over other charges; but leaving to the Commissioners discretion of allowing objections made by parties already having a charge on the land. Thus, the expense of applying to the Court of Chancery would be removed. "We believe that this alteration will lay the foundation for great agricultural im- provement tbroeghout the country. I do not consider that the effect of the measure will be hmited by the particular improvements which may arise under its immediate operation; but I look to the operation of the example that will thus he given; and I expect that the neighbours of a landlord who has improved his estate by the means I have pointed out will be stimulated by his example to com- mence like improvements, and that the measure will in this way lead to the development of a spirit Of agricultural improvement throughout the country." With regard to direct local burdens, Ministers could not recommend a change. "The poor-rate is an immense harden, there is no doubt. It is said, and said with apparent justice, that this rate was a charge on the land, and that there- fore there ought to be some great alteration in the principles on which such a chair is levied. Now, in point of fact, this is not a charge on the land. So far as this charge is imposed unequally, the inequality is not as respects land as op- posed to personal property, but as respects the distinction between real and per- sonal property; because it is a charge, not on the land alone, but on all real property—as mines, quarries, and other things which are subject to the payment of the poor-rates. If, indeed, the Government were to take the rate upon them- selves, and levy it as a tax uniformly, it might perhaps be justice, and might be an advantage, to make personal property pay: but recollect, this is a local and not a general tax at present; and the land would gain nothing by making Man- chester contribute to the Southern Counties. There would be no advantage to Yorkshire, the principle of the law of assessment being changed, to make Halifax, Macclesfield, Stockport, and other towns, pay part of its tax; it would merely be a different distribution of the burdens in that locality. Probably you might so subject personal property to the rate in certain manufacturing districts; but if so, you must do the same in the rural districts; and where you come to levy minute sums there for the relief of the poor, depend upon it, that in merely rural dis- tricts that sort of inquisition would not be tolerable. If the inquisition be once instituted into the profits of trade, the profits of the farmer must follow. But, in point of fact, you have abandoned the charge of the poor-rate on personal property, because you find it impossible to carry it into effect. I am sure that, for the
State to take upon itself the maintenance of the poor, would be a course that most honourable gentlemen would consider open to the greatest objections. (Loud cries of "Hear, hear ! ") So long, therefore as the charge of the poor continues a local one, I am not of opinion that the landed interest would derive any advan- tage from a change of this kind." -He could not propose the relief from these burdens as a direct compensation to the land; but he believed that what he should propose would lay the foundations Of great social improvements. He proposed to relieve the counties of the whole
expense of prisoners, and place it upon the Consolidated Fund; the charges on that fund to be subject to periodical review in the House. The estimated cost of that change was 64,9001. In England half the expense of prosecutions, in Scot- land all, is paid by the Treasury: he proposed to make the Treasury pay the whole in England and in Ireland. The relief would not be great, but it would be Of importance as giving greater control over the prosecutions: estimated expense, in England 100,0004 in Ireland 17,0001. At present a part of the Police force in Ireland is borne by the land: he proposed to impose the whole expense on the State; a measure recommended by Lord Devon's Commission. He proposed that Government should bear a share in the cost of medical relief under the Poor- law Act; half to be defrayed by Government, half by the local authorities: esti- mated cost, 100,0001. for England, 15,0001. for Scotland. The charge for the General Prison at Perth would be assumed, like that for the prisons at Penton- vile and Parkhurst, and other prisons of not merely local use, by Government: cost, 12,0001. Aid would be given in providing education in workhouses; the unions to appoint the masters, Government to pay them: 80,0001. Government to pay Poor-law Auditors in England and Ireland: 15,0001. Sir Robert thanked the House for the patience with which he had been heard, and asked leave to make a few concluding observations. "I freely avow to you, that in making these great reductions upon the import of articles the produce or manufacture of foreign countries, I have no guarantee to give you that other
countries will immediately follow your example. ("Hear, hear!" from the Ministerial benches.) I freely give you that advantage in argument. Wearied. with our long and unavailing efforts to enter into satisfactory commercial treaties. with other nations, we have resolved at length to consult our own interests— ("Hear, hear!" from the Opposition benches)—and not to punish those other countries for the wrong they do us in continuing their high duties upon the im- portation of our products and manufactures, and in encouraging unlawful trade. We have had no communication with any foreign government upon the subject of these reductions. We cannot promise that France will immediately make a oor- responding reduction in her tariff. I cannot promise that Russia will prove her gratitude to us by reductione on her tallow. You may say, in opposition to our pre- sent policy, what is the use of all this superfluous liberality in givmg away all these duties and yet exacting nothing in return ? I may be told that many foreign countries, which are to have the benefit of our relaxations, have not only not followed. our example, but have actually in some cases imposed a higher rate of duty upon the importation of our products and manufactures. I give yon the whole benefit of this argument; and yet I rely upon this fact as a proof of the benefit of our policy. Why, what has been the result of the amount of imports ? Have we not defeated the regulations of other countries ? Has not our import trade increased in spite of those regulations ? And why ? Partly because of your acting without wishing to avail yourselves of their assistance; partly because. of the smuggler, not engaged by you, in so many Continental countries, whom the strict regulations and the triple borders, which are to prevent any ingress of foreign goods, have raised up; and partly, perhaps, because these very precsa- tons against the ingress of your commodities are a burden, and the taxation in- creasing the cost of production disqualified the foreigner from competing with. you. But your exports, whatever be the tariffs of other countries or apparent the ingratitude with which they have treated you—your export elude has been. constantly increasing. By the remission of your duties upon the raw material— by inciting your skill and industry—by competition with foreign goods, you have defied your competitors in foreign markets, and you have even been enabled to. exclude them. Notwithstanding their hostile tariffs, the declared value of British, exports has increased above 10,000,0001. during the period which has elapsed. since the relaxation of the duties on your part. I say, therefore, to you, that these hostile tariffs, so far from being an objection to continuing year policy, are an argument in its favour. But, depend upon it, your ex- ample will ultimately prevail. When your example could be quoted in favour of restriction, it was so largely.: when your example can be quoted in favour of relaxation as conducive to your interests, it may perhaps excite at first in foreign. governments, or foreign boards of trade, but little interest or feeling; but the. sense of the people—of the great body of consumers—will prevail; and, in spite. of the desire of governments and boards of trade to raise revenue by restrictive. duties, reason and common sense will increase relaxation. That is my firm belief. I see symptoms of it already. Our last accounts from the United States give indications of the decline of a hostile spirit in this respect. Look to the report.. made by the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States. It shows to you that your example is not unavailing." [ Sir Robert read an extract, urging a. liberal commercial policy, and citing the example of England.] "Yon have re- duced the duty anon cotton, and now the United States admit the time is come when they must follow your example. In other parts of Europe, where the form of government is totally different from ours, I could give you proof that your ex- ample is producing effect. I could give you the instance of a country as opposed with respect to the institutions of government as any country could be to the United States. The King of Naples, for instance, perseveringly recommends liberal policy. In Norway, regulations for relaxaticn are increasing: In Sweden_ and many other countries, there is a disposition to relaxation. Austria, too, shows. some disposition at least not to follow other countries in their restrictive policy. Hanover also has taken her own course: and I do not despair, then, of the early, arrival of the period when your example shall tell- upon the conduct of other, countries, and when they shall quote our example of relaxation as a course foe- their governments in commercial affairs."
