31 MARCH 1838, Page 13

TOPICS OF THE DAY.

SOURCES OF ENGLISH ZEAL FOR THE BLACKS.

THE singular circumstance of the time, is the apathy with which questions most nearly affecting the interests of the public are re-

siarded by theunits and aggregates which go to make up that

Eeterogeneous body, compared with the zeal displayed upon a subject in which none of them have any direct concern. The declaration of Lord JOHN RUSSELL against Organic Changes and the Ballot, merely ruffled for a moment the dull stream of pub- jic opinion ; the extravagant Civil List passed without a strenuous expression of opinion from any gathering of the people; the revolt in Canada, from which, even yet, as Lord F1TZWILLIAM said, "an Iliad of woes may spring," became a bore when the first excite-

ment was over ; the debates in the " Reform Parliament" can- not rouse the attention of the most exciteable,—and small blame to any one, as, besides being deceptive and dishonest, they are insufferably dull. Their Notes seem to have lost the usual power of realities : the rejection of the Ballot, the retention of the Corn- laws, is merely a fact or an occurrence. The loss of the " last

ear which covered the Ministerial nakedness, in the abandonment of" the great measure"—worthy Mr. WARD'S "appropriation prin- ciple," seems hardly to cause a remark ; and the sight of Whig hypocrites in purls naturulibus does not draw, even from prudes, a downcast look or an expression of " Oh, fie ! "

And yet the country is in convulsions upon the question, whether the Black Apprentices shall have their indentures can- celled in August next, or be compelled to serve out their time I How is this ? whence the seeming anomaly of neglecting the interest of one's own shirt—nay, of one's own skin—for that of men with whom we have no social intercourse, and no natural sympathy ? The inquiry is curious, if difficult, and not perhaps unworthy of scrutiny by a looker-on.

One of the causes is unquestionably to be found in the nature of the respective subjects. In matters of finance and political economy, the questions are an affair of scientific exposition, and that of a dry kind; their present injurious operation upon the public, the probable results of any change, do not admit of very exact application as regards individuals or classes ; and their effects can only be understood by a laborious process of thought and inquiry. The same, though not to the same extent, may be said of political measures. They are all abstractions—cold, life- less, "without form, and void." But slavery proves itself; its evils are embodied, and animated by a living spirit. It has action, actors, arid horrors. The kidnapping in Africa—the suf- ferings and murders of the middle passage—the separation of families—the whip of the driver—the lust and hatreds of the owners—the revenges or wanton cruelties of masters or mistresses, exercised in all the frightful modes in which human passion when unrestrained can show itself—suffering nothing by trans- mission perhaps, and, though undoubtedly true, taken probably from isolated cases—thrill the blood and fire the brain. The subject, too, fills the mind, and stirs the memory with all that historians have written, poets sung, and orators spoken, from the time of the Spanish discovery of America down to the year 1838: the horrors of slavery have formed the theme of school lessons for ingenuous youths, and been served up as a succedaneutn for ghost stories. Ordinary home questions, in short, are as dull as lec- tures or sermons—slavery has the excitement of a tragedy. This, however, is only one cause, and almost a legion is in ope- ration. The religious opinions of many Emancipationists forbid them to partake in the lighter amusements of society ; and, shut out from other sources, a slavery meeting, where there is never any lack of high colouring, is at once a fashion and an excitement— as the saying is, " it's as good as a play." Except with planters, activity on this subject is followed by no injury or A Tory or a Whig aristocrat may call a tenant or a tradesman, who agitates for " instant abolition," and drinks " free labour sugar," au enthusiast, but he does not withdraw his custom or turn a man out of his farm. Individuals, who are disgusted with the state of home politics, but dare not move in them lest they should" bring in the Tories," find here a safe opportunity to " take an interest in public affairs." All, to others—ail it would argue great igno- rance of human nature not to admit, many to themselves—can easily acquire a reputation for litananity, and even combine the delicious glow of theoretical with the satisfactory feelings of Practical virtue, without any cost or trouble. Let us say too, proudly and truly, that in spite of all sneers at our coldness, the sympathy of no other nation is so easily roused in the cause of humanity, so steady in the pursuit of it, or so prompt to make sa- crifices for it out of the public treasure. Nor must the exertions of BROUGHAM be forgotten,—the only man capable of rousing the mind of Great Britain. A good deal, after all, must be allowed for the distance of the scene, which, by obliterating all counteracting or qualifying points, brings out the more striking ones into bold relief. Omne • *swum pro magnifica Familiarity is destructive of romance, and equally so of sustained excitements. The evils we are born to, by a provision of nature are bearable; we get hardened by use; and oppression rouses men to great exertions, but mere love of reform never. PETER the Hermit might have split his lungs (if the Powers of the time would have let 'him) in denunciations of serf- dom, feudal oppression, and soy al tyranny ; and would have hardly got up a district insurrection, much less a crusade. He told tough

stories about Saracens and the sufferings of Pilgrims in the Holy Land ; and "Europe was precipitated upon Asia."