tbates anb iprorrebings in Varlfamtnt.

OPENING OP THE SESSION.

Parliament was opened on Thursday. by the Queen in person, with

the usual splendour. About noon, the House of Lords began to fill in every part ; the ladies, in elegant dresses, outnumbering the Peers pre- sent at two o'clock ; the Corps Diplomatique in full costume, the Peers, the Bishops, and the Judges, completing the picture. The Duke of Wel- lington entered the House about one o'clock, looking well ; and the Lord Chancellor, who entered some half-hour afterwards, seemed re-

covered from his recent indisposition. The Duke of Cambridge was present. At two o'clock, the Queen's approach was announced by the thunder of artillery and the clangour of trumpets ; and in a few minutes entered her Majesty, dressed in a splendid costume of white satin and diamonds, leaning on the arm of Prince Albert, and preceded by He- ralds and the Great Officers of State.

The Commons having been summoned to the bar,

THE QUEEN received the Speech from the Lord Chancellor, and read it, with her habitual self-possession and distinctness, as follows- " My Lords and Gentlemen—It affords me great satisfaction again to meet you in Parliament, and to have the opportunity of profiting by your assistance and advice.

"I entertain a confident hope that the general peace, so necessary for the happiness and prosperity of all nations, will continue uninterrupted. My friendly relations with the King of the French, and the good understanding happily established between my Government and that of his Majesty, with the continued assurances of the peaceful and amicable dispositions of all Princes and States, confirm me in this expectation. "I have directed that the treaty which I have concluded with the Emperor Of China shall be laid before you ; and I rejoice to think that it will in its re- sults prove highly advantageous to the trade of this country. Throughout the whole course of my negotiations with the Government of China, I have uniformly disclaimed the wish for any exclusive advantages. It has been my desire that equal favour should be shown to the industry and commercial enter- prise of all nations. The hostilities which took place during the past year in Schnie have led to the annexation of a considerable portion of that country to the British posses- sions in the East. In all the military operations, and especially in the battles of Meanee and Hyderabad, the constancy and valour of the troops, Native and European, and the skill and gallantry of their distinguished commander, have been most conspicuous. I have directed that additional information explana- tory of the transactions in Scinde shall be forthwith communicated to you. "Gentlemen of the House of Commons—The Estimates for the ensuing year will be immediately laid before you. They have been prepared with a strict regard to economy, and at the same time with a due consideration of those exigencies of the public service which are connected with the maintenance of our maritime strength, and the multiplied demands on the naval and military establishments from the various parts of a widely-extended empire. "My Lords and Gentlemen—I congratulate you on the improved condition of several important branches of the trade and manufactures of the country. I trust that the increased demand for labour has relieved in a corresponding degree many classes of my faithful subjects from sufferings and privations, which at former periods I have had occasion to deplore. "For several successive years the annual produce of the revenue fell short of the public expenditure. I confidently trust that in the present year the public income will be amply sufficient to defray the charges upon it. I feel assured that in considering all matters connected with the financial concerns of the country, you will bear in mind the evil consequences of accumulating debt during the time of peace; and that you will firmly resolve to uphold that public credit the maintenance of which concerns equally the permanent interests and the honour and reputation of a great country. "In the course of the present year, the opportunity will occur of giving no- tice to the Bank of England on the subject of the revision of its charter. It may be advisable that during this session of Parliament, and previously to the arrival of the period assigned for the giving of such notice, the state of the law with regard to the privileges of the Bank of England, and to other banking establishments, should be brought under your consideration. "At the close of the last session of Parliament, I declared to you my firm determination to maintain inviolate the Legislative Union between Great Bri- tain and Ireland. I expressed, at the same time, my earnest desire to coope- rate with Parliament in the adoption of all such measures as might tend to improve the social condition of Ireland, and to develop the natural resources of that part of the United Kingdom. I am resolved to act in strict con- formity with this declaration. I forbear from olservations on events in Ireland, in respect to which proceedings are pending before the proper legal tribunal. My attention has been directed to the state of the law and practice with regard to the occupation of land in Ireland. I have deemed it advisable to institute extensive local inquiries into a subject of so much importance, and have appointed a Commission with ample autho- rity to conduct the requisite investigation. I recommend to your early con- sideration the enactments at present in force in Ireland concerning the regis- tration of voters for Members of Parliament. You will probably find that a revision of the law of registration, taken in conjunction with other causes at present in operation, would produce a material diminution of the number of county voters, and that it may be advisable on that account to consider the state of the law with a view to an extension of the county franchise in Ireland. " I commit to your deliberate consideration the various important questions of public policy which will necessarily come under your review, with full con- fidence in your loyalty and wisdom, and with an earnest prayer to Almighty God to direct and favour your efforts to promote the welfare of all classes of my people." [It is observed that, in the part relating to Ireland, the Queen laid a marked emphasis on the words " I am resolved to act in strict con- formity with that declaration."]

