A ROMAN CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY FOR IRELAND.
E are extremely glad to see that the Conference of Conservative Associations at Bristol in effect refused to vote a resolution condemning the establish- ment of a University in Ireland of a kind that would satisfy Roman Catholic opinion. It is true that they did not vote in favour of the scheme, and that the debate was adjourned sine die, but, on the whole, we take it that the weight of opinion at the Conference was in favour of leaving the settlement of the Irish University question in the hands of the Government. In any case, -we are quite certain that this is the opinion of the mass of the Unionist party,—Conservative and Liberal Unionist. Whatever a few extremists may say, the Unionist party as a whole have the fullest trust in Mr. Balfour's prescience as to what is the true Unionist policy as regards Ireland. If he, in the name of the Government, were to state that a certain scheme of University reform was in the interest of the Unionist cause, he would be supported by the bulk of the party. Unionists at large cannot possibly be expected to formulate a policy for themselves on so complicated a matter. They are not experts, but they do sincerely desire that Ireland's wishes shall be consulted, and that the Unionist principle—the principle of giving Ireland within the legislative Union all that she can fairly and reasonably ask—shall be observed. If they are told by men they trust that such and such a scheme will meet Irish Catholic opinion, and so be for Ireland's content and satisfaction, they will, we believe, cheerfully give their consent, and pay very little heed to the protests of a small and injudicious minority.
Granted that the question is left in the hands of the Government with, as it were, carte-blanche from the majority of their Unionist supporters, how ought the Government to act ? We answer, without hesitation, that they should adopt a scheme of University education which shall be thoroughly satisfactory to the Roman Catholics — i.e., give them that Catholic atmosphere which they desire—and also give to the great Protestant province of the North the sort of University which they too would regard as most fitting to their needs. In our columns a fortnight ago " Catholicus " gave in outline the sort of scheme which the Catholics would think acceptable, and this week a representative of Northern Protestantism very properly asks that a similar University should be established in Belfast. Upon the details of the scheme we shall not enter, but it is enough to say that we entirely agree with the demand that the North shall receive whatever is given to the South. Let us ask, however, what are the advantages that are likely u ensue from satisfying the demands of the Catholics. In the first place, we shall take away what is, or at any rate what seems to be, a very serious Roman Catholic grievance. Personally, we do not suppose that a University with " a Catholic atmosphere" will ever be a very flourishing place of learning, because we believe that a University wants a freer air than is encouraged by Roman Catholicism. That, however, is the affair of the Roman Catholics, not of us who are Pro. testants. As they happen to be Roman Catholics and not Protestants, we want them to have what suits them, not what suits us. And at any rate, their Univer. sity, even with its close and unfree " Catholic atmo• sphere," will be a great deal better than no University at all. We would infinitely rather that the strict Roman Catholics of Ireland had a narrow University education than no University education. But as long as there is no University with a Catholic atmosphere the Roman Catholics of Ireland will get no University education, for the Bishops and priests steadily set their faces against any other type of University. To satisfy the demand of the Irish Catholics will be good for Ireland in the widest sense, for it will give her a form of University education of which her people can and will avail themselves. From the purely Unionist point of view, the good done will be most marked. The Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, at any rate in its higher branches and as a body, only wants a reasonable excuse for abandoning Home-rule and the ex- treme Nationalist demands. Could they be satisfied in regard to what they consider a very great grievance, we should hear little more of distinctly Catholic support to the cause of disintegration. The Irish Catholics would feel that they had their triumph, and that they could with honour and a good conscience give up their anti-Unionist policy. Nothing, in fact, could be a greater blow to Nationalism than the satisfying of the Catholic demands as to Univer• sity education. But surely this is a blow which every Unionist wants to give. If we do not now satisfy this last genuine Irish grievance, we shall once again ruin our work by that stopping just short of the goal which has always spoilt our efforts in Ireland. We have reformed the Irish Land-laws, and begun to turn the Irish tenants into what they ought to be,—i.e., peasant-proprietors. We have helped to develop the natural resources of Ireland in a prudent and effective manner, and to deal with her worst economic evil,—i.e., by the Congested Districts Board. Lastly, we have given Ireland an excellent, and yet popular, system of local government. All that is wanted to com• plete the Unionist policy in Ireland is to satisfy the Roman Catholics in regard to University education. Judged. in the abstract this may seem a small thing, and the political philosopher may urge that it matters very little one way or the other. No doubt it is a small thing looked at from our point of view, but in Ireland, the natural home of " bulls," it is the small matters that are the largest. What we call small matters are usually matters of sentiment, and in Ireland sentiment counts a great deal. If the Roman Catholics get their University—i.e., the University they want, and not the one we think they ought to want— they will have had a sentimental triumph, and at once they will be inclined to look with favour. able eyes upon all the other and more substantial things the Unionists have done for Ireland. If, on the other hand, we withhold from them their sentimental triuniph, all the other reforms will be looked at with a jaundiced eye,—will count as nothing. The great benefits we have carried out will disappear, and the one small grievance we have left will hold the field. Surely this is a reason for putting an end to the grievance which if left will utterly obscure land reform, industrial development, and local government. And though we would rather put the matter on higher grounds, we do not ignore the party advan• tages that will flow from satisfying the Irish demand in regard to Catholic education. The question, once raised must produce a great deal of friction between a section of the Liberals and the Nationalists. But no Unionist can profess to object to such a result. The alliance is practically suspended. A fierce difference over a Univer- sity Bill might make reunion—always our danger— impossible.
