NEWS OF THE WEEK.

Tee session of Parliament was opened on Tuesday ; but, as we guessed last week, the valorous Tories, who during the whole of the recess vowed destruction to the Whigs, and seemed to long for nothing so ardently as the opportunity of mortal combat— these gallant gentlemen slunk from the field, and absolutely thanked the Ministers for not forcing them to an encounter !

The fierce had become tame, and the confident timid. How long they will continue in this state of lethargy is uncertain. It may be only, after all, a superlative refinement of tactics, beyond the ken of common political observers ; but, assuredly, in its present external seeming, the quiet and submissive demeanour of the Tories in Parliament presents a ludicrous contrast to their pug- nacious exhibitions when there was nobody to fight with.

It must be admitted that the Royal Speech contained little matter of provocation. It was framed avowedly with the in- tention of giving an excuse to the Opposition for not moving an amendment. No wonder that the King was reluctant to come to London for the purpose of speaking such evasive trash. With respect to the Foreign policy of the country, it was only asserted that treaties bad been and would be fulfilled; the stability of the Church and the peace of society were recom- mended as the objects of Ecclesiastical legislation; then came the Reform of the Irish Municipalities—which could not be repu- diated by those who had admitted their corruption; the improve- ment of the Law was another harmless topic; to congratulation on the flourishing state of the Revenue nobody could object ; that Joint Stock Banks should be well managed in order to be useful, was a piece of original information which no party could refuse to take on Royal authority ; and, finally, a Poor-law for Ireland, which the King cautiously recommended, is acknowledged to be a subject on which Members on all sides may agree. " Why quarrel," it may be said, " with such a tissue of commonplace as the above? Why taunt the Tories with not taking offence, when no offence was meant ?"—But the Opposition well knew that mis- chief to them lurked under the smooth surface of the Royal docu- ment. Protection of the Church signified the extinction of Church-rates ; Corporation Reform, equal rights to the "aliens;" improvement of the Law, the abolition of imprisonment for debt, and the liability of land for the simple contract debts of a squire; and the fulfilment of treaties, the destruction of Don CARLOS. Yet, knowing all this, the Tories were as harmless and quiet as sucking doves. Not a question did they ask which it was incon- venient to answer. Not a suspicion of evil in preparation was whispered. In the House of Lords, the Premier, as is his cue, put en a bold front, and warned the Peers, that though the lan- guage of the Speech was moderate, it indicated measures on which they must have serious differences. This did not provoke a single remark from the Opposition. The Duke of WELLINGTON denied that Ireland could be tranquil while the National Association ex- isted, but he did not call on Ministers to put it down. Lord MEL- BOURNE professed that the existence of the Association was dis- pleasing to him; which, if sincere, was an unkind cut—and not the first one from Lord MELBOURNE—to those who have laboured 10 bard to increase his Commons majority. As to the measures Lord MELBOURNE pointed at, they shall receive thorough exami- nation and an impartial verdict from the Spectator. This duty will be performed the more easily-, as, with the exception of perhaps the Itish Poor-law, not one will be allowed to live through the session. We shall deal with them therefore almost as coolly as if they were mere abstractions.

Never before, perhaps, was there such an Address night in the

Comments. The Ministerial leader scarcely opened his lips. The Opposition chief, flushed with his Glasgow triumph as many ex- pected to find him, was cold and complitnentary ; nay, he, need. lessly to all appearance, but doubtless for sonic purpose: or his own, avowed sympathy with the Queen of Spain, and twice de-

[LATEST EDITION.] Glared his delight at the gallantry of the Englishmen who have at length turned the chances of the war ie her favour. There are

but two obvious reasons for this conduct—either PEEL finds him- self too weak to sterns the Treasury, or he is feeling his way to-

wards a coalition. The public, however, who are not in the secret, if there is any, recollecting all the sound and fury vented at the recent Conservative thrillers and meetings, laugh at discovering that it signified nothing. But though the Whig and Tory leaders, by common consent, abstained from conflict, the opening of the session was not allowed to pass away in an aristocratic and official lull. Mr. Roeisucte startled the House by a speech, perhaps the most remarkable that has been delivered in Parliament since the time when Lords were voted useless. We shall have mere such speeches in

future : but to Mr. ROEBUCK belongs the honour of having been the first organ of the unveiled Democracy in the Re-

formed Parliament. He fearlessly assailed both Whigs and

Tories, and did not scruple about offending his o•en friends, by describing the Democratic party in Parliament as a " miserable minority." Mr. Roemscm's manner was well suited to the matter