At the conclusion of the Speech, the Queen retired with her cortege ; the House of Commons withdrew ; and the House of Lords adjourned during pleasure.

THE ADDRESS.

The House of Lords having reassembled soon after five o'clock, the Earl of ELDON moved the Address, echoing the Speech from the Throne ; of which his speech was for the most part an amplification ; but on the subject of Ireland he somewhat extended his remarks— Setting the pending State trial aside, if the House should find the present laws inadequate to preserve the peace of the country, they would have no hesitation in supporting Government, by conferring on her Majesty fresh powers for maintaining the peace and integrity of the empire; for in such a case any nobleman would be ready to declare— "Tuna, 0 Regina, quid Wes.

Explorare labor: mail jussa eapessere tea est."

Nor would the House forget the necessity of maintaining a proper force in Ireland. A letter which he had received a few days ago, written by a young lady, a relation of his and the daughter of a clergyman residing there, had con- vinced him that the country could scarcely be in a more deplorable state than it was in at present. After mentioning that the part of the country whence she wrote was in a peaceful state, and that a thought of danger scarcely ever entered their heads, she continued—" Not so our neighbours ; some of them have fortified their houses, expecting nightly massacres." Her father said that he constantly received blessings from the poor people as he passed along the road. They said, "God Almighty bless your reverence, and shield you from every danger," or words to that effect; and they were people whose faces he was unacquainted with, but who seemed as if they knew that some danger was impending, and wished to warn him. Thus, in a parish where there were not at present disturbances, the clergyman cannot receive the blessing of his parishioners without their exciting in him feelings of apprehension and alarm. Lord Eldon hoped that the existing protection to agriculture would be long continued ; and he hinted at the propriety of introducing a measure for the prevention of duelling.

Lord Hum briefly seconded the motion.

The Marquis of NORMANEY, having been absent during part t.f last session in consequence of ill health, took the earliest opportunity, of stating his opinions on the affairs of Ireland— As soon as possible after the termination of the trials in Ireland, he woula give notice of a motion to consider the state of that country ; probably for the 13th instant. Lord Eldon had been indiscreet enough to go beyond the Speech and suggest what he would do with Ireland—quoting a letter from a young lady : surely the House would require further documentary evidence before increasing the military establishment for the coercion of Ireland ; and Lord Eldon's great. grandfather—CA cry of" Grandfather" and laughter)—would have been more difficult to satisfy on the subject. A measure really to extend the Irish franchise might deserve support. The appointment of the Commission to inquire into the relation of landlord and tenant was objectionable : it would have been better for Government to make inquiries, and to have proposed a bill confined to specific remedies ; as the Commission, vaguely worded, was cal- culated to raise undue expectations.

Lord BROUGHAM expressed great satisfaction at concurring, for the first time in his experience, in an address of nothing but congratula- tions: he did not remember an instance in which every quarter of the world was so clear—no one part of the political horizon was at all obscure.

Alluding, though cautiously, to Ireland, he recommended paternal good go- vernment rather than coercion • and glancing at the Commission which had been issued, he deprecated interference between landlord and tenant, as an in- vasion of the rights of property—the very corner-stone of society. Be rejoiced in the cordial good understanding between England and France, with a warm panegyric on his friend M. Guizot, for whom he disavowed any" Anglomania " or subjection of French to English interests; and a cutting censure of the Op- position leaders, who, to escape the gloomy shades of opposition for the sunny eminences of power, seek to delude and inflame the warlike passions of the French people. TheAddress declared the resolve to maintain the public credit ; and be was glad to think that it would be waited across the Atlantic. He might be al- lowed to address a word of friendly remonstrance to those who, from old con- nexions, he might call his clients of the United States, on the refusal of rich people to pay the debts due from them: in order to which be told a short anec- dote. He had lately had occasion to visit one of the great railways in progress in the centre of France, in the neighbourhood of Orleans, formed with the view of being connected with a similar undertaking in this country—the Bir- mingham. Ile asked who the workmen were ; and was told they were English and Tirish. He said he hoped his countrymen behaved very well. They an- swered that they did not quite reciprocate this expression. Did you find the English sober? was his next question. Not at all, was the answer. He said he was sorry for that, but had heard of these complaints before. Well, he asked, surely you get on better with the Irish ? Oh, said they, they are a great deal worse; always quarrelling and fighting with each other, and drinking as well as fighting; excellent and goodnatured people when they did not fight, but so fond of it that they beat one another for the mere love of the exercise. "I then," continued Lord Brougham, "addressed myself to a gentleman near me, whom I thought an Englishman ; and I said, 'it is a sad thing that you can't get an English workman who is sober, or an Irish workman who will keep from fighting!' ' A.h,' said the person, 'I am not an Irishman, nor an Bog- lhihman." Oh,' I said, 'then you must be a Scot !' No,' said he, with some emotion, 'I am from Philadelphia.' I said, 'Don't be alarmed; I don't think your countrymen will continue in their present humour : they will soon perceive the course they should pursue.' 'God grant that it may be so,' he re- plied; at present an American is ashamed to avow his country.' I cannot remember any thing which struck more deeply into my feelings; and I think it will be found and acknowledged on both sides of the Atlantic, that honesty is the best policy."

