THE MACEDONIAN QUESTION. pro THE EDITOR OF THE " SPECTATOR:1
SIR,—In a well-informed leading article in the Spectator of
October 4th, 1902, you drew attention to the general rising in Macedonia which is threatened for next spring, and suggested
as the only possible remedy that by the common consent and action of the six Powers Macedonia " shall be raised into a principality paying tribute to the Sultan, but governed by its own Prince with his own armed police." Your timely fears— which our public seems to have overlooked in favour of the minor interests of a few Anglo-German speculators—are signifi- cantly confirmed by a letter received in reply to a recent inquiry from Count Ignatiev, President of the St. Petersburg Slav Committee, and formerly Minister for Home Affairs in Russia. It will be noticed that his remarks fall in with your suggestion:— " Some twenty-five years ago Macedonia was freed by the Treaty of San Stefano, signed by the plenipotentiaries on March 4th, and ratified by the Sultan three days later. Unfortu- nately the Treaty of Berlin replaced the Christian popula- tion under Turkish rule, whilst binding the Ottoman Govern- ment, under Paragraph 23, to grant reforms similar to those
obtained by the island of Candia,—viz., comparative autonomy. Since that date nothing whatever has been done to alleviate the sufferings of the population thus sadly deceived by Europe. The once-flourishing province is wrecked and ruined. The Christians have been for the last twenty-five years subjected to the arbitrariness of the local authorities, to the tyranny and persecution of Mussulman fanatics and bloodthirsty Albanians. In recent times more especially the Bulgarians and Servians have been pitilessly murdered and massacred. Very often they are doomed to martyrdom. The reforms actually published in Turkey are, as usual, wholly inadequate, and resemble the Hatti- Humaiun of 1856, which was never made seriously effective. This was made clear in the Constantinople Conference of 1876, the Report of which bears the signature of the Marquis of Salisbury. There is but one remedy for this deplorable state of things,—the immediate establishment at Salonica of a European Commission to see that Paragraph 23 of the Berlin Treaty is so enforced as to control on the spot the action of the local authorities, and thus to prevent further massacres. Europe proceeded on these very lines at Adrianople and Philippopolis on behalf of Eastern Roumelia in 1879, and even before that date on behalf of Syria. The Powers morally responsible for the Berlin Treaty, which has had such disastrous conse- quences for the Macedonian Christians, ought to impress upon the Porte unanimously and with energy the necessity for the immediate establishment of the International Commission, on which will devolve the task of framing the necessary reforms with the principle of autonomy kept in the forefront. This is the only way to stop the outbreak early next spring of a general insur- rection of the oppressed population, which -would mean streams of blood and European complications. Paragraph 23 of the Berlin Treaty carries with it an obligation on all the signatories, and the Sultan cannot oppose its execution, especially with the precedent of Eastern Roumelia."
Any appeal to the alien Powers is of its very essence contrary to the spirit and custom of the Pan-Slavonic programme. In the present appeal, therefore, made by the most influential and enlightened adherent of Pan-Slavism, we may see the evidence of special urgency, of special gravity. It clearly implies the failure not only of the counsels of self- control recently given to the "Young Slays" of the Balkan States by the St. Petersburg Official Messenger, but also, which is more important, of the much-talked-of Anstro-Russian agreement in regard to the reforms to be pressed on the Porte on behalf of the Macedonians. Its appearance coincides also with the simultaneous visits to European capitals of the Russian Foreign Minister, Count Lamsdorff, and Dr. Stoyan Michalowski, the general chairman of the Macedonian Com- mittees and a late Member of the Sobranje and Professor at the University of Sofia. Dr. Michalowski, who favoured me with a two hours' interview on December 18th, openly declares that, in view of the unvarying apathy of the Western Powers, the Macedonians are resolved to abandon persuasive for active measures by shortly precipitating events in their country, and thus compelling European intervention as in the case of Crete. He has further authorised me to sum up his constructive programme in the following terms :— " The indifference or distrust shown by the Western Powers, who alone are in a position to act effectually, towards the Mace- donian population arises chiefly from a misconception of both the Turkish attitude and our own. It is absurd to regard the Mace- donian bands as brigands. They could not have existed for a quarter of a century without possessing the sympathies of the populace. It would be equally absurd for the border States to prevent their entering Turkey, for they are Turkish subjects, and for political offences committed on Turkish territory they cannot be prosecuted outside. Besides, the Macedonians in the border States number some two hundred thousand, and of these some five or six thousand, in