It remains to deal with the objections to the adoption by the Government of the policy of satisfying the Irish Catholics. It is said that the Unionist party would be shattered by the defection of their ultra-Protestant sup- porters in England and Scotland. We do not believe a word of it. A few men of extreme "No Popery" opinions might threaten to leave the party, but such bigoted per- sons have probably been detached already by Sir William Harcourt's championship of Anti-Romanism, and in any case their numbers are quite insignificant. No doubt in Ulster the matter is more serious. Though the majority of Ulster Unionists would probably be satisfied by the grant of a Northern University with a Protestant atmosphere, there would be also a good many extreme men who would be very much disgusted. But after all, their annoyance need not really be feared. They certainly will not in future vote for Catholic Nationalist candidates in order to show their " No Popery " zeal ; nor will the repre- sentatives they do vote for be able to combine with Home- rulers in order to defeat a Unionist Government. With Ulster men the Union is bound to be the dominant question, and whatever they may say, they will not abandon the cause of the Union merely because they are angry with the Government on what is, after all, a side issue. On all these grounds, then, we most strongly urge the Government to have the courage and consistency to carry out their policy—for it is their policy— of satisfying the claims of the Catholics in regard to Irish University education,—meeting, at the same time, the wishes of the Northern Protestants on the same subject. H the Government had from the very beginning sternly set their face against opening the question at all, they might now keep silent on it with some show of reason. But they have not done so. During the last three years they have repeatedly used language which showed that they meant to deal with it. They have, in fact, raised the hopes of the Irish Roman Catholics in the matter to a high pitch. To dash those hopes at the last moment would be a most serious evil,—would, in fact, inflict a double blow. Not only would they leave a grievance unrelieved, but they would now give a sense also of betrayal and deception. But the Government must be able to realise this quite as well as we can. We cannot, therefore, doubt that they will deal with the question. They might, perhaps, refuse to force the matter upon the Opposition if the Opposition resisted very strongly, but they surely cannot now fail to introduce their measure next Session. If they do introduce it, it must, we believe, pass. The course of events should be something of this kind. The Government should intro- duce their Bill, and then say to the Liberal leaders : We look to you as the professed friends of Ireland and of Irish national opinion, and as the advocates of justice to Ireland, to help, or at any rate not to obstruct, a measure of justice to Ireland. If you, the official Liberal leaders, join with our own malcontents in preventing the passage of our Bill, we confess that we shall be obliged to abandon it. It will be clear, however, to Ireland that, in that case, the responsibility of destroying the Bill will rest upon you' The Liberal leaders who still look for help from Ireland, and who have no desire to break finally with the Nationalists, would under such circumstances be obliged to abandon opposition to the Bill, and it should then pass without difficulty. No doubt the adoption of such a course of action would require a little boldness and courage, but these are the qualities which we Unionists have a right to look for from our Government. They are earnest Unionists, and really desirous ofputting the Union above all risk ; they are sincerely anxious to settle the grievances of Ireland and to satisfy the majority of her people; and they are also good party men, and so desirous of defeating their opponents. But on every one of these grounds they ought to take up and carry through a scheme of Univer- sity education which will satisfy the Irish. In truth, Irish University education is the key of the position. If the Government deal with that problem fearlessly and Strongly, they will greatly raise their power and prestige. If they shirk the matter and shrink from the responsi- bility, they will miss one of the greatest opportunities ever presented to a British Government.
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