The Marquis of CLANRICARDE took exception to the conduct of Go- vernment in Ireland. He learned that they had no measure for the be- nefit of the country, except one merely relating to political liberty, meant apparently as a claptrap, to delay the moment when they must look the distresses of Ireland in the face. He strongly censured the Landlord and Tenant Commission, which ought to be called one to in- quire into fixity of tenure, and which had already produced bad effects : for persons who refuse to answer the summons of this tribunal to give information are denounced, and the people are misled as to the objects of the inquiry. The necessary information might be collected from the Blue Books. Earl FITZWILLIAM also objected to the inquiry, on simi- lar grounds. The Earl of DEVON protested that the two Peers had wrongly designated the Commission.

Lord CAMPBELL inquired after the Law Reforms which were an- nounced last session, not completed, but not reannounced this session; particularly the Ecclesiastical Courts Bill and the County Courts Bill. Perhaps this session would present the converse of the last, and in place of much promise and little performance there would be little promise and much performance. He also concluded that after the termination of the Irish State trials, a bill would be introduced for the prevention of duelling. (A laugh.) The LORD CiEraNcErs.on said that a bill to reform the Ecclesiastical Courts, and one to establish Courts for the recovery of Small Debts, would be the only measures of the kind introduced by Government this session. Lord COTTENHAM intimated that, in that case, he should reintroduce his bill on the subject of Local Courts.

The Address was agreed to ; and the House adjourned at eight o'clock.

In the House of Commons, which reassembled at four o'clock, after Some preliminary business, Viscount Cravn moved the Address in answer to the Speech from the Throne, of which it was the counterpart ; the mover's speech developing the several points.

Mr..CannwELL seconded the motion ; and devoted himself principally to corroborate with statistical figures the assertiob of renewed prospe- rity, which his connexion with the North of England (he represents Clithero), enabled him to do— The symptoms of revival are general, though differing in degree in the seve- ral trades. In the cotton-trade, the stimulus which began with the low prices of last year has been maintained ; stocks are low, demand is brisk, and the trade is healthy. In the Poor-law Union of Burnley, the number of applica- tions for relief have diminished from 12,600 in 1841, to 6,000 in 1845; the expenditure, from 4,200/. to 2,8001., without including 10,0001. received from the Manchester Relief Fund. At Stockport, the Poor-rates have diminished from 98. in the poinad in 1842 to 4s. in 1843; empty cottages, from 1,100 to 450; mills are reopening and enlarging; and in the Savings Banks the balance of deposits has increased from 53,921/. to 64,396/. The linen, trade improves; and in South Staffordshire, extinguished furnaces are rekindled, end able-bodied poor are no longer a burden on the rates. The receipts of railway-traffic have increased by millions. And the commercial circulars show increasing com- merce with all parts of the world.

