E1infr5 nut rutrhing inVartinnuut.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OP THE WERE.

HOUSE or LORDS. Tuesday, Jan. Si. Parliament opened by the Queen—Debate on the Address.

Thursday, Feb. 2. Criminal Law; Question by Lord Lyndhurst—Vienna Note ; Conversation on.

Friday, Feb. 3. No business of importance. • flousx OF COIDIOXS. Tuesday, Jan. 31. New Members; Sir M. H. H. Beach for East Gloucestershire, Mr. E. P. Buckley for Salisbury, Lord R. T. C. Cecil for Stamford, Mr. J. Richardson for Lisburn, Mr. Maguire for Dungarvon—New Writs; for Oxford University, Louth, South Staffordshire, Brecknock, South Shrop- shire, West Sussex—Public business ; Statement by Mr. Hayter—Debate on the Address.

Wednesday, Feb. 1. Midnight Legislation; Mr. Brotherton's Motion, negatived by 84 to 54—The Address, reported—New Members; Mr. J. O'Connell for Clonmel, Mr. Starkie for Clitheroe, Mr. Shirley for South Warwickshire. Thursday, Feb. 2. New Writ, for Ludlow—Suspended Writs—Episcopal and Capitular Revenues Bill, read a first time—Assessed Taxes Bill, read a first time— Public Revenue and Consolidated Fund Charges Bill, ordered.

Friday, Feb. 3. Dublin University; Question and Answer—Merchant Shipping; Mr. Cardwell's Bills—Lands and Heritages (Scotland) Bill, read a first time.

TIME- TABLE.

The Lards.

The Commons.

Hour of Hour of

Hour of Hour of Tuesday Meeting. Adjournment.

iii .(n.) 12h 30ni Paesday Meeting. Adjournment, 4h , Ilh Om Wednesday Ito sitting. Wednesday Noon 2h 30m Thursday 51, Oh 15m Thursday 91, .... 611 46m Friday 61, . 30m Friday 41, .... Oh ddsn Sittings this Week, 3; Time, 911 15in Sittings this Week. ; Time, 15h Oin

OPENING OF THE SESSION.

The Queen in person opened the session of Parliament on Tuesday. As early as one o'clock, the interior of the House of Lords, with the ex- ception of a front row of benches reserved for Peers, and the Bishops' bench set apart for the Diplomatic body, was filled with a gay assemblage of Peeresses and the youthful members of their families. The strong muster of diplomatists, in glittering uniforms and blazing with orders, obliged some of the body to take their places in the gallery where they are accustomed to hear the debates of the House. The Turkish Arabes- sailor attracted great attention. Among the earliest Peers in the House, were the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, the Lord Chancellor, Lord Overstone, the Duke of .Argyll, Lord Campbell, Earl Fitzwilliam, Earl Grey, the Duke of New- castle, and Earl Granville. Neither the Earl of Derby nor any of the Opposition leaders were present ; but the Duke of Cambridge sat on an Opposition bench. .

About ten minutes past two, the Queen entered, Prince Albeit holding

her left hand. The whole assembly rose as the brilliant procession swept up the House, and stood until the Queen requested the Lords to be seated. Her Majesty looked well, but it was thought that Prince Albert was paler than usual. Seated on the throne, with Lord Aberdeen, bear- ing the sword of state, on her left, the Marquis of Winchester, with the cap of maintenance, on her right, the Marquis of Lansdowne bearing the crown on a cushion, at the foot of the throne, and- a host of officers round about, the Queen gave orders for the Commons to be summoned. In two or three minutes the Commons rushed in with prescriptive up- roar; which continued even after the Queen had begun to read, with her- usual clearness and emphasis, the Speech, presented to her Majesty by the Lord Chancellor, kneeling. "My Lords and Gentlemen—I am always happy to meet you in Parlia- ment; and on the present occasion it is with peculiar satisfaction that I recur to your assistance and advice. "The hopes which I expressed at the close of the last session, that a speedy settlement would be effected of the differences existing between Russia and the Ottoman Porte, have not been realized, and I regret to say that a state of warfare has ensued.

