THE April reviews, having gone to press at the moment of the Army crisis, are inevitably belated in their comments on home politics. Sir Henry Blake, who contributes to the Nineteenth Century the first of the three articles, all written by Unionists, grouped under the beading " The Enigma Still Unsolved ? " is as unoompromising in his opposition to Exclusion as Mr. William O'Brien. Such a solution, he maintains, would mean the destruction of the prosperity of Ireland, and, while approved by English politicians as giving the death-blow to the Nationalist claim of " Ireland a nation," is advocated by very few Irishmen, however ardently they cling to the Union. The details of Exclusion, he holds, would tear up present Irish • Das Macrae Portugal..-on Dr: Gustav Diercks. Berlin: Ilerrealui Pastel Verlag. [5Mk.] arrangements by the note, and leave us face to face with many and serious difficulties. 10 admits that even this solution by disintegration, if settled on a permanent basis, might at the laid be accepted as an alternative to the fathom- less horrors of civil wine "were there no other means of avoiding that desperate issue." But he still adheres to the view that the Sovereign is constitationelly entitled to with- hold his assent to the Home Role Bill, and expresses the opinion that a petition now in course of preparation will probably be addressed to the Throne praying for an appeal to the people.—Professor Dicey lays stress on the "terribly short" time left for effeetive opposition to the pearling of a Bill which embodies the very worst form of Home Rule con- ceivable. The promise of a Dissolution immediately after it has become law is not a bond-flde concession to Unionist demands, since e it is one thing to resist the passing of a bad law, it is quite another thing to fight for the immediate repeal of a law which has just been passed." All that can ILI done to prevent the passing of the Bill must be done not later than the first week in June. The Government having refused an appeal to the people, only one road of safety remains "The Peers must delay the passing of the Bill for as long as they can. It cannot be passed before the middle of June, its progress may possibly be arrested till about the end of July. Every Unionist, or rather every patriot, high and low, should raise the cry far and wide for a dissolution, or, should the Govern- ment prefer it, then for a Referendum. There is no exertieu which it is not worth making, and no risk which it is not worth running, to avert the dangers with which the country is menaced." —Brigadier-General F. G. Stone discusses the problem from the point of view of the rights of Ulster as a belligerent and the position of the Army in the event of civil war. Ile reminds no of Lord Wolseley's warning that Home Rule in Ireland would be the destruction of the British Army, and doubts whether any Government, however blinded by partisanship or lust of power, "would actually employ the Forces of the Crown to bring a province into subjection, which had every moral and popular sanction to be regarded as a belligerent, and with whose cause the vast majority of the Army are notoriously in sympathy." But if the Govern- ment persist in the determination to use force to bring Ulster into line, we may be faced with a situation sufficiently pre- sented by the warning of Olode, the author of Military Forces of the Crown :— " As the power and authority of the Crown at any time becomes weakened or destroyed, that of an Armed force over the Commons as an Elective Assembly must, in a less or greater degree, prevail, and the result of any direct or actual contest between Powers so unequal must inevitably be the same as that which the history of the Commonwealth records of the contest between the Army and the Parliament of England."
—Professor Spenser Wilkinson, in discussing " The Nature and Conditions of Peace," begins by referring to the works of Dr. Ward, the present Master of Peterhouse, and the German jurist, von Holtzendorff, but, after a sketch of what he calls the natural history of peace, is mainly concerned with the doctrines expounded by Mr. Norman Angell. Professor Wilkinson admits that Mr. Angell's observation of the evolution of society in finance, trade, the interdependence of nations, and the relations of rich and poor, is not inaccurate, but rejects his main deduction—that it has become a physical impossibility to benefit by military conquest—and denies that war is usually waged for sordid ends. Professor Wilkinson holds, further, that the disputes which have usually led to wars have seldom been of a nature which admitted of their submission to arbitration. They have arisen in consequence of changes due to the processes of growth and decay, or rather of unequal growth, among members of a system of States. The effect of growth is an expansion and increase of power : the growing State is necessarily expansive and aggressive. Hence his conclusion that peace cannot rationally be the object of policy
" The function of a State or nation is to maintain domestic peace by the, agency of law, and in its intercourse with other States or nations to affirm its conception of a good life, of justice or righteousness. Its great aim may be said to be its own efficiency, and if, by the action of another State. that is threatened, the danger must be averted. When that can be effected peaceably, there is no real opposition of purposes; when it cannot, peace is to be had only by humiliation. Thus the condition of human life, for the State as for the individual, involves the perpetual possi- bility of a choice between the sacrifice of life and the sacrifice of what makes life worth living."