Mr. HUME had never heard any Address less objectionable in its positive statements ; but he contended that the House ought to have twenty-four hours to consider the several points; and it became his duty to notice important omissions— The distress and destitution of the country arises chiefly from the want of employment for the people—not once mentioned in the Speech; and that want of employment is mainly to be attributed to our restrictive policy. He read many scraps of newspaper reports of the recent agricultural meetings. They were a farce in the pretence that they are held by tenant-farmers ; but they were discreditable in the abuse which was heaped upon the League ; which Mr. Hume, though not belonging to that body, indignantly repelled. It seemed, however, that Sir Robert Peel was to be precluded from going for a fixed corn- duty ; and therefore he must go for repeal or nothing : and as Sir Robert had before made it a complaint against Lord John Russell, that he had proposed a change in the Corn-laws without announcing it in the Queen's Speech, it was to be inferred that, since Sir Robert Peel had made no such announcement, he did not intend to propose any change. He had also told Lord John Russell that if he could not carry such measures as he thought just and ex- pedient he ought to resign ; and it was to be hoped that he would follow his own recommendation. Nothing was done for free trade last session, and it was said that things would mend. There had been some little improve- ment; but now the Poor-rates are rapidly rising again, and distress and destitution in the Metropolis were never greater, nor more alarming : he knew that the Poor-rates, after sinking from 7,000,000/. or 8,000,000/. to 4,500,000/., had risen to upwards of 6,000,000/. The causes of that condition are, want of free trade, and heavy taxation — especially the Income-tax ; and he was perfectly satisfied, that with economy in the ex- penditure, the 5,000,0001. of the Income tax might be saved. Deduct from the revenue the Income-tax, the Corn-duty, and the money from China, making 7,000,000/, and instead of showing an advance the revenue would posi- tively appear 1,500,000/. less than it was two years ago. In that state of things, the Bank has 15,000,000/. in its coffers that cannot find employment The military establishment to coerce Ireland occasions an expense of 1,500,000/. If he could believe that the House would continue deaf to the claims of Ire- land, he should become a Repealer himself: better let Ireland go, than be kept M a state of constant disquietude. (Opposition cheers.) Mr. Hume concluded by proposing the following resolution, as an addition to the eleventh paragraph of the Speech, echoed in the Address— o declare that we should ill discharge the duty we owe to her Majesty, if we did not direct her most serious attention to the present condition of her faithful people ; which, notwithstanding the improvement in some branches of industry, still exhibits such an extent of destitution and suffering as to demand from her Majesty's faithful Commons an expression of their opinion of the causes, and the best means of removing the same: "To assure her Majesty, that, although we fully appreciate the progress made by this Parliament in reducing the duties on many articles of import, we at the same time deeply lament that her Majesty has not been advised to call our immediate attention to the repeal of those pernicious laws which prevent free trade in corn and provisions, so essential to the sustenance and comfort of the people, and to the prosperity of the state ; and that we earnestly implore her Majesty's gracious cooperation for the repeal of those prohibitory and restric- tive laws which give monopolies in sugar and other articles to certain classes of her Majesty's subjects, to the detriment of the rest ; so that no duties may be levied on any imports, except for the direct purposes of revenue to her Majesty's exchequer : " To submit most respectfully to her Majesty, that an excessive and unequal taxation, disproportionate to the reduced value of property, the diminished profits on capital, and to the inadequate wages of labour, pressing on all ranks of the community, but especially on the working classes, is a principal cause of the existing distress ; and that a reduction of the same is absolutely necessary for the relief of her Majesty's loyal, peaceful, and suffering people: that as this country is, and, as we rejoice to hear, is likely to continue, at peace with all the world, we humbly represent to her Majesty, that many branches of the civil, military, and naval establishments, may be so greatly reduced as to procure for the people considerable relief from the pressure of taxation, without detriment to the public service."

Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD proposed another amendment, as an ad- dition to the tenth paragraph- " To assure her Majesty, that her faithful Commons will be always desirous to vote such Supplies as may be found just and necessary for the public service; but that, under the existing circumstances of the country, we shall deem it our first and most important duty to inquire into the various grievances complained of by her people, and to devise such measures as may be most effectual for redressing all just causes of complaint." His object was, that her Majesty should be informed that the people.had deep cause of complaint for grievances which required to be redressed ; whereof he particularly mentioned, inadequate and unfair representation of the people, class-legislation, accumulation of capital and property in the hands of a few, taxation of food, and extravagant expenditure. They complained of all these things ; and they could not so much as get their complaints even inquired into, much less redressed. Therefore it was that he maintained that those Members who represented the people in that House should adhere to the constitutional principle of demanding that the grievances of the people should be heard be- fore granting the supplies.

After some short delay, Mr. WeantraroN rose to explain why he should vote for Mr. Crawford's amendment, though he did not approve of his project— He acknowledged that it was at all times the duty of Members to inquire fully into the grievances of the people ; bat he must add, that he was not pre- pared to stop the supplies of the country till all the grievances of the people were inquired into ; and he did not wish it to be inferred that that was his desire in giving the vote which he should give. When the Crown, for words spoken in that House, ventured to endeavour to commit Members of that House to the Tower, then to stop the supplies was a justifiable course for the adoption of the House of Commons ; and the House and the Crown then un- derstood perfectly well what was meant—they knew that matters had proceeded to that extremity that civil war was inevitable, and by stopping the supplies the House of Commons meant that they were prepared for the worst. At that time, too, the evils of actually stopping time supplies were not of the enormous extent which would now be entailed upon the country. Colonies we then had almost none ; nor were there extensive foreign establishments, which it was absolutely necessary now to regard before stopping the supplies, for by doing so they would positively throw all the foreign establishments of the country, and many other establishments, into utter confusion. The Crown itself, at, that time, had a large amount of private resources on which it could rely. At that time, independently of what were supposed to be the privileges of the Crown, it had large contributions from all the gentlemen who then supported those privileges. At present, on the contrary, the reve- nues of the Crown were entirely under the control of the House of Commons; and even if they were not so, the revenues of the Crown were almost as nothing compared with the whole expenditure of the country. Ile thought, therefore, that to proceed to the extremity of stopping the supplies, was then a justi- fiable course ; but he could not agree with the honourable Member for Roch- dale that it would be so now. By voting, therefore, with the honourable Mem- ber, he only desired to signify his opinion that the Estimates would be capable of a very considerable reduction.