Thus is promoted the peace of the world. But peace will expose us to moni
extensive competition. The more certain that a guarantee of peace is, the, more formidable will be the competition which we shall have to encounter in our commerce and manufactures. In order to retain our preeminence, then, it is of great importance that we should neglect no opportunity of securing those advan- tages which this preeminence secures. I believe that abundance and cheapmist of provisions are one great constituent by which the continuance of manufacturing and commercial preeminence may be maintained." Sir Robert went on to remind. the House, that the better policy encourages, not only the accumulation of wealth, but better morals, as seen in the diminution of crime. " I was told the other day, that in one of the battalions of the Guards in this town, there had been a great increase in the number of furloughs granted to private soldiers daring the. last three years. They were nearly double in 1815 what they had been in the. previous years. The reason assigned to me for this increase was, that the cir- cumstances of the friends of those soldiers were so much better than before, that. the soldiers were constantly invited to pass time in the country with their rela- tives' and therefore availed themselves more of the furlough. It appears to ma to he a striking instance of the moral advantage of that abundance, that it facili- tates the intercourse of kindly feeling, permitting those who are divided to meet, and alter' ing the soldier to revisit his home, from which lie returns with feelings perhaps better qualifying him for the discharge of his duties." He exhorted` the House not to check the general flow ofpresent prosperity, and to re- member that there may be a time of adversity—a succession of unfavour- able seasons. A turn for the worse was observed by commercial men in. October last. If there is no excitement now among the labouring classes,, the aspect of affiiirs may change; and at all events there has been a. crest change of opinion in the mass of the community with respect to the Corn- laws. An adjustment could not be delayed without engendering feelings of animosity between different classes. "From a sincere conviction that the settle- ment is not to be delayed—that, accompanied with the precautionary. measure& to which I have referred, it will not inflict injury on the agricultural interest,— from those feelings, I should deeply lament, exclusively on publicly greunds, the failure of the attempt which, at the instance of her Majesty's Government, I have made on this occasion to recommend to your calm and dispassionate considera- tion these proposals, with no other feeling or interest in the ultimate issue than that they may, to use the words of her Majesty's Speech, conduce to the promo- tion 'of friendly feelings between different classes, to provide additional security for the continuance of peace, and to maintain contentment and happiness at home by increasing the comforts and bettering the condition of the great body of the
" [As he sat down, Sir Robert was loudly cheered; still most heartily by the Opposition.]
A long and somewhat desultory discussion followed. Some Members, asked additional information; opinions friendly and hostile were expressed in about equal quantity, though varying in intensity; and calls were made for "an appeal to the country." These features will be more distinctly brought out by a slight classification. We begin with the questioning. .
Mr. NEWDEGATE inquired if Sir Robert Peel had formed any estimate of what the price of wheat would be when his measure came into fall operation? Sir ROBERT replied, that he had not. Lord INGESTRE was desirous to know what provision had been made for the regulation of tithe averages? Sir Ronxivr PEEL said, it was not necessary to.. determine that question at the present time. The same subject was brought under notice by Lord GEORGE BENTINCK; and Sir Robert's reply was more elaborate. He did not propose any alteration with regard to the Tithe-laws. He clid not anticipate any material difference in the price of wheat. If there should be, the subject ought in justice to be reconsidered by the House. Mr. Womenouse inquired if it was intended to submit to the House any of the communications which had been received from some of the crowned heads of Europe? Sir ROBERT PEEL replied, that any convention entered into would be placed on the table. There had beet, some strong expressions by the Secretary of the American Treasury with regard to a relaxation of the American tariff; and he expected shortly to be able to lay on the table a convention with Naples in favour of free trade.
Mr. GROGAN, in asking for some speculative returns as to the amount of the proposed reductions, and the mode in which the deficiency in the revenue was to be made good, remarked, that great apprehensions were entertained that the Pre- mier would be compelled to increase the Income-tax. Sir ROBERT PEEL ex- pressed a hope that from some of the reductions there would be an increase rather than a diminution of the revenue. With regard to the Income-tax, he would at once frankly declare that it was not the intention of the Government to make . any proposition with respect to it. He was quite satisfied, from the elasticity of the commercial energies of the country, and the consequent increased abundance that would be enjoyed from the proposed reductions, that they might be made without the imposition of any new tax whatever. Mr. CURTEIS thought the duty on hops ought to have been repealed; and for not doing so Sir Robert Peel would incur the censure of the hop-growing counties. It was not fair to flog the hop-growers of Kent and Sussex both as to corn and to hops. He wished the Minister to take their case into consideration; but lie would not press for an answer. Sir ROBERT PEEL—" But I must give you an an- swer; and if I were in private, I would earnestly advise the honourable gentle- man not to encourage the hop-growers in Kent and Sussex to agitate this ques- tion." In 1842, when he proposed to reduce the duty from 101. to 41. 108., he was told it would ruin the home grower: but what was the fact? Why, 4/. 10s. had proved as great a prohibition as the former duty of 101.; the whole amount of duty paid at the reduced rate being only 10/. He thought that a duty of 2/. 10s. would confer a fair protection. With regard to the excise-duty of 18s. on home- grown hops, the state of the revenue did not admit of any further reduction.
Several Members avowed determined hostility.
Mr. STAFFORD O'Bittan spoke long, energetically, and vaguely. He insinuated taunts against Members on both sides for their tergiversations. Ile asked Sir Robert Peel whether that day fortnight would be at all too soon to take the discus- sion? Parliament was now in its fifth year, and the circumstance ought to have some weight in inducing the Government to grant time to allow the voice of the constituencies to be heard. Mr. LIDDELL announced his decided opposition to the Corn-law proposals. Lord INGESTRE felt compelled, although with regret, to oppose the measure. Mr. ROBERT Scorr was unsonvinced; and could not conscientiously support the Ministerial proposals. Lord NEWPORT expressed similar sentiments.
Sir Joliet TYRELL, when listening to the speech of Sir Robert Peel, felt as the Duke of Wellington's followers must have felt had the gallant Duke and his Staff thought fit to go over to Marshal Soult. He denied that the present prosperity of the country was attiebutable to the measures of the Minister: several com- mercial men thought that it was owing to the increased communication by steam between different parts of the empire. In his opinion, Sir Robert Peel had not made out a case justifying the support of a Government which he would take the liberty of calling the "Potato Peel" Government. Colonel SIBTHORP talked about a circular he had received from the League, urging him to qualify his family to vote; and offering, on the payment of 561., to obtain for him a forty-shilling freehold qualification, which would enable him to vote for the Eastern Division of Surrey! Whether that letter had been sent to him by direction of Sir Robert Peel or not, he could not say; but this he could say, flea he should henceforth feel the same pride in opposing as he had hitherto felt in supporting him: for a greater insult or a greater mockery he had never witnessed during the twenty years he had sat in Parliament. The Earl of MARCH had never been so horrified, distressed, or astonished, as upon hearing that evening, the propositions of the First Lord of the Treasury; propositions which neither he nor his constituents could think of accepting in any form, and to which he should give his most strenuous, his most violent, and his most constant opposition.
Other Members promised support.
Mr. HUME implored Sir Robert Peel not to delay the relief to the country which his measures were calculated to give. He hoped there would be no post- ponement beyond Monday. If honourable gentlemen would apply the principles of common sense to the measure, they would not require a fortnight for its con- sideration. Sir ROBERT PEEL trusted that they should be enabled to approach the consideration of the measure in a proper spirit, and without any previous dis- cussion of an angry character. He must ask the honourable Member for Mont- rose to allow him to conduct his own business in his own way. He was quite sure success of the proposition would not be promoted by angry controversy. To meet all parties, he would propose that Monday the 9th February should be the day on which the discussion should commence.
Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT [who had been twitted by the Earl of March for changing his opinions] declared that his views had altered, not from any wish for power, nor for currying favour or popularity with a peculiarly agricultural con- stituency, but from a conviction that the proposed change's would effect much good. He himself had suggested some of them; and was ready to explain, advo- cate, and defend them. Mr. Penair HOWARD and Mr. Escorr trusted the pro- posed alterations would be taken into consideration with fairness and candour both by manufacturers and agriculturists. Mr. IValseee thought it impossible that those who had spoken against the scheme had properly understood it: as a whole, it was worthy of the strongest approval. Mr. GISBORNE did not know what the opinion of the League might be; but as it was understood that no debate would follow the Ministerial statement, the League could not be called upon to express an opinion thus early. Captain Roos, Colonel THOMAS WOOD, and Mr. AGLI- ONBY, expressed their hearty concurrence in the scheme. At the close of the speaking, the House. resumed; and the Chairman, having reported progress, obtained leave to sit again on Monday the 9th of February.
In the House of Lords, on Thursday, the presentation of petitions against repeal of the Corn-laws afforded occasion for some rather irregular comments on Sir Robert Peel's scheme.
The Duke of RICHMOND began; declaring on the part of the agriculturists, that they had been grossly ill-treated and deceived by the Minister and their Representatives. He challenged the Government to let the question be discussed on the principle of protection or no protection; and to give the country an oppor- tunity of expressing an opinion on the question. And he angrily attacked the Anti-Corn-law League. Lord KINNAIRD defended the League; though he would not be answerable for all the language of all its members. It was impossible to be answerable for the
conduct of every person connected with so extensive an association, Did the noble Duke consider himself responsible for the language used at all the Protec- tion meetings?
The Duke of RICHMOND--" I do. I am prepared to be personally responsible fir any language I ever heard or have seen reported as used at any Protection Society's meeting." (A laugh.) Lord KINNAIRD IMISt say that language such as no man or Christian ought to have uttered had been used at some of those meetings. Was it proper, for instance, to compare a Member of the Legislature to Satan; or would the Duke be responsible for the paltry burning of the Times the other day? Earl GREY suggested that the Duke of Richmond should propose a resolution affirming the principle of protection, so as to bring that question to an issue. As to the measure, he should have preferred total abolition at once: the modified sliding scale for three years was a mockery: it was the only part of the scheme of which as a landowner lie was afraid. There has been a strong indisposition to make bargains for land for long terms of years; that would be increased by the agitation which the continued duty would keep up. The foreign grower would withhold his supplies daring the mterval, and at the end of that time would swamp the market with sudden and large supplies. The auxiliary measures, though proper enough in themselves,. were delusive as compensation. He insisted on the policy of free trade in everything—prices regulated by competition—cheap sugar, cheap coffee, and various other things cheap; to be accompanied by reduc- tion in taxation, with diminished colonial, civil, and military expetiditure. The results would be beneficial both to the revenue and to the consumer.
Lord Asienurerow condemned the scheme, at considerable length. He argued, that though free trade, if it could be established, would be only common sense, it would be impossible for the inhabitants of this country, heavily burdened with tithes, poor-rates, and other local imposts, and compelled to pay fifty or sixty millions a year of revenue, to compete with the foreign producer. He prophesied that the foreign corn-grower would pour in such floods at last as would paralyze the English farmer. The fallacy of the whole project was, that it proposed to establish free trade; whereas, while the whole world is fencing and fighting with this country, free trade is an Utopian project. Lord MONTEAGLE combated Lord Ashburton's doctrine that considerations of revenue militate against free trade. Regarding the scheme as a whole, though he disapproved of parts, he thought it the greatest step yet made towards improved ' legislation upon the subject. He should have preferred it without the limitation for three years: if the agriculturists should think that the limitation would not be beneficial, the measure might be amended in that respect. The Duke of Ricentown recurred to the subject; insisting that, if there was to be free trade and cheap bread, the farmer should have also cheap labour, cheap beer—cheap beer rather than cheap brandy, unless the object were to encourage drunkenness. He would rather have free trade at once: the farmers only hoped that Government would be defeated, as on the Factory question.
Here the conversation ended.
PUBLIC WORKS IN IRELAND.
In Committee, on Monday, Sir Tnommi FREMANTLE proposed that 50,0001. be placed at the disposal of the Treasury, to be applied under the existing acts of Parliament for carrying on public works in Ireland. In re- ply to questions and remarks from several Members, Sir Thomas stated, that the sum proposed was to be an absolute grant, but it would not be given if a like sum were not raised by private subscription. Measures also would be introduced for the employment of the poor. Mr. HUME protested against the principle of giving employment to the poor by the public money. He should. like to know the manner in which all the money sent to Ireland had.been expended, before he consented to grant more. Sir Mama PEEL assured Mr. Hume that at a convenient time he should have the fullest information on the subject. This was the last year that the House would be called upon to vote such grants: but, under present circumstances, there were reasons for the vote now asked, which, if Mr. Hume knew them, would be conclusive with him. The motion was ultimately agreed to.
On the same day, Sir THOMAS FREMANTLE obtained leave to bring in, a bill intended to facilitate the giving of employment in Ireland by re- moving difficulties which exist in the working bf certain acts: among these were the Public Works and Drainage Acts—
He hoped also to be able to promote the building of fishery-piers and similar works. By the proposed bill, it was intended to increase the security for the repayment of money advanced in promotion of public works; to reduce the num- ber of proprietors whose assent must be obtained before any public work can be undertaken, from two-thirds to one half; to give power to public companies to combine drainage with other objects; also a power for supplying towns and factories with water, and a provision relative to the drainage of bogs and waste lands, &e.
Mr. Fstraeon and Sir ROBERT FERGUSON objected to the constitution of the Board of Works; and ascribed the bad working of some of the existing laws to the enormous expense of setting the machinery in motion. Mr. French knew cases in which the Board of Works charged for prelimi- nary surveys 6,0001., when the parties' own surveyors estimated the expense under 3,0001.
The bill was read a first time.
The bill was read a second time on Wednesday; and was the occasion of a few passing remarks. Mr. O'CoNNELe approved of the grant, but protested against the supposition that Government were discharging any essential part of their debt to Ireland by passing the bill—
The condition of the country was most perilous. He did not exaggerate at all when he said that they were within three or four weeks of an actual famine in Ireland. The right honourable gentleman was therefore right in urging this bill on as fast as possible.
Sir HENRY BARRON characterized the amount as " patty ": it could not be expected to furnish a tithe or a hundredth part of the employment necessary for maintaining the poor for three or four months. Mr. MONCK- TON MILNER earnestly supported the bill: but he felt that the sum was totally inadequate; it could only be received as a sign and token of Eng- lish sympathy. The Irish absentee landlords should not have waited for aid from England, but should at once have gone to their estates and given, employment to the poor.
RAILWAY LEGISLATION.
