31 MARCH 1849, Page 1

NEWS OF THE WEEK.

COLONIAL affairs have been foremost in Parliament this week. Apropos to a persbnal grievance sustained by a gentleman in Nova Scotia, Lord

Stanley raised the whole question of "responsible government" and its working in the American Colonies. The case is a very bad one ; and as the wrong was insome sort committed under the name of "responsible government," it might be taken to reflect discredit on that order of polity, but for the fact that it was a barefaced pretext. Some years ago, the office of Colonial Treasurer in Nova Scotia was remodelled, and ren- dered independent of party. It was conferred on Mr. Fairbanks; who relinquished a high position at the bar and in the local Parliament to ac- cept it, on a distinct understanding with the Provincial Government and the Colonial Office that his tenure was lobe permanent during good be- haviour and not subject to party changes. The Parliamentary minority of that day has since come into power, has overturned the whole of that arrangement, and has ousted Mr. Fairbanks 'without com- pensation. This is a gross breach of public faith. Lord Stanley im- putes it to the operation of" responsible or rather party government ; " which, be supposes, must oblige the Governor to act in implicit subservience to the party that happens to be in power. But the fact is, that the case has happened because the true spirit of responsible govern- ment as applied to the North American Colonies has been violated by the Governor. The theoryis, that the government of the colony shall be car- ried on by representatives of all the great influences,—the people, re- presented by the elective Chamber ; the more elevated classes, represented by the Chamber whose Members the Crown appoints for life; and the Crown, represented by the Governor. Each of those influences ought to be truly represented : it is not very consistent with the pure representa- tion of the Crown that the Governor should be hanging on the watch for a vote to settle the amount of his salary,—a circumstance which happened in this particular instance. Each influence ought to act bond fide ac- cording to its own conscientious duty : it is not very consistent with a conscientious representation of the Crown that it should be made to sanc- tion the breach of an arrangement to which it was pledged. This is not responsible government by the Crown through the representatives of co lonial society, but it is a direct waiver of the Imperial prerogative, pros- tituting the influence of the Crown before the changeful mood of faction. Lord Grey defended this low unconstitutional proceeding in a highly con- stitutional speech, upholding the necessity of governing in deference to public opinion in the colony. The hollowness of the profession is exposed by his own con,duct towards British Guiana, Ceylon, or the Cape of Good Hope. His fine speech in the House of Lords sinks to the level of a "didactic despatch' from the Colonial Office—a spoken lecture on a spe-

cial theme, meaning nought, except a sounding "answer" for the mo- ment to Lord Stanley. But Lord Grey had been more formidably answered in anticipation—by Lord Grey himself. The case of the Cape of Good Hope, and that singular stroke of irre- sponsible government which forces "the convicted criminals of the mo-

ther-country " on the "hitherto unpolluted colony," was brought for-

ward by Mr. Adderley, in a speech distinguished by elevated senti- ment, earnest purpose, close argument, and a concise simplicity

of style. Mr. _Akklerley endeavoured to keep clear of "the trans- portation question"; confining his plea to the• position, that while the colonists deprecate the 'infliction it ought not to be forced upon them. No great constitutional vaunts from Ministers here. Sir George

Grey admitted that the Colonial authorities had been consulted, and .yet the convicts had been sent from Bermuda without waiting for the assent

of the Cape: but he pleaded 'that the Bermuda convicts were quite of an exceptional character—very harmless people indeed ; and he promised that no more should be sent until the Cape colonists should have time to ascertain how they liked the sample of selected convicts. That was much ; it silenced many, and satisfied waverers ; and it was politic in Mr. Adderley to withdraw the motion. But the debate will have an effect far beyond the specific question. It proved how much the knowledge and interest of the subject have ex- tended, since it had brought into the field a Member belonging not to the order of offraials or ex-officials,—nor to the order of Members ever on the stretch to make reforms or grievances the scaffolding of their own dis-

tinetion—but strictly to the order of country gentlemen. And his success- ful &bat in a more prominent part than he had previously assumed, promises, we would fain hope, more than a mere personal success—the re- turn of our educated country gentlemen to the position which they once occupied as independent Members, watching the conduct of the Ad- ministration, and keeping it to the standard of national and gene- rous policy. Since the Reform Bill—and indeed long before it, or it might have been deferred—country gentlemen have been too much content to follow as mere hangers-on of professional statesmen or parties that slighted them, or they have stood aloof in sulky isolation and con- fessed incompetency to take a part in the new questions of the day; like the forgotten old folks in a ball-room, who can only dance the disused cotillon, and idly watch the Schottishe or Polka. It would considerably add to the weight of public opinion if the order would once more deal with living questions, and bring the national character to bear on national councils, which have decidedly grown too commercial and civic. In the present instance, after many more brilliant and elaborate orators, the plain good sense and scholarly good breeding of the country gentleman have thrown so much reality into the objection against Lord Grey's last schemes of broadcast transportation, that a new course was manifestly necessary. Although Mr. Hawes was present, and said a few words on a matter of date, Sir George Grey was put forward by the Cabinet, as the safer and more creditable spokesman. The Cabinet Minister's tone was decidedly apologetic ; the significant phrase "I admit" recurred again and again' and although the Home Secretary was a party interested against the Colonies, since his natural wish is to get rid of the conviction) which burdens his department, a more satisfactory assurance was wrung from him than bad ever been attained before. Neither Sir George Grey nor Lord John Russell would give a pledge that no convicts should be sent in the teeth of objections from colonies ; but they intimated that if colonies object very loudly they shall be spared. Of course, no colony interested in the matter will neglect that hint to supply " pressure from without" by getting up sufficient agitation. We have before remarked that colonies can get what they need if they only rebel enough. Mr. Adderley therefore has succeeded in bringing the convict question to this point—it lies with each colony to estop transportation to its own shores. Mr. Fagan's motion to abolish ministers-money in Ireland, and make good the amount by surplus revenues of the Established Church in Ire. laud, was set aside by "the previous question." This evasion of a "dif- ficulty" got rid of it for the moment ; but it does nortemeoe the false relation of the Established Church to the Irish people. - Mr. Moffatt's bill to exclude insolvent Members from sitting in the House of Commons has been withdrawn. After some tinkering, Mr. Moffatt wished to recommit the bill; but the Speaker very rightly pointed out the impropriety of that slovenly method of vamping up a measure. And, after all, we do not see that the measure is worth the fuss made about it. Why meddle in the private money matters of Mem- bers? You have only to place them in that respect on a footing with other citizens. The day has passed when tyrannical uses could be made of such a liability : ill fortune to the Government that could steal a vote or evade a speech by any such trick ! If Members cannot attend to their duties on account of personal embarrassments, that would fairly vacate their seats. But the good or bad state of a man's private money affairs has no relation to his fitness for the office of legislator : we need not stop in modern times to prove that many a man who cannot keep out of hot water makes a very good statesman ; and at this day, Members might be named who are notoriously insolvent and who would yet be more missed from Parliament than many a man with most prosperous account- books.