THE POSITION OF PRINCE ALBERT.
THE explanations by Lord Aberdeen and Lord John Russell place the actual position of Prince Albert beyond a doubt, but also as- sign to him a position very different from that which he was pub- licly known to occupy. Lord Aberdeen claims for the Sovereign, on constitutional grounds, the right of having a private adviser; and we are not aware that there is any authority for disputing Lord Aberdeen's proposition. The present Sovereign, he said, is the only one in this country who, for a long series of years, has not had a private secretary. "In fact, the only unconstitutional thing which has been done by her Majesty was that of allowing the late Lord Melbourne to act as her private secretary, at a time when he was first Minister of the Crown." It was expected that, as soon as the Queen had contracted marriage, her Majesty would be able to dispense with Lord Melbourne in performing those duties which he performed as private secretary ; and that hope was realized. On retiring from office, Lord Melbourne specifically pointed out Prince Albert as being, from his judgment, temper, and discretion, the Queen's best adviser ; Sir Robert Peel was the first directly to recognize and admit the advice and assistance which Prince Albert had rendered to his consort ; and all who have had the opportunity can testify to the wisdom, prudence, and judgment of the Prince—can testify that a single syl- lable from him has never been heard which was not intended for the advancement, honour, and welfare of this country. On this showing of Lord Aberdeen, Prince Albert occupies a posi- tion resembling that of private secretary. Lord John Russell, whose explanation is fuller and broader, represents the case some- what differently. He says that it would be impossible for the Queen to conceal from her husband the important affairs with which she is charged; on the contrary, Lord Melbourne and Lord John advised her to consult the Prince Consort, even on the most confidential communications ; his introduction into the closet where her Majesty communicates with her Ministers, in the time of Sir Robert Peel, added simply a convenience to the principle which had already been carried out. Prince Albert declined to accept the post of Commander-in-chief, because he felt that his fit place was to be always near the Queen—that he ought to identify him- self with the Queen, with her position and with her interest. In short, the Prince, says Lord John, is inseparably united with her Majesty in public councils as well as in private affairs. Lord Derby, who fully recognizes the position of the Prince Consort, reminds us that it is a great mistake to suppose "that the Sove- reign of this country does not exercise a real and salutary influence in the councils of the country, a proper influence over the affairs of state"; and, says Lord Derby, "it is the duty of the Minister of the Crown to satisfy her that the propositions whicli he puts before her are called for by public policy and justified -by public duty." It is not as a Privy Councillor, says Lord Chief Justice Campbell, that the Prince gives his advice, but as consort of the Queen regnant—as an "alter ego." We now have Prince Albert's position clearly defined, on the highest legal and official authority. The Sovereign of this country, it is truly said, exercises an active share in the councils of the country. The Prince Consort advises her as an "alter ego "; and he not only occupies that post, but he exercises the duty with great wisdom, discretion, and ability. In short, he effectively shares the authority of the Sovereign. This position, once under- stood, appears to be intelligible, and it is no doubt reconcilable with the elastic character of our constitution ; but de facto we be- lieve that it is unprecedented in the history of the country. We have had five Queens of England. Mary's husband was a foreign ruler, and his intervention could not have been admitted ; Eliza- beth was unmarried; William the Third was a substantive sove- reign, sharing the crown inherited by his wife, and wearing it alone after her death. Queen Anne's husband, says Lord John' whose position was technically the exact precedent for that of Prince Albert, "was a prince of no distinguished intelligence," and no questions arose as to the position of that royal nobody. He con- sented to accept a separate official employment, such as Prince Al- bert deliberately declined. Prince Albert, who attests his wisdom in council, " isu prince of singular attainments," and he stamps his character upon the public affairs of the country,—so the Ministers avow ; and it follows that, for the first time in the history of the country, the sovereignty is virtually shared by the consort of the Sovereign, without the direct delegation conveyed to William the Third by the Parliament.
To define the position, and to question its correctness, are not the same thing ; but on learning the actual position of the Prince Consort, one or two ulterior questions arise, which may perhaps receive a practical answer on due occasion. That Prince Albert officially communicates with foreign courts, is denied on testimony that cannot for an instant be doubted; and there is every reason to suppose that he occupies his novel position in a manner suited to the high intelligence and discretion which he has always ex- hibited, and which he has exhibited in nothing more than in abstaining from intervention in the details of business as a Minis- ter. There is no doubt that the Sovereign has a right to corre- spond with other Sovereigns ; to interchange, perchance, political sentiments. But if the Sovereign of this country were to be dis- covered carrying on a political correspondence with any princes abroad, the consequence might be calamitous, certainly most dan- gerous, either to the Sovereign who was committed to such corre- spondence, or to the Ministers during whose administration it was carried on. In the practical interpretation of our constitution, much depends upon the demeanour of those who act under its sanction but there is no doubt that the prerogatives and immu- nities of the English Sovereign are accompanied by certain dis- qualifications, including the restraint upon an unfettered corre- spondence with foreign princes. Now it is a constitutional ques- tion, which explanations perhaps will be able to solve not long hence as the general question of Prince Albert's position has been solved, whether, in sharing the influence of the Sovereign the Prince Consort also shares the disqualifications of the Sovereign; or whether, while acting as an "alter ego," he shares the responsi- bility of those Ministers who are only the agents of the Ego ?
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