In the House of Commons, on Monday, Sir ROBERT PEEL moved, a That a Select Committee be appointed to consider the mode in which the House shall deal with Railway Bills proposed to be submitted to the House during the present session." He explained in general terms the object of the motion— The attention of the Government had been turned to the subject, and much useful information had been collected: but in a matter affecting so many private interests, it had been considered better to take the opinion of a Select Committee as to what should be done to meet the serious difficulties which must accompany railway legislation, than for the Government to come down with any proposal of their own. All the information which had been collected would be placed before the Committee for their guidance. Sir Robert proceeded to specify a number of par- ticulars connected with the railway bills passed in the last two years. In 1844, forty- eight bills were sanctioned; the capital to be levied being about 14,780,0001. In 1845, the number passed was one hundred and eighteen; and the capital amounted to about 50,000,0001. It was generally calculated that three years would be re- quired for the completion of a railway; and if nearly 70,000,0001. was to be expended during that time, it followed that in 1846 about 23,000,0001. would be
spent; in 1847, 23,500,0001.; and in 1845, 18,000,0001. From this last item he had dedected the portion spent in 1845 in carrying into executioa the bills of 1844. There could be no doubt that the sum of 23,500,0001. applied in one year to railway enterprise would constitute a very large drain on the available capital of the kingdom. The question of a still larger drain was involved in the applies don& made in the present session for new bills. The number of plans deposited amounted to 815, including 121 for Scotland and 88 for Ireland: 20,687 miles of new railway were proposed to be constructed under these schemes; and so far as a judgment could be formed, the expenditure would amount to not less than 350,000,0001. Making every deduction for rival schemes, and for those which could not be proceeded with from non-compliance with the Standing Orders or otherwise, there would still be an amount of capital required, the application of which to one object could not fail to derange the money-market. He felt strongly the weight of the objection to any interference with private enterprise, especially where the object was calculated to promote the general welfare; and the question in the present case was, whether there was any sufficient reason for interference, and whether interference was justified by the principles which ought to govern Parliament? Indeed, the question was not whether Parliament would interfere, but whether it should positively encourage such an extent of enterprise. Looking at the vast number of the schemes, it was almost impossible that the House of Commons could devote proper attention to them and at the same time discharge its other important ditties. The devotion of British capital to such objects, rather than to foreign schemes, is to be encouraged; but is it consistent with sound rail- way enterprise that such an enormous amount should be so applied? He doubted it—even for the sake of the enterprises themselves. He apprehended, that so great would be the rise in the value of materials, wages, and money, that the estimates in many:instances would be greatly exceeded. At all times the Govern- ment thought it infinitely better to get the opinion of a Select Committee than to come down with propositions of their own. In addition to the information collected from other sources, a map had been prepared, showing the extent and direction of the railways already in existence, those for which acts had been obtained, and those for which bills would be applied for this session.
A good deal of speaking followed. The want of specific information as to the intentions of the Government was complained of by most of the speakers.
Mr. GISBOR/QE apprehended that the progress of all railways would be stopped till the Committee had made a report; and if much time was oc- cupied in investigation, many undertakings would be driven over to a period when it might be impossible to pass the bills.
Sir ROBERT PEEL explained, that he did not mean to prevent parties from going before the Standing Orders Committee, if they thought proper. The -Committee he wished to appoint would probably be able to report early, and from time to time.
Sir GEORGE GREY thought that much advantage would arise from the adoption of suggestions formerly made, to refer inquiries into matters of fact to a Commission out of the House.
Sir ROBERT INGLIS enforced the suggestion, from the physical incapacity of Members to discharge such heavy work—
It would be quite consistent with the constitution of both Houses to transfer their jurisdiction in railway matters to another tribunal: and as it might be am- bulatory, the advantage in point of expense would be as great to the parties as it would be beneficial in point of time to the Members. He was sure that it would be a saving of 3/. out of 4/. to the promoters of distant railways.
Mr. CHARLES BULLER also approved of the suggestion: he did not think that acting upon it would improperly interfere with the jurisdiction of the House—
He believed that if a Commission was appointed whose business it should be to investigate railway matters, the mass of business might be got through in a tenth
part of the time. He would be bound to say, that if Parliament appointed a Commission, and gave the members the handsomest salaries ever granted to public functionaries, and if those salaries were paid oat of the pockets of the pro-
moters of railways, the cost would not be one tenth part of the expense of the present mode. The whole system of Private Bill Committees was a scandal to Parliament.
Mr. HUDSON thought that certain facts should be ascertained, for the guidance of the Committee, before it should proceed with its duties—
The House ought to know whether the parties to the different schemes at the Board of Trade were prepared to proceed with their works by making the neces- sary deposit of money; and next, whether they would be able to ass through the Standing Orders Committee. If they were not, the Committee might recommend many projects, the parties to which were not prepared to carry them into execu- tion. The coo.sequeoce would be, that other railways ready to be completed, and important to populous districts, would be most injuriously postponed. He would therefore suggest, that until the bills were prepared, the deposits lodged, and some progress made before the Standing Orders Committee, the Committee now to be appointed should not proceed to report to the House. Mr. Hudson did not participate in the Premier's alarm about the application of so much money to- wards one object. The money did not go out of the country: one fifth of the expenditure would go to the landowner, and a considerable portion would pass into the hands of iron-merchants and others who supplied materials. Distress in Ireland would be materially relieved by the construction of projected railways. He thought that any interference with private enterprise would be unfair. He was interested in a scheme for the construction of a railway in the East Riding of Yorkshire: it was much wanted as a means of carrying produce to market;
and he would ask what right had any one to refuse the parties power to supply the want, and the more so if the Government intended to expose the farmers to ROW competition?—The great question was, whether the proposed lines were of national importance; next, were they laid out in such a manner as to give the utmost advantage to the district? If they were, no doubt the money would be
forthcoming for their execution. Lang before they came to the Standing Order Oemmittee, long before the deposits were paid up, many schemes would be cut down; and the others, in the course even of three years, might be accomplished without danger to the currency of the country. Of course he meant, if capital were not applied largely to other purposes—if people did not lay it oat in South American Bonds—or in the purchase of foreign corn, as was suggested to him. He did not, indeed, wonder at some alarm for the derangement of the currency of the country, if there were to be large importations of foreign grain. In that case, capitalists must button up thew pockets, and patiently await the event.
Mr. CHA.RLES RUSSELL cordially concurred in the appointment of the Committee— The object of the Committee would not be to investigate the merits of any par- ticular line in opposition to any other line, as had been the duty of the Board of
Trade ; but the Committee would have to ascertain whether it would not be pos- sible to postpone certain measures—whether some large, general, just, and uni- versal measure, might not be devised by which they should select some portion of
the railways proposed to them to be proceeded with. Such a duty he thought might be performed with great advantage to the parties concerned, and to the country generally. He suggested that if preference were to be shown to any class of lines, it should be to the railways of Ireland. With respect to other rail- ways, he would recommend that they should postpone as many as they. could Postpone without great public inconvenience ; for he feared that the passing of
too great a number at once would create a considerable derangement of both the money and labour markets.
Lord Joule Rusaxra. thought the House should not transfer any part of its duties to a tribunal of the kind mentioned by Sir George Grey, without the utmost deliberation.