"I have continued to act in cordial cooperation with the Emperor of the French; and my endeavours, in conjunction with my allies, to preserve and to restore peace between the contending parties, although hitherto unsuccess- ful, have been unremitting. I will not fail to persevere in these endeavours : but as the continuance of the war may deeply affect the interests of this country, and of Europe I think it requisite to make a further augmentation of my naval and military forces, with the view of supporting my representa- tions, and of more effectually contributing to the restoration of peace.

"I have directed that the papers explanatory of the negotiations which have taken place upon this subject shall be communicated to you without delay. "Gentlemen of the House of Commons—The Estimates for the year will be laid before you; and I truet you will find that, consistently with the exigencies of the public service at this juncture, they have been framed with a due regard to economy.

"My Lords and Gentlemen—In the year which has just terminated, the blessing of an abundant harvest has not been vouchsafed to us. By this dispensation of Providence the price of provisions has been enhanced, and the privations of the poor have been increased ; but their patience has been exemplary ; and the care of the Legislature, evinced by the reduction of taxes affecting the necessaries of life, has greatly tended to preserve a spirit of contentment.

e-- "I have the satisfaction of announcing to you that the commerce of the country is stillprosperous; that trade, both of export and import, has been i

largely on the increase; and that the revenue of the past year has been more than adequate to the demands of the public service. "I recommend to your consideration a bill which _I have ordered to be framed for opening the coasting-trade of the United Kingdom to the ships of all friendlynations ; and I look forward with satisfaction to the removal of the last legislative restriction upon the use of foreign shipping for the benefit of my people.

" Communications have been addressed by my command to the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge with reference to the improvements which it may be desirable to effect in their institutions. These communications will lie

1 laid before you, and measures will be proposed for your consideration wits the view of giving effect to such improvements. "The establishments requisite for the conduct of the Civil Service slid I the arrangements bearing upon its condition, have recently been under rg"

view; and I shall direct a plan to be laid before you which will have for its object to improve the system of admission, and thereby to increase the athency of the service.

"The recent measures of legal reform have proved highly beneficial, and the success which has attended them may well encourage you to proceed with further amendments. Bills will be submitted to you for transferring from the Ecclesiastical to the Civil Courts the cognizance of testamentary and of matrimonial causes, and for giving increased efficiency to the superior Courts of Common Law.

"The laws relating to the relief of the poor have of late undergone much salutary amendment; but there is one branch to which I earnestly direct your attention. The law of Settlement impedes the freedom of labour; and if this restraint can with safety be relaxed, the workman may be enabled to increase the fruits of his industry, and the interests of capital and ef labour will be more firmly united.

"Measures will be submitted to you for the amendment of the laws relating to the Representation of the Commons in Parliament. Recent experience has shown that it is necessary to take more effectual precau- tions against the evils of bribery and of corrupt practices at elections. It will also be your duty to consider whether more complete effect may not be given to the principles of the act of the last reign whereby reforms were made in the representation of the people in Parliament. In recommending this subject to your consideration, my desire is to remove every cause of just complaint, to increase general confidence in the Legislature, and to give additional stability to the settled institutions of the state.

"I submit to your wisdom the consideration of these important subjects ; and I pray God to prosper your counsels and to guide your decisions."

Having read this Speech, the Queen gave it to the Lord Chancellor ; and left the House in the usual way. The Commons withdrew, and the Peers adjourned. At a quarter put five, the House of Lords reassembled, and there was a good muster. On the Ministerial benches sat Lord Aberdeen, the Duke of Newcastle, Lord Clarendon, Lord Lansdowne, and Lord Gran- ville; on the Opposition, Lord Derby, Lord St. Leonards, Lord Malmes- bury, Lord Colchester, and Lord Cardigan.

The Speech from the Throne having been read from the Woolsack, the Earl of CARNARVON moved the echoing Address. Having asked indul- gence for his unpractised and untried efforts, [it was the young Lord's first speech,] he went over the topics of the Address one by one. He first touched on the perplexed aspect of foreign affairs. After forty years of peace and prosperity, it seems at last we must now gaze on war face to face : but we have not been precipitate, every effort has been strained to avert war, and we do not draw the sword till forbearance can no longer be taxed. And if the delays which have intervened be crowned with success, we shall exhibit in history a second example in which a Fabian policy has been the salvation of a state. England is still rich in heroes ; our long peace has not enervated our national vigour. We con- tend for the maintenance of the integrity of treaties and the balance of power. England and France are united; and the good sense of both coun- tries has recognized the principle that the petty feuds of families must yield before the greater fusion of confederated nations. Leaving the question of foreign politics, Lord Carnarvon went carefully through the other topics; touching on free trade, enlarged commerce, the opening of the coasting trade, University reform, Legal reform, and Parliamentary re- form. With yegard to the latter, he held that a wise and moderate mea- sure, which should eliminate corruption, extend the franchise, and secure the independence of the voter, would be welcome. Town and country must be treated as brother*, not as rivals or antagonists. "Progression and preservation are natural allies, and should go hand-in-hand."

