LETTERS TO THE EDITOR.
[Letters of the length of one of our leading paragraphs are often more read, and therefore more effective, than those which fill treble the space.;
SOME ASPECTS OF ZIONISM.
(To THE EDITOR OP THE " SPECTATOR."3 SIR,—The wholesale adoption by Great Britain of the Zionist policy is one of the many dertisions of the War Cabinet, or rather of the Prime Minister, which has passed unchallenged in the House of Commons. It is perhaps more remarkable that it has received almost universal approval by the Press. It constitutes, however, by no means one of the least momentous commitments which we have assumed as the result of the war, judged either from a financial or political point of view. For the average Gentile Zionism is essentially a war baby, begotten in a moment of careless cynicism, and adopted and fostered, from heaven knows what motives. So far as I am aware, no definition has been vouchsafed of Mr. Balfour's cryptic phrase, " A national home for the Jews," which has since passed into the terms of the mandate; and it is therefore not surprising that it has received interpretations differing widely in accord- ance with the aspirations or fears of the Jews and Gentiles more immediately concerned. In the first place, it must be realized that the nationalist feeling that has sprung up in the smaller countries as the result of the war has not left Palestine altogether untouched; and secondly, that the ratio of popula- tion in that country is in round numbers 80- per cent. Moslems, 11 per cent. Jews, and 9 per cent. Christians. To the Moslem
majority the idea of a national home for the Jews " is not only inconsistent with that of a comfortable home for them- selves, and with the ideal of self-determination of smaller peoples, for whose rights they were told the war was being fought, but totally at variance with the terms of the Anglo- FrenCh declaration of November, 1918, which reaffirmed—in a manner entirely unwise, considering subsequent events—the principle of self-determination for Syria and Palestine in par- ticular. Moslem landowners and peasant proprietors realize that their security of tenure is threatened by the land hunger of the Jews, backed as it is by the superior organization and unlimited financial resources of Zionism. They are not vastly impressed, as are many carefully conducted visitors, by the comfortable and prosperous appearance of the Jewish model colonies, since they know that these colonies have never paid interest on the enormous capital lavished on them by Hebrew philanthropists; and they know also that most of the spade- work, both in the construction and agricultural life of the colonies, has been carried out by Moslem hired labour.
The strongest feelings, however, in Palestine are religious rather than racial; and Moslems and Christians, whilst extend- ing a sympathetic toleration towards each other's religions, unite in detesting that of the Jews. In the purely Christian villages of Bethlehem and Nazareth no Jew may pass beyond a certain point; and similar restrictions are applied as regards Moslem mosques, where Christians are freely admitted. It is perhaps difficult for us in England to sympathize with this lack of religious toleration, but it must be remembered that the Christians of Palestine are living on the very scene of the betrayal and murder of the founder of their religion, and that Jerusalem has always been the focus of countless numbers of Christian pilgrims from all over the world, and has in con- sequence become also the focus of considerable religious fanaticism. The Moslems, too, have•a genuine apprehension of Jewish designs on their sacred Harem enclosure, the most picturesque and beautiful spot in the Holy City, once the site of Solomon's Temple, and now second only to Mecca in the eyes of pious Moslems all over Arabia.
I do not propose to consider here the ethical justice of hand- ing over Palestine to the Jews, or what the feelings of the old Crusaders would have been at the thought of their descendants gaining the Holy Land only to make such a surrender; but I propose to discuss the possible effects of such action on the fortunes of the British Empire. For some months after the occupation of Palestine the British were hailed as liberators from the Turkish yoke, and all classes united to approve the traditional policy of even-handed justice and equal civil and religious rights' for all, observed by the military administra- tion. Before long, however, misgivings arose as to Zionist leanings on the part of the British Government; and it is safe to say that at the present time the majority of Palestinians would prefer Arab rule,.or even a reversion to Turkish mis- rule, to a British mandate coupled with preferential rights for Jews. The appointment of a Jewish High Commissioner leaves them aghast; and Arab propagandists, who assert openly that the British Government has been bought by Jews, find ready credence.
Great Britain is concerned materially not so much with the Fact of anti-Jewish sentiment in Palestine, as with the probable effect of the same; and this effect seems likely to develop in two directions—financial and political. From the financial point of view, we stand committed to the expense of maintaining a con- siderable standing army " to hold the ring " for the Jews; whilst from the political point of view the Zionist policy must tend inevitably to embitter our relations with the local and neighbouring Arabs, and through them with Moslems all the world over.
A contented Palestine would require only a small nucleus of British or British Indian troops; and would soon produce a locally enlisted army on the lines of India or Egypt, sufficient to protect its borders from Bedouin raids, and to maintain internal security. A discontented Palestine must be held strongly by regular troops, not only against independent Arab nationalists across the border, but in order to provide for
internal security, and to prevent the local Arabs massacring the Jews. It is also likely to be a focus for anti-British propa- ganda in sympathy with other Moslem countries whose expecta- tions Great Britain is considered to have disappointed. Another consideration that must closely affect us is Jewish immigration to Palestine. Under the terms of the mandate Jews are granted the unique favour of dual nationality; i.e., they are to be allowed to count in Palestine as Palestinians without giving up their British, German, Russian, or other nationality. It is not claimed even by the Zionists that there is any strong inclination on the part of Jews from England, America, or other countries where the Jew has settled down happily, to make permanent homes in Palestine; and the chief source of Jewish immigration must of necessity be Central Europe or Russia: It is5 to say the least of it, doubtful whether such immigrants will be a desirable acquisition for Palestine; and it requires little imagination to realize what opportunities such immigration will afford the Bolshevists (whose avowed design is the overthrow of the British Empire) for introducing into Palestine, and through Palestine to other portions -of Asia and Africa, their pernicious agents and pro- paganda. It is on such financial and political grounds that Parliament should insist on having a voice in settling ques- tions of world policy, instead of giving a free mandate to a leader whose lack of political foresight, which succeeded his undoubted services in the war, is largely responsible for the present chaotic condition of our relations with our late [" Caveat's " letter deserves close attention. It shows how great a blunder was committed by the appointment of Sir Herbert Samuel. Its effect was to put a Zionist interpretation upon Mr. Balfour's "National Home for the Jews." We do not believe Mr. Balfour meant pure and unadulterated Zionism, but after the selection of a Hebrew Zionist to rule in Palestine it will be almost impossible to get the Jews to take any other view.—ED. Spectator.]
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