—Hies A. X. Cole needs no introduction 0 the readers of the
Spectator, and her article on the traffic in worn-out English horses—the outcome of three years' dose obaervation—is an irresistible argument for legislative intervention in the interest, not merely:of humanity, but of national prestige. We have only space for one quotation. Miss Cole describes how she saw a cart-horse at Ghent the other day with a bleeding wound on an immensely swelled hock :-- °A Belgian, his face red with indignation, looked at it and shouted Les An laic sent les gene sales : les gene degofitanta.' ary companion (a Belgian)tried to silence him for my sake, but I said, 'Let him tell the truth,' for he spoke of the 'English who neglect their horses at home and sell them, to what fate they neither know nor care, abroad."
—We may also notice Sir Harry Johnetou's vivacious tirade against the tyranny of alcohol, and Mr. John Harris's plea for a readjustment of the Anglo-French Convention which has led to the present impasse in the New Hebrides.
Earl Percy, writing on "The True Doctrine of National Defence" in the National Review, enumerates the factors which have produced national solidarity in Germany, amongst which he attaches special importance to universal service. But be also lays streak' on the educative influence of the historians and of national celebrations. After sum. marizing the events of the last few years, Earl Percy affirms that the German people are reconciled to war; that, once convinced that it is inevitable, they will demand tint full fruits of victory ; and that the organization of public opinion to this end has proceeded steadily on the lines laid down by Clausewitz. He forecasts the situation which would arise on the outbreak of another war with France, and die- cusses the attitude which Great Britain ought to assume. His view is somewhat pessimistic, but he is not without the hope of a national reaction against the tyranny of ignorant fanaticism and mistaken idealism, and of an awakening to the truth that only by strenuous preparation and national sacrifice can we avert national disaster.—Under the heading "The Eclipse of Ananias," "A Simple Tory" compiles a useful anthology of Mr. Lloyd George's deviations from the exactness of statement which he urged the Welsh Sunday': school children to adopt as one of their mottoes in life.—e Mr. Maurice Low in his monthly review of "American Affairs" criticizes the inefficacy of Mr. Wilson's non-recognition policy in Mexico, while admitting that on the Panama question he has shown courage, statesmanship, and shrewd political leadership. As regards Mexico, Mr. Low declares that tho murder of Mr. Benton has done more than anything else to con- vince the American public of the unfitness of the revolutionist's to assume charge of the Government of Mexico, and of the impossibility of peace being restored to the country unless the United Staten intervenes and takes control.—Mr. Aubrey Bell has an excellent article on "Portugal and the Republic," welcoming the amnesty and other conciliatory acts of the Government, and appealing to the Royalists and foreign opinion to do the right thing in their turn by giving the Republic a fair chance to pursue the moderate policy thus initiated. The next few years will show whether the Republic is capable of continued moderation, or, by relapsing into Jacobinism, will "lose its second great opportunity of obtaining the confidence, not only of Europe, but of the Portuguese provinces." Mr. Bell frankiy admits his belief that the more rope the Republic is given the sooner it is likely to hang itself with its own hands. None the less, he is firmly convinced that a great reaper iebility will rest on those, either Royalist or Radical, who, by Jacobinism or conspiracy, hamper the quiet ordering of affairs.—We may also notice an illuminating article on "The Art of Biography" by Sir E. T. Cook, himself a master of that difficult art ; Mr. Robert Palmer's informing and sympathetic paper on the new rules for extending, facilitating, and cheapening the procedure governing the suite of poor persons in the High Court; and. Mr. Harold Russell's interesting essay on one of the most widely distributed and generallY detested insects in the world.
In the Contemporary Review Sir Joseph Compton-Rieketk, M.P., diseusees the fortunes of Home Rule and Ulster from the standpoint of a moderate Liberal. Although professing hiy firm belief in Home Rule as a sovereign remedy for discontent, and a legitimate means of satisfying national sentiment, he weakens his case by disputable. statements and damaging admissions. For example, he speaks of the ;narked decline. of Ireland in population and wealth since the Union, omitting
to mention that of late years the decline in population Las been checked, while the prosperity of the country has greatly increased. But at the present juncture the admissions are of greater significance, and foremost amongst these is the writer's advocacy of the removal of the time-limit—Dr. Baty's paper on "The Mexican Question" is one of the most damaging criticisms of President Wilson's "wait and see" policy that we have yet read. He does not for a moment doubt the President's honesty. But "American business men and politicians who are in search of dollars have a way of securing their ends without rendering them too patent to Presidents." He reminds us that the United States in 1912 interfered by open force alike in Nicaragua and Honduras to obtain her own ends and in opposition (in the Honduras case) to the Supreme Court of the country. The beat explanation of the United States attitude, according to Dr. Baty, is psychological
:- "It lies in the seductive success which Taft's Foreign Minister, Knox, had in 19094912 in Nicaragua. He dictated to Nicaragua who was to be her President. He secured the resignation and flight of Zelaya. He sent United States troops into Niaaragua in support of his creature, President Diaz, to crush the revolt of General Mena. He repeated, in fact, the process by which Britain made herself supreme in Malaya, and by which Roosevelt took Panama; the simple expedient of encouraging revolution. The stronger Power sets up its own nominee on the throne, and then supports him as the established Government on the terms that he does as he is told—whether in the matter of providing irouclads or canal concessions. For the first time in American history, in 1912, United States troops fought side by side with those of a Latin-American President to crush his rival. Having so comfortably eliminated' Mena, (in their appealing phrase), at the cost of only four marines sacrificed to make an Imperial reputation, it was not unnatural that the Washington State Department should regard as equally natural and obvious the 'elimination' of Hearts."