The Earl of ROME seconded the motion in a speech going over the same ground, but indistinctly heard. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE rose, and, after a few preliminary ob- servations on the proposed Reform Bill, plunged at once into the Eastern question. He complained that the efforts of Ministers to preserve peace had been characterized by vacillation, that up to that moment the de- termination of the Government was concealed. Even in the Queen's Speech there was no indication of our future course. Are we at war or not ? If we are at war, why are we afraid to say so ? Ile complained further, that Government had not given any information ; and, upon facts patent to all, he entered upon a minute criticism of the course of the ne- gotiations, to make out that had Ministers adopted a firmer and more direct course peace would have been insured. Had a straightforward question been put to the Emperor of Russia, he felt sure a straightforward answer would have been given ; but if such an answer had not been given, our course would have been clear. He complained that Vienna had been chosen as the seat of negotiations, and Russia admitted to them while Turkey was not. He endeavoured to show that the Emperor of Russia had proceeded to extremities because he believed England would neither go to war nor act in a cordial manner with the French Government. He Charged against the British Ministers, that they had checked and damped the energy of the French Government. Ile contended that Russia should be called to account ; and that England should never sanction anything 80 disgraceful as the renewal of the old treaties between Turkey and Russia.

The Earl of CLARENDON observed, that Lord Clanricarde would have acted more fairly had he waited for the production of the papers promised by her Majesty. No one had felt the inconvenience of withholding in- formation more than himself; but Government, amenable to Parliament alone, thought it not right to depart from established practice. The dearest object Ministers had in view was the maintenance of peace ; and while the publication of the papers might have been advantageous to them, to peace it might have been disadvantageous. They had shown no abject determination to avoid war ; but to preserve peace they had stopped abort at no sacrifice except that of national honour. Once disturbed, Peace may be followed by a war without parallel; and Europe may be the battle-field not only of contending armies but of contending opinions. Lord Clarendon vindicated the Government from the charge of placing undue confidence in Russian assurances. Up to April last there was no reason to believe that any differences existed between Russia and Turkey except as regarded the Holy Places; and not until after the settlement of this question Ministers became aware that ulterior objects were sought by Russia. Even after the Principalities were occupied, it was the in- terest of peace and of the Sultan to enter into negotiations. He put the C55 that Russia was either sincere or insincere in asserting that her emu- Patton would be but momentary. Under the impression that the Empe- ror might be sincere, her Majesty's Government did not advise the Sultan to treat the occupation as a casus bell, (although it was one,) and so end

all chance of peace. If the Emperor was insincere, the declaration of war would have furnished him with the very excuse he wanted. Be- sides, at that moment Turkey was totally unprepared. For these reasons, active measures were not pressed. Lord Clarendon testified to " the straightforward, friendly, and perfectly honourable policy of the French Government." " They have formed as it were one Cabinet" ; there "never have been more differences between the two Governments than are to be found in the same Cabinet—(Laughter)—differenees that have only increased our respect for each other and rendered the harmony more complete." Lord Clarendon explained the present state of the negotia- tions. The last protocol, signed by the FcIhr Powers, affirms that if Russia does not accept the propositions therein offered, " she is the sole obstacle to peace, and must be held responsible for war."

