TOPICS OF THE DAY
AMERICAN POLICY : CO-OPERATION WITHOUT ENTANGLEMENT
THE present policy of the United States is so liable to misunderstanding that it is not to be wondered A that Americans themselves arc more puzzled than they have been for a long time and that the nerves of the State Department and the White House are distinctly sensitive. No sooner had the financial agreement in Paris been reached than the majority of newspapers remarked that America had " come back " to-the councils of Europe. That America had come back was in a very important sense quite true ; for at the Paris Conference she was represented, not by " observers," but by fully authorized delegates whose functions were quite indis- tinguishable from those of the delegates from any other country. The effect of Europe's polite and quite sincere congratulations to America, though immediate, was not quite what had been expected. Mr. Hughes, still for a little longer American Secretary of State, explained that America had not come back at all. She had simply taken part in a transaction in which she had a right to be represented, and it was ridiculous to pretend that she was weakening upon her firm- decisions to have nothing to do with the League of Nations, and not to participate in a Treaty which she had never signed.
Mr. Hughes's explanation was perfectly sincere and perfectly honourable as his explanations always are. Nevertheless, we question whether it will be possible for America indefinitely to maintain what is after all an ambiguous position. Germany is paying reparations and the expenses of the Allied occupying troops in the Reich under the Treaty of Versailles. It is no exagger- ation to say that when America announced her intention of taking part in the Paris Conference in order to claim her share of German payments, there was some frank astonishment in Europe. True, the money will be col- lected under the Dawes scheme which is the invention of America and is not the Treaty of Versailles, but strict logic requires us to remember that the signatories of the Treaty merely put their functions into commission when they accepted the Dawes scheme. The ultimate authority is that of the Treaty. Great Britain was at first inclined to dispute the American claim, but for our part we are very glad indeed that it was acknowledged. America gets very little ; but her interest,' such as it is, in the act of collection is .a bond which indubitably tics her to Europe.. Mr. Hughes has been riding two horses at once and has done it with much skill. He has con- vinced many of his countrymen that any American Secretary of State will easily be able to perform the same feat. But that is just what we doubt. We see, indeed, no sign that America is more kindly disposed than before towards the League ; but under whatever name or banner her contact with Europe may be effeCtive, we are certain that as time goes on it will be more effective.
In this modern scientific world isolation is really im- possible for the richest nation. In certain aspects it would be agreeable to us if it were possible. Consider the Monroe doctrine, for instance. The concern of Great Britain in making that doctrine operative has been almost :vial to that of America herself, for it has been an enor- mous simplification of international affairs to feel that the whole of a hemisphere was ruled out as untouchable by Europe. Is isolation,- however, we repeat, really practic- able in times when every legal, moral, industrial or poli- tical question strikes a tough root into. every country in the world ? 'International life is as full of im- perceptible bonds as the air is full of invisible rays. No, America will not be able to pass by on the other side. The bonds which tie her cannot be broken with a little finger.
Even if science and the intensely complicated conditions of to-day did not forbid a divorce America, we arc thank- ful to know, has shown by her actions that she feels her destiny. All that we are disputing is the belief which many Americans seem to hold, including even Mr. Hughes himself, that contact is so simple that it can be broken off at any desired moment. That America wants to help civilization all the world over is fortunately obvious. If all the present conditions of life did not bring her back to Europe it would still be clear that, since she is idealistic, she is ready to commit herself of her own good will without sometimes knowing whither she is tending. Few events in recent. times were more thrilling than Mr. Hughes's extraordinarily bold programme at the Washington Con- ference. When Lord Balfour without a moment's hesi- tation accepted it unreservedly a wonderful page in history was there and then written. It cannot be blotted out. The Dawes scheme was another effort of good will. And last week the Senate without a single dissenting vote passed a resolution in favour of another Disarma- ment Conference. Senator Borah, moreover, an Isola- tionist by record and by disposition, stated that he had been urging the President to summon a World Economic Conference as the best and simplest means of economic adjustment. For a long time Mr. Borah, by what looks like a notable inconsistency in an Isolationist, has been recommending the recognition, by America, of the Soviet Government. France and Japan have at last both recognized that Government, and there is no doubt in our mind that from the point of view of convenience they have done exactly what is right. Is it not obvious that if there is to be a World Disarmament Conference, dealing not only with Navies but with Armies and with the Air, Russia and Germany must be brought into it if it is to be saved from feebleness or sterility ?
The Geneva Protocol is, we take it, for all practical purposes dead. The doubtful security it offered will seem a small thing if the larger project dawns and brightens. Again, it must be remembered that the idea of a World Court comes from America. If it is being treated in America with scanter courtesy than we had hoped for, it is because the Court is now regarded as an appanage of the League. Personally we would prefer that the League of Nations should be developed into what it might be and ought to be, but we shall not be so foolish as to stand on a punctilio, if in course of time it is proved that Americans like the League no better than they do now. Be sure that the co-operation of America, with Europe and Asia will grow, because all the known forces make it inevitable. And yet it is conceivable that when the issue has to be fairly faced America will still refuse what she regards as an entanglement.
In that case we say frankly that though America will not really be able to break away as Mr. Hughes seems to suppose we ought to make it easy for her to stay under conditions which are agreeable to her. Why not, if necessary, substitute for the ambitious Covenant merely a universal compact binding the signatories to treat as a public enemy any nation which denounces. a Treaty without; say, a year's notice ? We venture to say that if that were done there would be very few wars.--and more likely none at all.
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