Much as Mr. Maurice Low argues in the National Review, Dr. Baty holds that the Benton incident showed in a lurid flash what kind of Constitutional opposition the United States was supporting. "It united Mexico in defiance of Washing. ton interference. It demonstrated the sanity and balance of the European States, as shown in their recognition of Huerta." In conclusion, Dr. Baty outlines a possible scheme for settle. ment on the basis of the independence of the North-West of Mexico—Sonora, Chihuahua, and Durango—where the " Con-
stitutionalists " Poutsma, one of the deported Labour leaders, writes a short paper on the "Labour Struggles in South Africa." Dr. Poutama declares that it was all along his earnest desire to establish a friendly relationship between the Government, the Administration, and the men, and ascribes all the trouble to the weakness of the Minister of Railways and the drastic and illegal action of the Govern- ment. He ends by asserting that be was banished by Mr. Smuts for no other reason than that he was his political opponent, and would have bad a walk-over in his constituency at the next electiom—Mr. Francis McCullagh draws a curious picture of the Ulster Catholics. According to him, they will make every sacrifice for a son who wants to become a priest, but will do nothing at all if be is thinking of the Bar or "some other learned but unsanctified profession," e.g., medicine or engineering. Mr. McCullagh ascribes this timidity of Ulster Catholics, not to racial inferiority, but to the long religious persecutions which they passed through. " A conquered people tends inevitably to acquire the servile vices of cringing and secrecy. The conquerors tend to acquire the abrupt and masterful manner of the alave-driver." So he compares the Orangeman to the Turk and the Ulster Catholic to the Bulgarian, and quotes Mr. Lloyd George to confirm the comparison. Lastly, he notes that the Catholic farmer, while carefully protecting the faith of a son who seems to be marked out for a studious life, only exercises this care so long as the lad's future is understood to lie in his own country or in Great Britain. " When he is intended for America, the carelessness of both father and mother is amazing "—owing, apparently, to a blind trust in the ameliorating powers of distant climes. However, Mr. McCullagh hears that the Catholic clergy now oppose emigration owing to the fact that the emigrants or their children are frequently lost to the Church.
The Fortnightly makes a brave attempt in the article by " Philalethes " to keep abreast of the crisis, but has, of course, been left behind by the quick-changing scenes. As a comment on Mr. Asquith's policy of leaving everything to be settled at a future time, Burke's words are quoted : "It is
better to do early and from foresight that which we may be obliged to do from necessity at last."—Mr. Legge writes a disappointing article on "The Personality of Sir Edward Carson," which gives very little insight into the character of one who is now playing so important a part, and degenerates into irrelevant anecdotes of the Irish Bar.—Mr. J. Daven- port Whelpley states very ably and conclusively the diffi- culty, or rather impossibility, of coercing Mexico. To begin with, any military action on the part of the United States would bring all the factions warring in Mexico into line against the common enemy, with the incidental destruction of all foreigners and their property. Not only is the area of the country vast—it is as big as France and Germany together —but parts in the North-West are inhabited by cannibals, and generally the population is savage and intractable. The idea of the inhabitants expressing their wishes by means of elections is absurd. There never has been a republic in the true sense of the word, but only a series of dictators who held power by means of an army and an unscrupulous secret police. Why President Wilson should have thought he could influence events by giving good advice remains a mystery. —The article by Mr. S. M. Mitra on the past hundred years in India is an interesting and temperate survey by a native of that country, whose attitude is indicated in the statement that "the continuance of British rule in India was in 1913, as in 1813, the only practicable line for the future, and will be at least for another century ; it should be supported by every well-wisher of India." It is pleasant to find a native gentleman, writing in an English review, paying a tribute to the famine policy of the Government, instead of repeating the accusation we so often hear that famine itself is the work of the Government. Mr. Mitre is so anxious to recognize the good side of British rule that what he says about native unrest is worth careful attention. For one thing, we are told that the reason why there is no unrest and sedition in the Native States is because " it is the warm and noble ring of the voice of psychology in the administration of the Native States that frees them from anarchical conspiracy." To this point the writer constantly returns. " Would it not, then," he asks, "be better for British statesmen to know the mind of the Indian millions, to realize that the forces of political economy are weak when compared with the forces of psycho- logy, and that in awakening a sense of loyalty mere material advantages are as nothing compared to a feeling of hearty sympathy with their rulers P"