"As regards the position of her Majesty's Government, when, notwith- standing that negotiations were going en, that horrible disaster at Sinope

happened—when, the Turkish fleet, lying peaceably in harbour, was de-

stroyed in the most barbarous manner—her Majesty's Government along with France determined at once to protect not only the Ottoman territory but also the Ottoman flag. They determined then to extend their protection ; and, as in honour bound, they sent notice of their intention to the Russian Ad- miral at Sebastopol and to the Russian Government. That is the present state of our communications on this important subject ; and, as I have said, I shall refrain now from entering into any details. I have merely endea- voured to meet some attic main charges brought against the Government by the noble Lord ; leaving it for the House, when your Lordships have the papers before you, to say whether the interests, the honour, and the dignity of the country, have not been well cared for. We may even then possibly

be charged with having laboured too long, too far, and too hard in the cause

of peace; but such will not, I think, be the opinion of the majority of the House. On the contrary, I think that in the event of war, we shall be able with all the greater force to appeal to those pacific efforts, when, if we must, we call for the hearty and energetic assistance of the people of this country in aid of a just and righteous cause."

The Earl of MALILE8BURY attacked the Government for withholding papers; took great credit to himself for having foreseen the value of the

French alliance; and blamed Ministers for not appealing sooner to Par- liament, in order to show the Emperor of Russia how strong they were. lie also objected to the introduction of a Reform Bill "as a rider to a war," at a moment when the utmost union is needed.

Earl GREY said, the course taken by her Majesty's Government stood much in need of explanation and vindication. He was not satisfied that

we ought to have interfered at all. It would take much to convince him that any interest we could have in supporting Turkey against the un- justifiable demands of Russia could be compared for a moment with the superior interest in the maintenance of European peace. But if we are on the eve of war, he trusted that war would be carried on with vigour. "Whether it was right to support Turkey or not—whether our past course has been judicious or not—still, if we have committed the honour of the country, and it is now necessary to make war, let us all join heart and hand

in carrying on that war to the utmost of our power. (Loud cheers.) I hope, if a war is indeed impending, that no considerations of false and ill-timed

economy—that no other considerations of any kind—will cause any hesitation on the part of her Majesty's Government in coming forward and calling on the country for those efforts which it ought to make, and for those sacrifices which I believe must be imposed upon it. I am convinced those saorifices will in the end be the least—that the calamity of war will be less likely to extend, if, whilst a state of war exists, it be carried on with the utmost

possible energy. I hope there will be no shrinking from striking the heaviest blows we are capable of inflicting on Russia in every quarter where she is found most vulnerable." (Loud cheers.) Lord Grey then expressed a hope that Government is prepared to deal with the defects which a long peace has introduced into our naval and mili-

tary service. "I do trust that some regulation will be adopted—it is not for me to say what—but I trust that some regulation may be adopted by which the honour of the British arms, and the interests, and perhaps safety, of the country, will be confided to officers in command who are still in the vigour of their age. I have reason to think this a point of extreme importance. Your Lordships are, no doubt, aware, that under the present regulations of the British service, which differs in this respect from every other service in Eu- rope, there are no means whatever of bringing forward officers in command by selection. In the junior ranks of the service the Admiralty and the Com- mander-in-chief have the opportunity of bringing forward officers who have distinguished themselves ; but when in the Navy the officer so distinguishing himself becomes Post Captain, or when in the Army he becomes full Colonel, from that moment, according to the present practice of our service, there are no means of advancing him to be Major-General or flag-officer. What is the consequence ? The consequence is this, that in a long peace, and with the slow promotion which necessarily follows a long peace, the very youngest general officer in our service—these who are most fortunate in rising rapidly through the inferior grades of the profession—can hardly expect to obtain

the rank of general officer under fifty—I doubt if at this moment there is a

single officer so young, and the great majority attain that rank at a far later period of life. I can take upon myself to say, that when I had the honour of holding the office of Secretary of State, I felt most deeply the inconvenience- of this state of things. The strong professional objections invariably urged against employing officers in command before they had attained the rank of general offi...er, and the equally strong objections against any departure from the strict rule of seniority, rendered the field of selection so mall, that I felt, during the whole time I had the honour of holding the meals of the Colonial departmeut, it was impossible adequately to fill up the oommand of troops on distant stations. Of course, on matters of this kind, it would be invidious to cite instances ; but I will ask any person conversant with the case to look through the list of officers in command, and then look to the Army List, and see how long they have been out of employment before appointed to command. Some have been out of actual service for periods of ten, twenty, I am not sure I may not say even of thirty years ; and, looking at that fact, I say there is a ease for the remarks which I now make. Allow me to remind your Lordships of the opinion of a great authority on this subject. It is now many years since I read the book, but among the

