4 AUGUST 1855, Page 10

POSTSCRIPT.

SATURDAY.

The House of Commons MRS last night chiefly engaged in discussing the Vienna negotiations, en a formal motion by Mr. Lame for the pro- duction of correspondence between the British and French Governments. The debate was properly characterized, so far as the arguments used were concerned, by Mr. LATAED, who, speaking rather late in the evening, said that "the House had heard nothing which had not been over and over again discussed."

Mr. 1...tmo, in a speech plentifully strewn with allusions to his own experience [derived from a visit to Vienna] of the strong feeling on the Continent against the continuance of the war, recapitulated the argu- ments, which have now become historical, in favour of the rejected plan of "counterpoise" proposed by Austria—a plan adopted by the first statesmen in Europe. He dwelt on the alienation of the Conservative Governments of Europe from this country by our mischievous policy of intermeddling in their internal affairs; and he said that we had brought the war upon ourselves by driving Germany into the hands of Russia by our system of amateur patronage of the revolutionary troubles in 1848. The Government are carrying on the war for no definite object, or the miserable object of limitation versus counterpoise.

Sir GEORGE GRET met the arguments of Mr. Laing, by a repro- duction of the contrary arguments, supported by references to the diplomatic correspondence—pointing out that the British Government had never hesitated between limitation and counterpoise ; that there was no hesitation in Lord John Russell's instructions ; and that Lord John, himself in favour of limitation, had modified his opinions, not as to the abstract merits of the proposition itself, but as to the expediency of the Course taken. He justified the breaking-off of negotiations. He objeoted to the production of the papers asked for by Mr. Laing, on the ground that they were confidential papers. Mr. GLADSTONE supported and developed at great length the views of Mr. Laing ; but the pith of his speech lay in its description of the ani- mus of Ministers in prolonging the contest—a contest which coats 100,000,0001. a year and a thousand lives a day—without any definite object. He repeated the statement that the responsibility for the rejec- tion of the Austrian proposal rested with the British Government. This question had only been debated on maimed and garbled information, and when the House was in the dark as to the terms of peace. He charged against Lord Clarendon that his despatches lack that spirit which evinces a desire for peace, and show throughout a determination to raise every obstacle to peace, and to place facts in such a position as to justify Par- liament and the Government in carrying on the war. They could never get over the fact that all the plenipotentiaries at Vienna adopted the prin- ciple of counterpoise ; and that the Government, rejecting the golden op- portunity of making peace, continued to make war on account of paltry differences. The best peace is not that which looks best on paper, but that which secures the united support of Europe. Defying the Western Powers to control the future destinies of Russia, except for a moment, he proceeded to paint in unfavourable colours the position of the Allies. Austria gradually separating from us ; Turkey, an ally, but such an ally as /Eneas found,Anchises in his flight from Troy ; Sardinia, heavily burdened, dragged through the conflict as a mere dependent of England and France; France itself—is it likely the French people will add 100,000,000/. sterling to their public debt for the sake of the differ- ence between limitation and counterpoise, and not for military glory ? Then against whom are we fighting ? We have no right to reckon upon the exhaustion of Russia. Are the exchanges effected—is the rate of imposts raised ? Then with respect to the Russian soldier—he fights against the hereditary enemies of his religion and the invaders of his soil. The other day 40,000 soldiers arrived at Perekop on their way to the camp In the Crimea. The case was urgent, and the men were desired to march on at the rate of thirty versta a day—which the House will see is a long march, somewhat under twenty miles a day. The men said, "Do not impose upon us any fixed distance ; let us march as far as we can." They reached the Russian camp—a distance of 120 miles—in the course of four days ; but they lost on the way 10,000 men. On the 20th June the generals and the sol- diers received the sacrament in Sebastopol, the soldiers wearing the same bloodstained clothes they were on the 18th June. These are facts full of meaning. Mr. Gladstone justified his own position. "Thankful for the indulgence and freedom of speech which have been accorded me, I remain content in the .belief that in endeavouring to recall the Government from that course of policy which they are now pursuing I am discharging my duty as a patriot, a faithful representative of the people, and a loyal subject of m9 Queen." (Cheers.) After Mr. LATARD had said a "word or two on the four points," and urged the continuance of the war, Mr. COBDEN rose, and called Sir William Molesworth to account for the language he used on the South- wark hustings respecting the division on the Turkish loan. He challenged Sir William with changing his opinions; and narrated a conversation between Sir William and himself, at the time Lord Aberdeen's Govern- ment was formed, to show that Sir William then considered that "Mr. Cobden" would be a fair representative of his opinions in the Cabinet. Every man has a right to change his opinions, but when he denounces those with whom for fifteen years he agreed, he ought to condescend to explain why he changed those views. Mr. Cobden claimed credit for dealing with "the right honourable gentleman" as he would be done by. "If ever I am found on great questions of policy to be systematically holding one language to my friends in private, and then denouncing them in public for holding those opinions, I shall expect from those friends not private remonstrance—for I shall expect private friendship to be then at an end—but I shall expect from them that in the most public place, in this House or elsewhere, they will denounce my conduct and declare me in a po- litical sense utterly unfaithful and utterly unworthy of the confidence of any political party.' Sir WILLIAM MoLaswoura claimed the indulgence of the House for a short time after this unexpected personal attack. There is not a single sentence in the speech to his constituents that he regretted or felt called upon to retract. He denied that be had ever agreed with Mr. Cobden on the Peace question, indeed he used to doubt whether the fine intellect of his honourable friend was not aberrant on that subject. He did not recol- lect ever having made any statement respecting Lord Aberdeen's Cabinet, except that it would give him pleasure to see Mr. Cobden a member of it. " No doubt, I have been on very friendly, terms with the honourable gentleman—I have often received him at my house, and many conversations on different subjects have taken place between us ; but I never took any notes of those conversations for the purpose of -repeating them afterwards in this Renee."