Bulgaria for instance, belong to the leading professional classes. These form the nucleus of those constitu- tional committees which direct the general movement. The revolutionary committees in Macedonia are the subordinate executive, and the vanguard of their forces and staff are veterans of the Bulgarian wars. The obstinate refusal of -the Porte to grant us the promised reforms is practically founded on its adroit comprehension of the divergencies and jealousies existing among the Powers, but a far more deeply rooted psychological cause is to be found in the racial and religious prejudice of the Moslem against progress in any sphere. Under the indolent rule of Abd- ul-Aziz this prejudice was merely passive and neutral ; but since the ascent of Abd-ul-Hamid, the centralisation of all powers in the Imperial hands, and the dream of a revived Pan-Islamic movement, active hostility has been displayed towards all non-Islamic elements, which must be eradicated whenever they do not consent to act as humble servants to the sacred cause. The danger is great and urgent to an intelligent, industrious, and essentially progressive nation like the Macedonians, who, in the belief of the Turk, must be blotted out before their general development has enabled them to act as an internal obstacle to the absolutist and Imperialist pretensions of the Sultan. The Capitula- tions' extorted by the Powers by force of arms will never be recognised as such by the Mussulman. From his point of view the infidels' have no rights. The Sultan, as head of the Believers, may grant them temporary favours and 'privileges,' but these are only of value so long as Islam is not the stronger materially. Thus the implied reforms could never be considered as permanently guaranteed, and the weakness of the European Concert prevents their being carried into effect even for a time. Macedonia has no alternative resource against the Pan-Islamic movement. Pan-Slavism is as yet but a word and a theory. Besides, the Macedonians have no desire to exchange one form of absolutism for another, although any Government would be more acceptable than the present. A Russian move towards the 'Young Slays' of the Balkans would imply a corresponding move towards the Slav population of Austria-Hungary. Such a move would be immediately checked by the latter Empire, whose action would receive the impatient support of Germany in her anxiety to lay the foundations of a new dominion in the East before the era of a political awakening and the establishment of a Pan-Slav Empire. Thus the neighbouring Powers are paralysed the one by the other, and neither will allow the other to make a bid for the gratitude of the 'Young Slays.' Only those Western Powers who have no territorial or racial interests at stake can solve the Macedonian question, and thereby settle the Balkans question consonantly with their own interests. Indeed, it is the unsettled state of the Macedonian province which is at the root of all other troubles. Megalomania is particularly developed among the small, and the desire of self- aggrandisement causes Greece and several of the Balkan States to covet Macedonia and its coast, to which each State considers it possesses an historical right. Macedonia once provided with a local government and allowed free and unfettered development, the petty jealousies of the various States, each bent on self- advancement, would disappear along with the opportunity of gratifying their covetousness, and would be succeeded by a general understanding with regard to the much-desired Con- federation. Confederation in turn an accomplished fact, the new Empire, embracing a population of fifteen to twenty millions, would be strong enough to resist foreign influence and foreign aggression; the possibility of friction between the two great neighbouring States would be removed, and the result would make for the peace of Europe."
I may remark, whilst reserving my opinion as to their in- trinsic value, that the apparently contradictory policies of the Macedonian and Pan-Slav leaders render all the more striking the identity of their views as to the necessity of immediate intervention. It is a view which is creditable alike to the humanitarian feeling which inspires the latter and to the broad-minded foresight of the former party. Sentiment among us is as popular as ever in the hour of triumph,—but when matters of grave controversy and conflicting interests are in question, it is not welcome in contemporary politics. From what has been written above, however, there can be little doubt that our own interests, if not precisely in danger, may find at present an exceptional opening. It may turn out in the end that the attention bestowed on the threatened eruption has been thrown away. This has happened more than once before. But to-day the odds in favour of a definite issue seem certainly to justify the experiment.—I am, Sir, &c., IlaunicE A. ORROTHWOHL.
[We are strongly in favour of dealing with Macedonia as the Powers dealt with the Lebanon in the "sixties." The great advantage of this plan is that it would free Macedonia from Turkish misrule without altering the political status quo. All rights would be reserved under it in regard to the ultimate inheritance.—En. Spectator.]
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