On the subject of interference by Parliament in the way of checking railway enterprise, opposite opinions had been given by two gentlemen well qualified to give an opinion—Mr. Hudson and Mr. Russell. If Mr. Russell was right in thinking that great evils would follow the attempt to construct so many lines at once, Lord John thought that a question So grave and important should not at first be referred to a Committee. He thought that the First Lord of the Treasury or the Chancellor of the Exchequer should state in the first instance the public inconveniences which they feared from the application of so much capital to rail- road enterprise. Parliament had not interfered to prevent loans to foreign powers, or the advance of money for the construction of railroads in foreign countries. If Sir Robert Peel deemed it necessary that the Select Committee should be ap- pointed in the first instance, he hoped that the Chancellor of the Exchequer would be a member of it, in order that the views and plans of the Government might be explained. After suggestions and questions from several other Members, Sir ROBERT PEEL stated, that nothing adduced during the debate had shaken his con- viction as to the propriety of appointing the Committee—
Interference had been blamed by some parties; but the question was, whether or not particular parties should be allowed to claim, in the House of Commons, a right to take other people's property, and to raise large sums of money, without the House exercising its jurisdiction and burdening the privilege with certain conditions. That was quite a different species of interference from that which would subject to its conditions the ordinary application of capital not seeking for any peculiar privileges. He hoped the House would not part with its jurisdiction, and thus countenance the idea that the interference of Select Com- mittees might be done away with. If the House resolved to proceed by com- mission, one set of Commissioners would not do; twenty or thirty would be re- quired.
The question was then put and carried; the following Members to form the Committee—
Lord Granville Somerset, Sir George Grey, Mr. Strutt, Mr. Labonchere, Mr.
Estcoart, Mr. Greene, Mr. Ewart, Mr. Colquhoun, Mr. Hodgson r. Pe- on, Sir George Clerk, Mr. F. T. Baring, the O'Conor Don, Lord Harry Vane, and Mr. Shaw.
In the House of Lords, on Thursday, the Earl of DALHOUSIE moved the appointment of a similar Committee; adducing the same facts and urging the same reasons as those submitted by Sir Robert Peel in the Commons._ Lord BROUGHAM supported the appointment of the Committee. He haa no wish to check or interfere with the application of capital to private en- terprise; but where parties applied for extraordinary and in some instances extravagant powers for constructing railways, Parliament had a right to adopt checks and precautions. The ill working of Parliamentary Com- mittees intrusted with private bill business was vigorously described by Lord Brougham; who intimated his intention of stating at a convenient time the results of his own experience with the view of suggesting a re- medy. Earl GREY concurred also in the appointment of the Committee; expressing, however, a doubt as to the propriety of Parliamentary inter- ference with the application of capital. Individuals are the best judges of what was likely to advance their own interests. Much inconvenience and expense, and conflicting decisions, would be avoided by the substitution of one joint Committee on the several railway bills, composed of Lords and Commons, in place of two independent Committees as heretofore.
Eventually, the Committee was appointed, as follows—
The Duke of Buccleuch, the Earl of 1Laddington, the Earl of Dalhousie, Earl St. Germans, the Duke of Richmond, the Marquis of Lansdowne the Earl of Devon, the Earl of Shaftesbury, the Earl of Clarendon, Earl Grey, the Earl of Home, the Earl of Besborongh, Lord Redesdale, the Marquis of Clannearde, Lord Brougham, Lord Stanley, Lord Monteagle, Lord Ashburton, Lord Polwortb, and Lord Col- chester.
At the early sitting of the Commons, on Wednesday, Mr. GISBORNE strongly objected to the arbitrary manner in which the Committee on Standing Orders came to its decisions; and, with the view of correcting the evil, he submitted resolutions providing that the promoters and opponents of a railway bill should be heard by one COUllsel each on such points as were submitted to the decision of that Committee. Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET opposed the adoption of the rules: he was not alone in think- ing that the employment of counsel, instead of being extended, ought to- be curtailed. The motion was negatived.
On Thursday, Mr. HASTIE complained of the Standing Order which required that the deposits from railway companies should be paid to the Accountant-General of the Court of Chancery. In consequence of this arrangement, the delay of a week occurred before the money could be used by the Bank of England; thus stinting the means of the Bank, and preventing the necessary accommodation from being given. He thought the inconvenience would be removed by allowing an instant transfer of the money from the Accountant-General to the Bank of England. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER stated that the arrangement objected to, was prescribed by act of Parliament, and did not originate in a Standing_ Order. He thought the money was as available for the purpose of discount when it stood in the name of the Accountant-General as it was when it stood (as was generally the case) in the books of the Bank of England at the credit of a private banker. There was this peculiar advantage in the existing arrangement, that the delay of a week enabled the Bank to make its arrangements with more certainty. Mr. Marmon suggested, as a means of meeting the difficulty, that payment of deposits should he taken in Ex- chequer Bills or Stock. Mr. RICARDO attributed the inconvenience com- plained of to the illegitimate speculations of private bankers themselves. A somewhat animated discussion terminated without result.
SHORT TIME.
In the House of Commons, on Thursday, Lord ASHLEY moved for leave to bring in a bill to amend the laws relating to labour in factories; the object being to restrict the time of work for "young persons" above the age of thirteen to ten hours a day.
He refrained from detaining the House to repeat the arguments which belied so often advanced in favour of the proposition; for these reasons. The decision against it last year was that rather of Ministers than of Parliament. Of 42 Representatives of Factory districts, 33 voted with him. And subsequently, ex- periments have been made which prove the truth and safety of his pnnciples. Mr. Gardner, who has extensive mills at Manchester and Preston, has voluntarily re- duced the tune in his factories from twelve to eleven hours a day, with most happy results: the quantity of work done is not at all diminished; it is better per- formed; the wages of the workpeople are not less; • their health is better; the females attend more to domestic duties; habits of reading increase among the
factory hands; and a better feeling subsists between them and their employer. Similar experiments have been attended by similar results at the mills of Messrs. Horrocks and Jackson, near Preston, and of Mr. Knowles, in Bolton. Accounts from Prussia report equally well of reductions made in the time of work in that kingdom. The limitation of working hours for children effected by Lord Ashley in 1835 and 1836 has proved beneficial in many ways: there is a greater demand for children of a lawful age; parents send to the factories a greater number, at better wages; and the attendance at schools is better. Lord Ashley cited cor- roborative statements by the Short Time Association of operative spinners; and on this evidence ha contended for the practicability and expediency of the propo- sed bill.
Sir JAMES Gssuam complimented Lord Ashley on his sacrifices to the cause, and did not resist the introduction of the bill; though he could go no further. The experiments mentioned by Lord Ashley were very agreeable in their results, and good evidence against interfering with the natural course of things. The anticipated effect, however, had resulted from past restrictions on the labour of youths in factories- the whole ma- chinery of factories had been limited in its time of working. At an events, it was better to postpone the further consideration of the bill until the House should have disposed of a measure intimately connected with the welfare of the working classes-Sir Robert Peel's financial measure. No arg-uments had yet been advanced which would induce Sir James to sup- port the second reading. The bill was supported, on the ground of expected benefit to the "young persons," by Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND, Lord JOHN MANNERS, Mr. COL- Qt11101JR, Mr. WODEHOUSE, Mr. WIRTZ, Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL, Mr. FIELDER, Mr. WAKLET, (on medical grounds,) Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD, 'and Mr. NEWDEGATE.
It was resisted, as an undue interference with the rights of property and the natural state of the labour-market, by Mr. TRELAWNET, Mr. Hums, Mr. BICKHAM Escorr, Mr. ROEBUCK, (who objected to playing over again the farce of suffering the bill to be introduced at all,) Mr. PHILIP HOWARD, and Mr. BRIGHT. Mr. Bright said, Mr. Gardner's manager had told him that a further reduction to ten hours had been contemplated in his mill; but it was found to be impracticable.