Sir JAMES GRAILLM' denying concert, Mr. ROBERT Parmirsoire—in language which called forth cries of "Order !"—Mr. REIGN; and Mr. WALPOLE, called for retractations of epithets, and an apology for using them. Mr. BROTHERTON moved the adjournment of the House. Mr. GLADSTONE, thus enabled to speak, put the case with some nicety. " He says he does not make any retractation, and at the same time it was his intention to describe, not the actions of others, but the impression on his own mind. Now it is perfectly plain that the language of the right honour- able gentleman did describe, not the impression on his -own mind, but the actions of others. That is the whole question at issue. Does he mean to describe the actions of others or the impression on his own mind ?" Lord PALitensrost observed that Sir William Molesworth was charged with having accused Members. of combination. Met by taunting cries of " Hear, hear !" Lord Palmerston said, " I am not talking of epithets, I am talking of substantives." It is a-question of fact ; and as to a mat- ter of fact, no man can state beyond the impression on his own mind. Right or wrong the impression on Sir William Molesworth's mind was the impression on Lord Palmerston's own. It was the impression of every man who did not form a part of the minority. The combination may have been fortuitous ; it may have been without previous concert; but persons did combine to give a vote against the Government. We cannot dive into thoughts; but Sir William was justified in his con- viction, that there was a combination for accomplishing that object which be stigmatized as not reflecting credit on those combining to obtain it. If gentlemen are offended at that opinion their censure ought to fell not on Sir William alone, but on the many thousands who shared the opinion.

Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH' now able to speak on the adjournment, said a few words intimating that he accepted the declaration of Sir James Graham and Mr. Gladstone, that there had been no previous combination between them, honourable gentlemen opposite, and the Peace party. "What I thought was a combination, was an accidental union of parties to attack the Government."

Mr. DisaAzu 'finished off the conversation with criticisms on Sir 'Wil- liam's apology—" neither graceful nor satisfactory " ; and on Lord Pal- merston's defence : philologically the combination might apply to the facts; but not the epithet "nefarious," which gave point to the substan- tive.

The SPEAKER then put the question—" That the 'House do now ad- journ," -which was carried without division ; and the debate not being adjourned, Mr. Laing's motion was thus set aside.