Mr. WALLACE would not be bound by such fastidious laws as Mr. Warburton, and under any circumstances he should vote for stopping the Supplies. (Loud laughter and ironical cheers.) Lord Joasz RUSSELL addressed himself to the several motions before the House.

If Mr. Crawford's motion meant that the majority of the House had the power of stopping the supplies to enforce measures of redress, he knew of no power in the Crown to hinder it, and the assertion of the right was superfluous: but if it meant that a minority could stop the supplies, to force opinions on the majority—which seemed to be the intention—be could not support any such motion ; and be gladly expressed his dissent from projects which he had seen proclaimed elsewhere. Mr. Hume said that the House ought to have time to consider the topics in the Address; which would be very well if the vote pledged the House to any decided conclusion—in respect to Sciude, for example, he should 'pause before thanking the Crown for the annexation of that territory to the British em- pire: but in truth the Address only thanked the Queen for communicating the fact to the House; which obviated all difficulty in paying the compliment to the Crown of agreeing to the Address without division. As to the Speech and the Address, the cautious allusion to Ireland was eons- mendable; and, emulating it, he reserved his opinion on Irish affairs, intending to make them the subject of a separate motion [for a Committee of Inquiry into the State of Ireland, probably on the 13th, said Lord John, in giving notice.] In several topics of the Speech he expressed his concurrence; such as the passage respecting China, where Sir Henry Pottinger had so successfully acted on the instructions given by Lord Palmerston ; and the one about France, Lord John having been one of a Cabinet that had often been taunted with the French alliance. Both M. Guizot and M. Thiers now admitted, that in 1840 France had diverged from her ancient policy, to which she had recently re- turned ; England having at that time, without separate objects of her own, kept in view what really was the ancient policy of France in maintaining the integrity of Turkey. "I am glad," said Lord John, "that we shall be on the most intimate terms with France. She is one of the most enlightened RS well as one of the greatest countries in Europe. From France, as well as from England, have proceeded some of the greatest and most distinguished men of letters and science, whose labours have enlightened the world ; and I trust that the two countries will never again have occasion to meet in those fields of warfare, which, however they may produce deeds of brilliance and glory, cannot in the end but be productive of great calamity to mankind." He had no doubt that, although there had been some exaggeration, there had also been some solid improvement in the manufacturing districts. One cause was the two last harvests. " I have made particular inquiry with respect to the effect of the harvest among the poor. With respect to the price of food and the effect to some poor families of whom I made inquiry, I was told by one that the price of bread this year was to them a saving of a shilling every week in the consumption of the family ; and if we multiply the number of families who must be in that condition, we see that there must be a .saving in the article of food to the amount of 7,000,000/. or 8,000,000/. sterling, to be devoted to the purchase of articles of clothing or other goods of which the poor man stands in need. I think it is obvious, then, that the bounty of Providence goes far to account for the improvement which has taken place in our manu- factures." That effect, however, would have been much the same with a pro- hibitory duty as with a sliding scale, and could not be quoted in favour of any particular law. Sir Robert Peel's policy had in fact placed the agricultural interest in a disadvantageous position. There were three schemes on the sub- ject. One was the old scheme, protection of British against foreign industry ; another was competition freed of all protection, with no duties except for re- venue. " Now, although the first opinion is totally erroneous, and although the second opinion is in itself absolutely true, yet in the condition of this country, hoeing to raise the interest of a debt of 800,000,0001., and to support its establishments, and having for these purposes laid on many taxes at various times, some pressing on one class and some on another, when you make a change from what is erroneous to what is sound and true, you should make that change with great caution, and should rather look to how a fair competi- tion with foreigners can be established NI ith some advantages to our own pro- ducers, who have hitherto been unduly favoured, than go at once into a system of entire freedom. That, I think, was very much the principle upon which the right honourable gentleman proposed his tariff two years ago. He stated that as a general proposition, but he said be never would go the whole length of it at once. But the misfortune in his Corn-law is that it does not go the proper length. If the principle here is good for any thing, it is founded on the protection of the British interest. All who defended it defended it on that ground. But this law is left alone and repudiated in your policy with respect to all other articles. It is therefore a law which can be defended only on a principle which you say yourselves is indefensible. That appears, then, to be placing the agricultural interest and the whole landed interest at a disadvantage as respects the rest of the community. If you could say that you protect British agriculture along with all classes of British industry, for that is the true principle, then you would tie up your Corn-law in a faggot with the rest ; or corn and every thing else might be made perfectly free ; or again, they might be subjected to moderate duties of 5, 10, or 20 per cent. But what do you say with respect to almost all articles of trade and commerce ? We adopt a moderate duty ; but with respect to an article in which the great majority of the House of Lords and the great majority of the House of Commons are deeply interested, we have a duty of 40 per cent levied— (Loud cheers from the Opposition benehes)—and that duty Is a shifting and changing duty, and one which every commercial man declares to be irreconcile- able with every sound principle.' Now, that does seem to me to be the diffi- culty of the present situation in which you have left the Corn-laws. And when I see gentlemen at agricultural meetings, after expressions of distrust of the right honourable Baronet, much greater than I, one of the leaders of the Opposition, ever ventured to express, bid him openly come forward, declare that the Corn-law shall not be changed, and bind himself to it in all perpetuity, I must say, such men make the most extravagant and absurd request that ever was made of any statesman in this country. The right honourable gentleman told us last session that he did not mean to alter the Corn-laws last year, but that with respect to the future, he must judge of the condition of the country, and of the effect of this as of any other commercial law of the country. I thought that the only answer the right honourable gentleman could give; and I should certainly be very much surprised if I found him now saying, I am so enamoured of my law, I think it in all respects so perfect, that I will stand by it to all eternity.' I should be surprised if he made that declaration ; and I think that the agricultural cry is a most unreasonable one." (Cheers.) Sir ROBERT PEEL opposed the two amendments, and vindicated his Own rosi ion.