Leave was given to bring in the bill.
THE NEW TARIFF.
Resolutions to be proposed by Sir Robert Peel in Committee of the whole House on the Customs and Corn Acts.
[In order to enable the reader to estimate the reductions and alterations proposed in the Tariff, we have borrowed from a paper in the Times a set of figures showing the present rate of duties applying to the miscellaneous articles: it is added to the authentic Par- liamentary document, and stands as the outer column, headed "Present rate" of duties.]
.Resolved, That in lieu of the duties now payable on the importation of corn, grain, meal, or flour, there shall be paid, until the 1st day of February 1849, the following duties, viz.
If imported from any foreign country ;
WHEAT.-Whenever the average price of wheat, made up and published in the manner -required by law, shall be, for every quarter- a. d.
Under 48s., the duty shall be, s. d. 50s. and under 51s. 7 0 forevery quarter 10 0 51s. and under 52s. 6 0 48a. and under 49a. 9 0 52s. and under 53s. 5 0 49s. and under 50s. 8 0 53.1. and upwards 4 0
BARLEY, BEES, oa Broo.-Whenever the average price of barley, made up and pub-
lished In the manner required by law, shall be, for every quarter- s. ti.
, Under 26s., the duty shall be, a. d. 284. and under 29s. 3 6 - for every quarter 5 0 29s. and under 30s. 3 0 26s. and under 27s. 4 6 30s. and under 31s. 2 6 27s. and under 28s ..... 4 0 31s. and upwards 2 0 0/M8.-Whenever the average price of on s, made up and published in the manner required by law, shall be, for every quarter- a. d.
Under 18a., the duty shall be, r. d. 20s and under 21s. 2 6
for every quarter 4 0 II.. and under 22s. 2 0
15s. and under 19a. 3 6 22s. and upwards 1 6 . 19*. and Under 20s. • • . • • 2 3 0 itTE, PEASE, AND BEANS.--For every quarter- A duty equal in amount to the duty payable on a quarter of barley. WHEAT, MEAL, AND FLona.-For, every barrel, being 196 pounds-
A duty equal In amount to the duty payable on 384 gallons of wheat.
BARLET-MEAL.-For every quantity of pounds- A duty equal in amount to the duty payable on a quarter of barley. OAT-MEAL.-For every quantity of 1814 pounds-
A duty equal In amount to the duty payable on a quarter of oats.
Ryz-razat..-For every quantity of pounds- - A duty equal in amount to the duty payable on a quarter of rye.
PEA-MEAL AND BEAN-MEAL.-For every quantity of pounds-
A duty equal in amount to the duty payable on a quarter of pease or beans.
And that from and after the said 1st of 1February 1849, there shall be paid the
following duties, viz.- S. d. Wheat, barley, beer or bigg, oats, rye, pease, and beans, for every quarter.. 1 0 Wheat-meal, barley-meal, oat-meal, rye-meal, pea-meal, and bean-meal, for every hundredweight 0 44 If the produce of and imported from any British Possession out of Europe--
, Wheat, barley, beer or bigg, oats, rye, pease, and beans, the duty shall be for every quarter 1 0 Wheat-meal, barley-meal, oat-meal, rye-meal, pea-meal, and bean-meal, the • duty shall be for every hundredweight 0 44
Resolred, That in lieu of the Duties of Customs now chargeable on the arti- cles undermentioned, imported into the United Kingdom, the following Duties shall be charged, viz. '
Proposed rate.
X a. d.
Agates or Comelians, set, for every 100/ value
Ale and Beer of all sorts, for every barrel Almonds, Paste of, for every 1001. value 10 Amber, Manufactures of, not enumerated, for every 1001. value 10 Arrow Root, the cwt 0 Arrow Root of and from a British Possession, per cwt. 0 Bandst ring Twist, for every 1001. value 10 Bandstring Twilit of and from a British Possession, for every • 1001. value Barley, Pearled, the cwt.
Barley, Pearled, of and from a British Possession, the cwt Bast Ropes, Twines, and Strands, for every 1001. value Bast Ropes, Twines, and Strands, of and from a British Posses- sion, for every 1001. value Beads, viz.-Arango, for every 1001. value Coral, for every 1001. value Crystal, for every 100/. value Jet, for every 1001. value ,lent otherwise enumerated or described Beer or Mum, the barrel Blacking, for every 1001. value
Brass, manufactures of, for every 1001 value
Brass. Powder of, for every 1001 value Brocade of Gold or Silver, for every 1001. value Bronze, Manufactures of, for every 1001. value Bronze Powder, for every 1001. value Buck Wheat, the quarter
Butter, the cwt Butter of and rem a British Possession, the cwt
10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10
10 0 0 O 0 O 0 O 0 26 6 O 0 5 0 O 6 0 5 0 O 3
10 0 5s. per cwt.
o • 15 0 0
0
1 10 0 26 2000 15 0 0 15 0 0 As barley • 1 0 0 2 0 0 11. p.ewt.
15 0 0 5.1. per 12 [knots.
Present rate. X a. d. 15 0 0 2 0 0 20 0 0 15 0 0 0 5 0 Buttons, Metal, for every 1001 value 1 Candles, viz.-Spermaceti, the lb
&mine, the lb Tallow, the cwt Wax, the lb.
Canes, Walking Canes or Sticks, mounted, painted, or otherwise ornamented, for every 1001. value 1 Carriages of all sorts, for every 1001. value 1 Casks, empty, for every 1001. value 1 Cassiva Powder, the cwt Casslva Powder of and from a British Possession, the cart Catlings, for every 1001. value 1 Cheese, the cwt
Cheese of and from a British Possession, the cwt.
China or Porcelain Ware, painted or plain, gilt or ornamented, 1 Proposed rate. present Irate. o 15 0 0 3 0 0 6 14 0 024 0 0 10 0 2 0 0 4 0 20 0 0 0 2500 6 0 5 0 6 0 3s:p.gross.
0 0100
6 for every 1001. value 1 20 0 0 Cider, the tun
a 10 10 0
Citron, preserved in salt, for every 1001 value 10 0 0 Clocks, for every 1001. value 1 20 0 0 Copper Manufactures not otherwise enumerated or described,
and Copper-plates engraved, for every 1001. value. 1 00 15 0 0 Copper or Brass Wire, for every 1001. value 1 00 Cotton, articles or manufactures of cotton, wholly or in part made up, not otherwise charged with Duty, for every 1001
value 10 00 20 0
,0 Cotton of and from a British Possession, for every 1001. value 5 00 Crayons, for every 1001. value 10 0 0 15 0 0
Crystal, cut or manufactured, for every 1001. value 10 00 15 0 0.