Colonel Norm called attention to the exclusion of soldiers from the gallery of the House, mentioning two specific cases which occurred on Wednesday. Could not the order 'be relaxed ? Lord PALsizaarces said that the House had always refused to admit -persons armed ; but persons ought not to be excluded on account of the colour of their clothes. The SPEAKER, appealed to by the Premier, said that there is no rule to exclude soldiers. Many years ago exception was taken to their admis- sion in uniform,- and it was agreed that they should only be admitted in plain clothes. The officers of the House could not venture to depart from the practice without the consent of the House, but they -would be glad that soldiers should be admitted in uniform.

In reply to Sir JOHN PAKINGTON, Mr. WILSON Stated that DO distinct proposal for the establishment of steam postal communication with Aus- tralia had been made by the Colonies-; but Sir William Denison had pro- posed to the Colonial Legislatures that they should contribute 40,0001., and the Home Government 60,0001., for that purpose. Sir WILLIAM Atomism-orris added, that he saw no reason why the Government should not bear part of the expense; but no decision had been come to.

In the House of Lords, the Earl of CLAnieNDOTi moved the second reading of the Turkish Loan Bill. He explained that Turkey had kept an army of 180,000 men in the field ; but she had found that her ordinary revenue was not sufficient to provide funds for the great struggle in which she is engaged, and therefore, like England and France, she had decided to raise a loan. She had neither asked her allies for a loan nor a subsidy, but simply a guarantee. It would have been unwise, ungenerous, and shortsighted, to refuse Turkey the benefit of the credit of England and France. Referring to the terms of the convention' he admitted that the better method would have been that first proposed to France—that each country should guarantee one half of the loan. But the French Govern- ment said that great inconveniences would result from that course ; and it would not have been right or friendly in the British Government to in- sist on their original proposition. He was almost ashamed to allude to the quibbles by which it has been stated the French Government might endeavour to evade its share of the responsibility. The Earl of ELLENBOROIJOH said that sixteen months ago he had privately suggested that pecuniary assistance should be given to Turkey. For his own part he did not object to subsidies, the principle of which he vindicated at length. But he found great fault with the terms of the joint guarantee, and saw in it the source of bitter differences between England and France. He then adverted to the conduct of Austria, hinting that it could not have been financial considerations that caused her defection ; suggested difficulties in the working of the War Depart- ment; pointed out what he considered deficiencies in the conduct of the war—the niggardly course of the Government in regard to recruiting, the little progress made in the siege of Sebastopol, the neglect of the war in Asia—and prophesied that unless some material change take place in our military prospects before Parliament again meets in November, the House of Commons will put out the present Government as it put out that of Lord Aberdeen.

Lord PANMIIRE said he would not discuss the policy of the war. With regard to recruitment, we are enlisting men at the rate of 60,000 per annum. The policy of the siege of Sebastopol might be matter of difference ; but England and France having sat down before that fortress, he believed that it would be inconsistent with the honour of the two countries if before the fortress yield they should withdraw their forces. Turkey is able to maintain herself in Asia against the enemy' and, considering the climate and difficulties of the country, he should be unwilling to send troops there. Lord Ellen- borough threatened the Government with a visitation of public opinion in November. Lord Panmure would be prepared to meet it with the con- sciousness that he had done all he could to provide food for the men, forage for the horses, protection for the army in any kind of -weather. If Lord Ellenborough become War Minister in November, he will find

in the War Department sufficient guidance and means of information upon all matters of detail, whether in regard to the financial department, tothe department which provided the materiel for the army, or to the department by which the supplies of the army were provided through the means of the Commissariat.

The Earl of Haanwiexe repeated his complaints against the conduct of the naval part of the war ; and Earl GRAN-TU.1.E deprecated the dis- cussion of military operations as useless.

The bill was read a second time.

In reply to the Earl of ELLENBOROUCIFI, Lord PANMITHE stated that he had no reason whatever to believe that General Beatson has been killed by the Bashi-Bazouks. In reply to a second question, he said that the organization of the Turkish Contingent is succeeding more rapidly than could have been expected. It now musters 10,000 infantry and 2000 cavalry.