He opposed the motion of Mr. Crawford ; to whom he pointed out the injury which his project would do to his favourite Democratic opinions. " I can conceive nothing more injurious to the popular principle of the constitution than to abuse the privileges we possess, and which are calculated for our safety on great occasions. The power of moving constant adjournments is a power of which it may be right that individuals or a minority should continue in possession ; but it is intrusted to them, like other powers, under a great responsibility ; and they are seriously affecting the popular principle, and in- juring those interests of which they are, I am bound to suppose, the sincere and strenuous advocates, if they lightly call into action instruments which ought only to be invoked on great occasions. The honourable gentleman says that he will stop the supplies until the grievances of the country are re- dressed: why, what various opinions are entertained both as to grievances them- selves and as to the best mode of their redress And if the honourable gentleman and those friends of his who entirely concur in opinion with him were to form the Government of the country, and possessed a great majority, they would be setting an example fatal to their own power of conducting the public business ; for they would have set the example to a small minority, differing with them as to the nature of grievances, and as to the mode of redress, to obstruct the conduct of public business by themselves, by exercising the privileges intended for other purposes." Mr. Hume required twenty-four hours to consider the topics in the Address : but would that time suffice, if each separate question were really to be con- sidered and decided ?

Without acrimonious retrospections, the House appeared to be unanimous in respect to the good understanding with France. He explained what he meant by that " good understanding." "I do not mean any secret engagements between France and this country, which might give offence to any of the other Powers of Europe : our understanding ought to be patent and open to all the world. We seek to interfere with or prejudice the rights of no other country ; we covet no invasion of the territory of any of them; we wish not to diminish the just influence and authority of any of them ; we wish not to propagate par- ticular opinions in other countries with reference to systems of government ; we do not wish to shake the attachment of subjects to their Sovereigns in any of them : but the time as come when we ask ourselves in France and England this question, Are our interests so opposed to each other, that there is a necessity for our fomenting party interests, and placing ourselves at the heads of rival factions in other countries where the forms of government are different from our own ? If there is no such opposition—if we are agreed in the general prin- ciples on which a good understanding should exist, I say again, it is for the interest of humanity and civilization that that good understanding should be established. In two countries of such high honour and of such great power, it is absolutely necessary for the cordiality and for the permanence of that good understanding, that there should neither be any secret engagement or special contract with which any other country can find fault, nor shall there be the power on the part of the Minister of the one country to boast that he has pro- moted or attempted to promote that accord by obtaining from the other any advantage. (Cheers.) On the part of France, I say at once that no such con- cession has been made by the French Government—there has been no com- promise of any right ; on our own part, I beg to say there has been no con- cession—no compromise of any right—no compromise of any principle what- ever." On the other hand, if in their rivalry the two countries sought to esta- blish a " French " and an "English" party in every country, they would be the curses of the world. In accord, they would be able to promote successful results in the domestic policy of many states; as in Greece, the harmony of the two countries, at a critical period in that nation's fate, was now helping to build up a limited monarchy with free institutions. Mr. Ilume, the representative of extremely popular opinions, Lord John Russell of the Whig party, had con- curred in this friendly policy. " I believe it is the feeling of the great body of the people of this country. (Loud cheers.) There is no wish here to recur to past animosities—those feelings of national antipathy and hostility on account of our vicinity to France. which ought to be converted on account of that vi- cinity into sentiments of reciprocal amity and good-will." (Sir Robert Peel was much cheered in this part of