Cucumbers, preserved, for every 100/. value 5 0 0 10 0 0 Cucumbers of and from a British Possession, for every 1001 value 2 10 Fish cured, not otherwise enumerated, the cwt 0 1 0 0 2.0 Gauze of Thread, for every 1001. value 10 0 0 15 0 Gauze of Thread, of and from a British Possession, for every 1001. value 5 0 0 Hair, manufactures of Hair or Goats' Wool, or of Hair or Goats' Wool and any other material, and articles of such manufac- ture wholly or In part made up, not particularly enumerated, or otherwise charged with Duty, for every 1001. value 10 0 0 15 0 0 Hair of and from a British Possession, for every 1001. value.. • „ 5 00 Hams of all kinds, the cwt. 0 7 0 014 0
Hams of and from a British Possession, the vett o 20
Harp Strings or Lute Strings, silvered, for every 1001. value 10 0 0 20 0 0
Hats or Bonnets, viz.-Of Chip, the lb. o 36 0 5 0
Of Bast, Cane, or Horsehair, Hats or Bonnets, each Hat or Bonnet not exceeding twenty-two inches In diameter, the
dozen o 7 6 010 0
Each Hat or Bonnet exceeding twenty-two inches in diameter,
the dozen .. 0 10 o 015 0
Straw Hats or Bonnets, the lb 0 50 0 8 6 Hats, Felt, Hair, Wool, or Beaver Hats, each 0 2 0 2s. 6d., Hats, made of Silk, Silk Shag laid upon felt, linen, or other and
material, each • o 20 3s. 6d.
Hops, the cwt • 2 50 4 10 0 Iron and Steel, wrought, not otherwise enumerated, for every 1001. value 10 0 0 15 0 0 Japanned or Lacquered Ware, for every 1001 value 10 00 15 0 0
Lace, viz.-Thread, for every 1001. value 10 00 12 10 0
Made by the hand, commonly called Cushion or Pillow Lace, whether of linen, cotton, or silken thread, for every 1001 value 10 0 0 12 10 0 Latteu Wire, for every 1001. value 10 0 0 12 10 0- Lead, manufactures of, not otherwise enumerated, for every 1001
value 10 o o 15 .o Leather, manufactures of-Boots, Shoes, and Calashes, TIE.
Women's Boots and Calashes, the dozen pair o 60
Women's Boots and Calaahes, if lined or trimmed with fur or other trimming, the dozen pair • 0 76 Women's Shoes with cork or double soles, quilted shoes and
clogs, the dozen pair 0 50
Women's Shoes, if trimmed or lined with fur or any other
trimming, the dozen pair • o 60
Women's Shoes of silk, satin, Jean, or other stuffb, kid, moroc- co, or other leather, the dozen pair 0 46 Women's Shoes, if trimmed or lined with fur or any other
trimming, the dozen pair 0 5- 0'
Girls' Boots, Shoes, and Calasbes, not exceeding seven inches in length, to be charged with two-thirds of the above duties.
Men's Boots, the dozen pair 014 0 1 8 0 Men's Shoes, the dozen pair 0 7 0 0140
Boys' Boots and Shoes, not exceeding seven inches In length, to be charged with two-thirds of the above duties.
Leather Boot Fronts, not exceeding nine inches in height, the
dozen pair 0 1 9 036
Leather Boot Fronts exceeding nine inches in height, the dozen
pair o 29 056,
Leather cut into shapes, or any article made of Leather, or any manufacture whereof Leather is the most valuable part, not
otherwise enumerated or described, for every 1001. value 1000 1300
Linen, or Linen and Cotton, viz.
Cambries and Lawns, commonly called French Lawns, the piece not exceeding eight yards in length, and not exceeding seven-eighths of a yard in breadth, and so in proportion for
any greater or less quantity, plain, the piece o 26 0 5 0
Bordered Handkerchiefs, thepiece 0 26 0 5 0 Lawns of any sort, not French, for every 1001. value 10 00 2000 Damasks, the square yard 0 05 0 010 Damask Diaper, the square yard 0 0 24 0 0 5 Plain Linen and Diaper, not otherwise enumerated or de- scribed, and whether chequered or striped with dye, yarn, or not, for every 1001. value 10 00 2000 Sails, not in actual use of a British ship, and fit and necessary for such ship, and not otherwise disposed of, for every 1001.
value 10 00 2000
Articles, Manufactures of Linen, or of Linen mixed with Cot- ton or with Wool, wholly or In part made up, not particu- larly enumerated or otherwise charged with duty, for every 1001 value 1
2000
Maize, or Indian Corn, per quarter
As barley.
Meal, the cwt.
As barley.
Musical Instruments, for every 1001 value 1
Mustard Flour, the met 6 0 12 0 Paper, printed, painted or stained paper, or paper-hangings, or
Hock paper, the square yard
0 1 0 Pencils, for every 1001. value 1
15 0 0
Pencils of Slate, for every 1001. value 1
15 0 0
Perfumery, not otherwise charged, for every 1001 value 1 Perry, the tun
5
10 10 0
Pewter, Manufactures of, for every 1001. value 1
15 0 0
Platting of Straw, the lb.
0 7 6 Pomatum, for every 1001 value 1
Pots of Stone, for every 10C11. value 1
2000
Puddings and Sausages, the lb
0 0 8
Rice, the cwt.
0647 Rice, rough, and in the husk, the quarter
1
0 7 0
Sago, the cwt
0 1 • 0
Sausages or Puddings, the lb
SEEDS, viz. :-Canary, the cwt Carraway, the curt Carrot, the cwt
Clover, the cwt
5 S 5 5
0 0 3 perbuali.
0 10 0
0 10 0 0 10 0
Leek, the cwt Mustard, the cart
1
1 0 0 15d. p. bush.
Propeted rate. Present rate.
Onion, the cwt • 0 5 0 1 0 0 All other seeds not particularly enumerated or described, or otherwise charged with Duty, for every 1001. value 5 0 0 10 0 0 These Seeds of and from a British Possession to be charged only one-half of these Duties. '
SILK MANUFACTURES :—Manufactures of Silk, or of Silk mixed
- with metal, or any other material, produce of Europe, viz.
Silk or Satin, plain, striped, figured, or brocaded, viz.
Broad Stuffs, the lb 0 5 0 0110 Articles thereof not otherwise enumerated, the lb 0 6 0
Or, and at the option of the Officers of the Customs, for every
• 1001. value 15 0 0 25 0 0 Ribbons, the lb 0 6 0
Silk Gauze or Crape, plain, striped, figured, or brocaded, viz.
Broad Stuffs, the lb 0 9 0 0110 Articles thereof, not otherwise enumerated, the lb 0 10 0
Or, and at the option of the Officers of the Customs, for every 1001. value
15 o
0 30 o 0 Ribbons, the lb. 0 11 0
Gauze of all descriptions, mixed with silk, satin, or any other materials in the proportion of one-half part of the fabric, the lb 0 9 0 1 7 6 Articles thereof, not otherwise enumerated, the lb 0 9 0
Or, and at the option of the Officers of the Customs, for every 1001. value. 15 0 0 30 0 0 Velvet, plain or figured, the lb 0 9 0 1 2 0 Articles thereof, not otherwise enumerated, the lb. 0 10 0
Or, and at the option of the Officers of the Customs, for every 1001. value . . . 15 0 0 30 0 0 Ribbons of Silk embossed, or figured with velvet, the lb 0 9 0 017 0 Manufactures of Silk, or of Silk and any other material called
Pitrh, commonly used for making hats, the lb 0 2 0
Fancy Silk Net, or Tricot, the lb 0 8 0 1 4 0 Plain Silk Lace, or Net called Tulle, the lb 0 8 0 12.4d. square Manufactures of Silk, or of Silk mixed with any other materials, not particularly enumerated, or otherwise charged with Duty, for every 1001. value 15 0 0 [yard.
30 0 0 Millinery, of Silk, or of which the greater part of the material is
Silk, viz.