of his speech. It was vehement, without being noisy ; impressive, but not solemn ; plain, but not vulgar ; contemptuous, but not in- solent. From the commencement to the conclusion, every word was beard with perfect attention. Once or twice a severe hit at the Whigs provoked a Tory cheer ; and a rap on Tory knuckles, which

proved that he was not taking their part, elicited an occasional smile from the Liberals; but, fur the most part, Mr. ROEBUCK was heard in silence, and when he sat down there was no audible encouragement. This was noticed by Mr. ClatTEIS—a bawling Whig squire from Sussex—as a proof that Mr. ROEBUCK had made no impression on the House. But every Whig who could

comprehend the force of what he had been listening to, felt

himself unpleasantly impressed. Mr. ROEBUCK was not cheered I Why, who were there to cheer him ? Not the

Whigs, certainly, or the O'Connellite Irishmen — for he galled them to the quick : nor the Tories—for a more Anti- Tory speech was never spoken : nor the Independent party—for we can easily imagine that, although coinciding in much, perhaps

nearly all that he said, Mr. Gaon:, Mr.WARBURTON, Mr. EWART, and other firm but mild Reformers who sit and vote with them,

might not, critically, be altogether pleased with the tone of invec- tive adopted by the resolute Member for Bath. Besides, the tenor of his argument, and the truths by which he supported it, were not of the character to excite tumultuary applause from thought- ful men. The feeling of the house was made up of surprise, dis- pleasure, and apprehension, such as is usually caused in polite

assemblies by the home-thrust of disagreeable truths. In this way the absence of cheering is accounted for. But the House paid Mr. ROEBUCK a higher compliment than can be conveyed by shouting : the Representatives of the People listened to hid fur an hour together, without impatience or fatigue; and they cheered Mr. CURTEIS, who says that his constituents—the Liberals of Brighton, we presume—do not desire the Ballot. Not only the caustic severity, but the occasional exaggeration of Mr. ROEBUCK, ill this the speech of the night and the week,

displeased some of his hearers. It may be worth while, however, to examine the amount of his exaggerations—to ascertain how far they interfered with the general bearing and soundness of his main argument.

He impugned the motives of the Whigs; charging them with deceiving the People, for the sake of the proceeds of the Govern- ment—that is, for power and place. But all the Whig Ministers are not liable to this imputation. Some of them are. Mr. ROE Becm's accusation was true in part only. "The Whigs are no better than the Tories." Now that this is an exaggeration, is proved by Mr. ROEBUCK himself; who, bit- terly as he hates the Whigs, yet prefers to place power in their hands rather than in Tory clutches. "The Whigs only pretended to be Reformers." Some of them, doubtless, but not all. Here again Mr. ROEBUCK commits the mistake of imputing the dishonesty of a part to the whole. " The landlords of Ireland squeeze an exorbitant rent from their tenants, and hound them on against tithes for their own exclusive benefit." There is no occasion to search for such a motive. The unfeeling landlords—and they are not all cruel—take advantage of the agonizing competition for land, to get as much rent as they can screw out of the peasantry ; bat some of the very worst land- lords (see Mr. IeGets s Tour) are high Tories, who do notejnineu the anti-tithe war. This part of the speech, too, contaiiivievilhel was understood in the House as a pointed personali

Irish Leader, which the Tories appieteled te the e t vilest of the Liberals thoeeht " telhan Isoine,” :eel seine fp it.

Mr. ROEBUCII. Set•IIIS to t'.:el; Celt the gvLat ssrugg e h:lween • the two principles—Demenocy a:1,1 isteereey of being decided. He fancies he sees the antagonist forces drawn up fur a final fight. But though the contest is un- ceasing— ,, _ Freedom's battle once begun,

Bequeathed by bleeding sire town ".-

itwill not be decided in our time. Like the mystical war between the Good and Evil principles, it is probably doomed to an existence as prolonged as that of human society, and to be carried on with fluctuating success. But it is well to understand clearly the nature of the warfare; and every foot of ground is worth con- tending for, as affording, in the mean time, increased securities for good government, and thus promoting the means of social hap- piness.