his speech.) Touching the Corn-laws, Mr. Hume was correct in his inference, that if Government had intended any change, it would have been announced in the Speech from the Throne. Lord John Russell said it would be dangerous to apply principles abstractedly right but incurring great disturbance of capital and injury to existing arrangements. " Sir, in that general principle I do cer- tainly concur. I believe the abolition of the Corn-laws would produce great confusion and distress. There is, however, this difference between us—the difference between the fixed duty and the graduated scale. Now here I retain my own opinions. Agreeing in the general principle I have stated with the noble Lord, he proposes to secure his protection by a fixed duty, and he says Members of Parliament are liable to the invidious imputation of being actuated by personal interests in advocating the sliding scale. Surely the same suspicion attaches to the fixed duty plan. The noble Lord might say he pro- posed it for revenue; but, if carried high enough, he knows that, however in- tended, operate it would as protection ; and that he would find it difficult to resist the argument, Why, if you impose a duty on foreign corn, should it not be equally imposed on domestic corn?' Sir, I stated last year that the Go- vernment were not prepared to alter the existing Corn-law ; but, when pressed to make a declaration on the part of the Government that at all times and under all circumstances I would adhere to the law existing, I said, such a declaration would be inconsistent with our duty to the country and the Crown. I do not repeat this for the purpose of securing any escape for the Government. The noble Lord says we may maintain the law or repeal it, but that it is impossible we should adopt a fixed duty. Sir, I do not exactly know what may be impossible. (Laughter.) Sir, I hope those who laugh do not thereby imply an opinion that I am making reservations. Whenever the opinions of the agriculturists take that extraordinary turn which sometimes it has been represented they have already taken in favour of a fixed duty, I am inclined to think that the noble Lord will be the party to propose such a measure, and not myself. (Cheers from the Agricultural Members.) The experience we have had of the present law has not shaken my preference for a graduated duty ; and, although I consider it inconsistent with my duty to make engagements for adherence to existing laws under all circumstances, in order to conciliate support, I can say that the Government have never contemplated, and do not contemplate, any alteration in the existing law. (Cheers from the Agriculturists.) The prices of corn since the law came into operation have been as fixed as at any prior period, and as moderate. They have varied only from 508. to 52s. for the last four or five months; anti the prices for fifty-four years past have been in only seven years lower than the average prices for the last few months ; in all the remaining forty-seven years the prices were higher ; consequently, neither on account of immoderate nor of varying prices have we found any reason to change our opinion as to the existing law. The Government, I repeat, should not bind themselves by any declarations, adherence to which would be inconsistent with duty ; but I again declare they never have contemplated, and do not at present contemplate, any alteration in the law."

Sir Robert concluded by arguing that his past measures had fulfilled ex- pectation; and that although there had been severe distress, in point of fact Ministers met Parliament under greatly improved circumstances at home and abroad.

Lord PALMERSTON endeavoured to break the force of Sir Robert Peel's answer to Lord John Russell with respect to duties for protection and duties for revenue only. He then went to the foreign policy ; hinting that matters were not so well managed now as in his own occupancy of the Foreign Office. The policy of the late Ministers was conducive to the liberty and happiness of mankind—in Belgium, Spain, and Portugal, and in the accord of France and England to sup- press the slave-trade. But in vain are such results looked for now : in Spain, the "best security for the progress of civil liberty," as Sir Robert Peel had called Espartero's Government, had been ousted; in the United States, the settlement of one boundary question -was succeeded by the Oregon claim ; and the negotiations for commercial treaties, an- nounced last year, had come to nothing.

Mr. ROEBUCK strongly animadverted on the avowed futility of the form of voting an address which meant nothing; Ireland being passed over in silence, because it was agreeable to the two great parties to do so ; and both consigning the Corn-laws to oblivion.