Turbans or Caps, each 0 3 6 0150 Hats or Bonnets, each 0 7 0 1 5 0 Dresses, each 1100 2100 Manufactures of Silk, or of Silk and any other materials, and articles of the same wholly or partially made up, not par- ticularly enumerated or otherwise charged with duty, for every 1002. value 15 0
30 0 0 Silk Worm Gut, for every 1001. value 10 0
20 0 0 Skins, articles manufactured of Skins or Furs, for every 1001. value 10 0
20 0 0 Soap. Hard, the cwt. 1 0
1100 Soap, Hard, of and from a British Possession, the cwt 014
Soap, Soft, the cwt 014
1 0 0 Soap, Soft, of and from a British Possession, the cwt 0 10
SOEP. Naples, the cwt 10
2160 Spa Ware, for every 1001. value 10 0
15 0 0
Spirits, viz. Brandy, Geneva, and other Foreign Spirits, not being
Spirits or Strong Waters the Produce of any British Possession
In America, or any British Possession within the limits of the
East India Company's Charter, and not being sweetened Spirits or Spirits mixed with any Article, so that the Degree of Strength thereof cannot be exactly ascertained by such Hydrometer, the gallon 015
1210 Steel, Manufactures of, for every 1001. value 10 0
Tallow, the cwt. 01
0 3 2
Tallow of and from a British Possession, the cwt
00
Tapioca, the cwt 00
0 1 0 Tin, Manufactures of, not otherwise enumerated, for every 1001.
value 10 0 15 0 0 Tobacco Pipes of Clay, for every 100/. value 10
15 0 0 Tongues, theevrt 0
010 0 Tongues of and from a British Possession, the cwt 0
Turnery not otherwise described, for every 1001. value 10
15 0 0 Twine, for every 1001. value 10
10s. per cwt.
Twine of and from a British Possession, for every 1001. value 5
Varnish, not otherwise described, for every 1001. value 10
15 0 0 Wafers, for every 100/. value 10
15 0 0 Washing Balls, the cwt 1
64. per lb.
Wax, Sealing-wax, for every 100/. value 10
15 0 0 Whipcord, for every 1001. value 10
6d. per lb.
Wire, Gilt or Plated, or Silver, for every 1001. value 10
12 0 0 Woollens, Articles or Manufactures of Wool not being Goats'
Wool, or of Wool mixed with Cotton, wholly or in part made up, not otherwise charged with Duty, for every 1001. value 10 0 0 20 0 0 Woollens of and from a British Possession, for every 1001. value. 5 0 0
Goods, Wares, and 51erchandize, being either in part or wholly manufactured, and not being enumerated or described, not otherwise charged with Duty, and not prohibited to be im- ported into or used in Great Britain or Ireland, for every 1001 value 10 0 0 20 0 0
Resolved, That the Duties of Customs chargeable upon the goods, wares, and merchandise hereafter mentioned, imported into the United Kingdom, shall cease and determine, viz.—
Present duty. Present duty.
ANIMALS, Living, viz.—
s. d.
Linen, Manufactures of Linen, or 16 $. 4.
Asses, each 0 2 6 of Linen mixed with Cotton,
Goats, each 0 1 0 or with Wool, not particularly
Kids, each 0 1 0 enumerated, or otherwisechar-
Oxen and Bulls, each 1 0 0 god with Duty, not being ar-
Cows, each 0 10 0 tides wholly or in part made
Calves, each 0 10 0
up, per cent 15
0 0 Horses, Mares, Geldings, Colts,
Magna Gracia ware, per cent 5 0 0 Foals, each 1 0 0 Manuscripts, per lb 0 0 2 Mules, each 0 2 6 Maps and Charts, or parts there.
Sheep, each 0 3 0 of, plain or coloured, each. • • • 0 0 1 Lambs, each 0 2 0 Mattresses, per cent 10 0 , Swine and Hogs, each 0 5 0 Meat, salted or fresh, not other-
Pigs, Sucking, each 0 0 0 wise described, per cwt 0 8 Bacon, per cwt 0 14 0 Medals, of any sort, per cent ... 5 0 Beef, fresh, or slightly salted, per cwt 0 8 0 Palmetto, Thatch Manufactures, per cent 5 0 Beef salted, not being corned
Parchment, per dozen sheets 0 0 ' Beef, per cwt 0 8 0 Pens, per cent 15 0 Bottles of Earth and Stone, empty, per dozen 0 0 2 Plantains, per cwt 0 Potatoes, per cwt 0 0 0 Casts of Busts, Statues, or
Pork, fresh, per cwt 0 8 Figures, per cwt 0 12 6 Pork, salted, not Hams, per cwt. 0 8 Caviare 0 0 0 Silk, Thrown, dyed, vlz.—Silk,
Cranberries, per gallon. 0 0 1 Singles or Tram, Organzine or
Cotton Manufactures, not being
Craps Silk, per lb 0 2 0 articles wholly or in part made up, not otherwise charged with
Telescopes, percent 15 Thread, not otherwise enumera- 0 0 duty, per cent 10 0 0 ted or described, per cent 10 0 0 Enamel, per lb 0 12 0 Woollens, viz.—Manufactures of
Gelatine, per cwt 0 10 0 Wool, not being Goats' Wool,
Glue, per cwt 0 IT 0 or of Wool mixed with Cot-
Hay, per load Hides, or pieces thereof, tawed, curried, or in any way dressed, not otherwise enumerated, per 0 16 0 ton, not particularly enumera- ted or described ; not otherwise charged with Duty ; not being articles wholly or in part made
cent
•
10 0 0 up, per cent 15 0 0 Ink for Printers, per cwt 0 10 0 Vegetables. all, not otherwise
Inkle, wrought, per lb 0 1 0 enumerated or described, per
Lamp Black, per cwt 1 0 .0 cent 5 0 0
Irellum, per skin 0 1 0
NEW Warm were ordered, on Monday, for Ripon, in the room of Mr. T. B. C. Smith, the new Master of the Rolls in Ireland; and for Lichfield, in the room of Lord Leveson, called to the House of Peers as Earl Granville, on the death of Ida father.
• WINDOW-TAX. Lord DUNCAN is to move, on the 5th February, the appointment of a Committee to consider the expediency of repealing the Window-tax. WEDNESDAYS' SITTINGS. On the motion of Mr. CARDWELL, On Monday, a series of resolutions were agreed to for the regulation of the Wednesdays' sittings.
The substance is, that the House shall meet on Wednesdays at noon, for private business, petitions, and orders of the day; and rise at six o'clock, whatever the state of the business may be.
RETIREMENT OF NAVAL OFFICERS. In reply to aquestion on Monday, Mr. CORRY stated that the number of officers who had signified their intention to accept the retiring allowance was not sufficient to enable the Admiralty to carry the plan into effect: but the subject was still under consideration. MILITLA. In reply to Mr. THOMAS BUNCOMBE and Mr. BRIGHT Sir JAMES GRAHAM stated that it was the intention of the Government to intrOduce a bill to amend the Militia Acts, but that there was no intention to call out the Militia at present. ADJOURNMENT. Both Houses adjourned on Thursday evening, to Monday; skipping the 30th, anniversary of King Charles's execution. In the House of
Commons there was some conversation as to the occasion for the adjournment.
Mr. Ross objected to the " martyrdom " as a reason for it. Mr. WILLIAMS also objected to celebrating the death of "that tyrant" by a fast. Lord Jolts MAN- NERS intimated that all the gentlemen on his side of the House would differ from Mr. Williams. Sir ROBERT PEEL said that the motion did not contain a word about King Charles; and the state of public business was quite sufficient reason for it.
Previous page