After a careful inspection of Mr. ROEBUCK'S speech, these are the only instances of oratorical exaggeration that we discover. Let them be made the most of, and weighed for the Whigs against the heavy accusation, that the Whigs keep the country in a state bordering on revolution, in order to maintain the present Ministers in power; while at the same time they deny to the electors the easy means of performing their civic duties, with unviolated consciences, in security and peace. This grave charge remains untouched, if all the rest of Mr. ROEBUCK'S speech were nothing but a tissue of misrepresentations and mistakes. Thus much for the matter of debate. As respects Mr. ROE- BUCK himself, he must pay i the penalty of his disagreeable bold- ness. All men who move in advance of their fellows are destined to encounter obloquy. This week the Member for Bath has had his full share of abuse from the Downing Street journalists ; who,

- in their blind eagerness to gratify the ill-humour of their official

patrons, have done him the service of adding prodigiously to his importance. Mr. ROEBUCK himself seems to glory in such at- tacks. He avows that he stands alone, and is ready to combat without an ally. In the House of Commons he is, as yet, the soli- tary organ of pure Democracy—the representative of feelings and opinions known to exist with more or less intensity in every part of the country, but which had no vent in an assembly pre- tending to be popular, until Mr. ROEBUCK came forth as their champion and expounder. He will not always lack aid from men as honest if not so able as himself.

The Independent Reformers have commenced the session well. The following notices prove that they mean to press measures of practical importance on the House.

Mr. GROTE has given notice of a Ballot Bill ; Sir WILLIAM MotEsworan, of a Motion for a Committee on Peer- age Reform ; Mr. DL'NcoMBE, of a Bill for Repealing the Rate-paying Clauses in the Reform Act; Mr. IlmvEs for Mr. TENNYSON D'EINCOURT, of a Bill for the Repeal of the Septennial Act ;

Mr. Ilumr., of a Bill to extend the Elective Franchise to all Householders ; Mr. EwaaT, of an Address to the Crown to appoint a Minister of Education ;

Mr. ROERCCE, of a Bill for the establishment of a system of National Education ;

Mr. CLAY, of a Motion for the Repeal of the Corn-laws; Mr. Wnrin, of a Bill for the Disposal of Waste Lands in the Colonies, with a view to the formation of an Emigration Fund out of the proceeds.

This list has a goodly appearance ; but it must be remem- bered that nothing is easier than to give notices of motions ; whereas, uncommon vigilance, industry, firmness, and tact, are requi-ite for the carrying of measures through the House of Commons, and even to procure a tolerably fair hearing for them. Politically the most important among the subjects enumerated, is that n hide we have placed at the head of the catalogue,—Mr. GROTE'S Ballot Bill. Mr. GROTE will bring forward this great measure on Tuesday the 7th of March; and in the mean while,the People—all who wish that elections should be free, representation real, and voters unpersecuted for the conscientious exercise of a right which the law confers upon them and a duty which it en- joins—should pour their petitions into the House of Commons, and instrect their Representatives to vote for the Ballot Bill. This is really an object worth a vigorous struggle. If the People bestir themselves us they ought, and speak out as they have done when a great benefit is within their reach, there is a fair prospect of a majority in the House of Commons at least. Mr. GROTE should have every assistance from the Reformers.

Mr. WARD, with praiseworthy promptitude, moved on Wednes- day, that the Divisions in Committees of the whole House should be published with the Votes, just in the same manner as (thanks to that gentleman) the Divisions are now given when the House is not in Committee. No opposition was made to Mr. WARD from any quarter—and that is not a bad symptoni. Lord BROUGHAM has reappeared on the stage of politics. On Thursday he laid on the table his rejected bills on Education, Cha- rities, Pluralities, and Local Courts • and took the opportunity of lauding the Irish Administrations Of Lord ANGLESEY and Lord WELLESLEY. By adhering to such subjects as Education and Charity—the talk about which formerly did him so much service —Lord BROUGHAM may yet enjoy considerable popularity as a philanthropist. He will recover none of his lost ground as a poli- irtician by any thing he may attempt in the other line : the GREY and BROUGHAM policy of governing Ireland will never bear com- parison with that of Lord MELBOURNE—though his uneasy Lord- ship wished to insinuate that there was nothing to choose between Qom, The fickle majority in the French Chamber of Deputies threaten to leave the Doctrinaires in the lurch on several of their proposed measures of severity and repression. The bills in question are referred to Committees to report upon them ; and the Chamber placed DUPIN, in opposition to the Ministers, on the Committee which is to consider the measure for depriving soldiers, accused of state offences, of trial by jury. This indication of hostility was not the less disagreeable that it was countenanced by the Marquis of DALMATIA, son of SOULT ; who was supposed to be in league with the Ministers, but who seems to have quarrelled with them.

Perhaps the ill-humour of the Chambers may in part be occa- sioned by the demand of Louis PHILIP for the payment of 40,0001. to the Queen of the Belgians as her dowry, and 20,0001. a year for an establishment for the Duke DE NEMOURS. The King of the French has a Civil-list of 1,280,0001. a year from the country, and his private fortune is enormous : but the avarice of the greedy millionaire is insatiable.

Nothing is said of MEUNIER ; but arrests are frequent.