Lord Hovvron defended the practice of not making the Queen's Speech the standard for contest on debateable questions, and the caution which repelled the intrusion of political considerations into the too. accessible Irish jury-box. He should approve of a fixed corn-duty, as a fair compromise between extremes ; but he pointed out to Sir Robert Peel, that his present course, by strengthening those who objected even to so much of protection, rendered a compromise impossible, and brought the question at once to the maintenance of the existing law or total re- peal. His own opinion was in favour of free importation of corn. In Sir Robert Peel's dislike to forming a " French " and an " English " party throughout the world he heartily agreed : he abominated the whole system ; and he had listened with regret to Lord Palmerston's censure of the wise policy of our Government and that of France, at present, in refusing to meddle with the internal broils of Spain.

Mr. WYSE and the O'Comort Dore so far approved of the discreet silence respecting Ireland, but strongly urged a conciliatory policy.

Mr. MILNER GIBSON, after deprecating Mr. Sharman Crawford's plan of obstructing public business, as little calculated to excite the sympa- thy of intelligent men, examined what Sir Robert Peel had said about the Corn-laws ; extracting the conclusion, that though he had at that particular moment no measure of change to submit, he refused to pledge himself to maintain the Corn-laws even for a month—leaving the question open. Sir ROBERT PEEL protested that Mr. Gibson misrepresented him— He had said, that if he had intended to propose, or not to resist, an alteration of the Corn-law, some mention of the subject would have been made in the Speech from the Throne ; he had said, that the Government had not contemplated, and that they did not contemplate, such alteration ; and he had also said, that which he believed every one would consider it to be the duty of a Minister to declare, that for the purpose of conciliating a party he would not, on behalf of the Government, and in a matter relating to the abolition of duties rather than involving a great principle, fetter himself to the provisions of any particu- lar law, as to a principle of eternal truth.

Mr. BROTHERTON made a discursive speech. He deprecated Mr. Crawford's project of obstructing business ; attacked the Corn-law policy of Sir Robert Peel ; and expressed doubt whether the improve- ment in the manufacturing districts would continue. Mr. VILLLERS observed, that Sir Robert Peel evidently could not, consistently with his own feelings, maintain his present policy, and yet he could not abandon it. To show how far Government had adopted the principles of Free Trade, be read largely from a paper in the Foreign and Colonial Review, imputed to Mr. Gladstone ; and then, describing the Premier as under the dictation of agricultural dukes and squireens, who threatened to turn him out, he exhorted him to remember that his party could not do without him ; the people being the victims of the policy that was forced upon him, and being ready to rally to his support if he adopted the policy that he believed to be sound.

Mr. GLADSTONE denied that he had written the article referred to by Mr. Villiers, or knew who the author was, or had read a line of it.

Sir Tome HARMER advocated reciprocal free trade, and free trade with colonies. Mr. ScARLErr attacked the League, which ought to be held guilty of a criminal conspiracy, deserving every discouragement. Mr. MuzeTz, alluding to the alleged revival of trade, advised Sir Robert Peel "Dot to halloo till he is out of the wood "; as British manufacturers are so nearly balanced in the competition with foreigners that a difference of two per cent in prices would ruin them. Mr. PHILIPS doubted the permanence of the prosperity ; and Mr. HINDLEY denied it altogether. DIY. FIELDER supported Mr. Crawford's motion.

The House divided first on Mr. Crawford's amendment ; which was negatived by 285 to 29. Mr. Hume's amendment was negatived by 235 to 49. The original motion was then affirmed, and a committee was appointed to draw up the Address.

MISCELLANEOUS.

NEW MEMBERS took the oaths and their seats in the House of Commons, on Thursday,— namely, Mr. Warburton, for Kendal ; Mr. Pattison, for London; Mr. Campbell, for Salisbury; Mr. Pierce Butler, for Kilkenny ; Mr. Duncan M.Neile, for Argyleshire.

NEW WRITS were issued for North Wiltshire, in the room of Sir Francis Burdett, deceased ; and for Devisee, in the room of Mr. Sotheron, who had accepted the Chiltern Hundreds.

NOTICES of MOTION were given on Thursday, of which these are the most notable. Lord ASHLEY, 8th February, an address praying the Queen to re- store the Ameers of Scinde to liberty and to their property. Sir ROBERT FEEL, 8th instant, vote of thanks to the Officers in Scinde. Mr. ROEBUCK, 13th instant, Committee of Inquiry into the Scinde War. Mr. MILNES, 8th instant, a resolution that provision be made by law for the maintenance of se- cular Roman Catholics exercising religious functions in Ireland. Mr. F. FRENCH, 15th instant, a bill for the more effectual relief of the Poor in Ire land. Lord ASHLEY, 5th instant, Committee of inquiry into Workhouse Me- dical Relief. Mr. GLADSTONE, 5th instant, a motion respecting the laws regu- lating Railway communication. Sir JAMES Gasarat, 8th instant, bill to amend the present Factory Act.