The first article in Blackwood is a graphic account of Red Cross work in Bulgaria written by a lady surgeon. After a long journey in ox-waggons Kirk Kilisse was reached, and here in empty houses a small hospital was established under the charge of the Women's Sick and Wounded Convoy Corps. The story does not differ from those of others who did the same service under the terrible conditions of war. The writer notes the wonderful manner in which wounds healed, even after the long neglect consequent upon the imperfect ambulance arrangements. The Bulgarian peasants and shepherds seem to have endeared themselves to their
doctors and nurses. The same may be said of the orderlies, who, by their faithfulness and devotion, came to be known as " the dogs." " There they were, trotting after us all day long and sleeping outside our bedroom doors at night."—Professor C. Oman contributes an account of the Cato Street conspiracy, and shows us what kind of man was Thistlewood, who organized the plot to murder the whole Cabinet while at dinner. He was soaked in the rhetoric of the Jacobins, and proposed to use their methods of massacre to carry out his ideas. For some time Thistlewood worked to col- lect a band of desperate men who would follow him, but only succeeded in doing this by including starving desperadoes who had no political ideas whatever. The end was brought about by the mistake made in approaching an honest man and trying to induce him to engage in the conspiracy. He refused, and warned the police. The trial of the plotters seems to have been fairly conducted, and only those who were primarily responsible were put to death. One man was pardoned, it being proved that be only entered into relations with Thistlewood on the day of arrest on promise of food, and knew nothing of what was being done.—Mr. Douglas Browne tells the story of the wreck of one of Vernon's: fleet on a coral island in 1742. The Tyger' had been detached for special work from the rest of the fleet near Cuba, and while cruising in waters which were unfamiliar was wrecked. The crew when they had landed— there was no loss—according to the Captain, "entertained eome odd notions of being discharged from duty." They seem, however, to have been easily convinced of their mistake, and eet to work, not only to build huts and carry out what might be called Robinson Crusoe drill, but also to land guns and make a battery in case of the by no means improbable event of an attack by the Spanish. The escape at last came in a curious way. A party started off to obtain help in a barge, and fell in on their way with an abandoned sloop, one which had spoken to the ' Tyger ' the day before the wreck. By means of this sloop and a schooner, the whole crew reached Jamaica.—Under the title of "Night Thieves" Mr. R. T. Coryndon gives a grim account of the ways of the hyaena. This creature is a strange mixture of boldness and fear ; "he will walk with a brazen impu- dence that a lion cannot equal right up to the fires of a noisy camp and take a lump of meat from within ten feet of a lighted lantern, but he will turn tail without any delay and without shame if a native driver runs at him with a waggon whip." At the same time, he is strong enough to kill a donkey or a full-grown cow.
A timely article in the United Service Magazine for April is "The National Reserve: its Classification and Local Adminis- tration," by Colonel H. Simpson. We are sorry to note that it is Colonel Simpson's opinion that conditions of apathy and dissatisfaction are setting in amongst the members of the National Reserve. We hope and believe that he is wrong in his diagnosis, but holding such views he ie, of course, right to make suggestions for improvement Practically, his suggestions do not differ much from those lately sanctioned by the Army Council. The General Service section within his Class I. which be proposes would be very like the present Class L He suggests, however, that the men should have a retaining fee of £1 each. We must confess to feeling very great doubt in regard to this. If the men are to be obtained, not on patriotic grounds, but on grounds of pay, they are certainly worth a great deal more than £1 a year. For our- selves, we would rather rely entirely upon their patriotism unless an adequate sum, such, for instance, as a retaining-fee of £2 a quarter, could be paid to them. Far rather than give the men £1 a year, we would give a good khaki uniform, exactly similar to that worn by the infantry soldier on active service, to every man either in Class I. or Class II. of the Reserve as at present organized.—" The Navy and Welling- ton's Army," which is the fourteenth part of a series, continues to have a great deal of very interesting stuff in it. Here is a story of the Duke of Wellington's resourcefulness and love of detail which is well worth quoting :—
"The Chief Engineer having reported a shortage of planking for the roadway. Lord W. replied, 'No, there are all your plat- forms for the batteries: cut them up.' 'Then when we begin the siege, what is to be done P" Oh, work your guns in the sand until you can make new ones out of the pine-woods near Bayonne.' And the platforms were cut up accordingly."