recorded conversations of Napoleon at St. Helena is one in which a very re- markable opinion is given by that great soldier on this question. He was

talking about the qualifications of a person to command an army ; and, after mentioning different intellectual qualifications, he said, 'But I think vigour of body is hardly less necessary than vigour of mind.' He pointed out, too, how in his earlier years, in those conipaigns in which he acquired his great fame and his position in France, it was his custom to pass sixteen conse- cutive hours on horseback, to ride great distances, to undergo great fatigue, and how, in his later campaigns, being physically incapable of going through such exertions, he was obliged to go about in carriages; and, what was very

remarkable, he added, was obliged to see with other men's eyes instead of my own, and the difference was very great.' I have no doubt that high authority will be considered worthy of attention ; and he wound up by say iog that few men at the age he had attained at the close of his military career were fit for the practical and hard duties of war. But Napoleon at the close of his military career was forty-five years of age. His illustrious victor, who also closed his military career in the immortal battle of Waterloo, was, I believe, precisely the same age. Both these men had acquired renown, and finished their career as soldiers in active service, at forty-five—that is to say, when five years younger than the youngest general officer we can have under the present regulations. Is that a fit state of things to exist in war ? In peace it will be only a great inconvenience, but in war the very safety of the country is at stake ; and I do trust in some way or other professional eti- quette and professional jealousy will be overruled, and her Majesty's Govern- ment take care that the command of the armies of England is intrusted to men possessing qualities from which they may reasonably expect that they will adequately maintain the honour of the Crown, and that in some way the principle of selection will be introduced. Allow me to remind your Lordships that Lord Chatham did this. He set aside, without any scruple or hesitation, all military etiquette, and all these considerations of seniority. Wolfe was a Lieutenant of only seven years' standing when he was made Colonel, and three months after Brigadier-General; and he held only lo- cally the rank of General when he fell at the moment of victory, at the head of the army which conquered Canada." "I am glad to perceive that her Majesty's Government have been taking a step in the right direction; that at all events Colonel Eyre, who distinguished himself in the Caffre war, be- ing appointed one of her Majesty's Aides-de-camp, is raised to the rank of full _Colonel. I trust her Majesty's Government will go further, and give the rank of General officer, not only to him, but to all such men, who, like him, are in the full vigour of age, in the full practice of their profession, and who have shown that they possess military talents of a high order." Lord Grey urged Ministers not to bring forward "that measure of Par- liamentary Reform which they have promised." (Loud Opposition cheers.) Discussions on a measure of that kind, on the eve of a war, would inconve- niently interrupt the consideration of financial arrangements, and excite so many passions. "I do think, at such a moment as that, it will be inconve- nient to launch a question which necessarily gives rise to great difference of opinion, and upon which it is known many persons entertain very strong opinions indeed against any alteration." Comparing the urgency of the measure with that of the Reform Bill in 1830, he said that reform was ne- cessary then because Parliament was not sufficiently under the control of public opinion : but since the passing of the Reform Act, public opinion has perhaps too much prevailed.

The Earl of DERBY, prefacing his remarks by saying that he should postpone any detailed examination or discussion of foreign affairs until the papers had been considered, and excusing himself on the ground of the position he held, dealt slightly with the question of University re- form. While he doubted the possibility of extending the Universities as much as seemed desired, he thought there was room for improvement in the discipline and the studies to which they had been too exclusively devoted. In both Universities there is a well-considered determination to adapt the course of studies and discipline more and more to the re- quirements of modern times. What he wished to impress upon the House was, that those alterations must be made by the Universities them- selves; and that the Government measure should prohibit, if not render absolutely illegal, those oaths which prevent the alteration of statutes; and having set free the hands of the authorities, should enable them, under restrictions, to alter the statutes. He also pointed out that no mention of "education" was made in the Queen's Speech ; nor of the negotiations with the United States; nor of the treaties with the Repub- lic of Ecuador for the suppression of the slave-trade, and of that with Buenos Ayres for opening the River Plate. The omission of the latter was a point of modesty on the part of Lord Clarendon, because the treaty was negotiated by Sir Charles Hotham under the auspices of Lord Malmesbury. But Ministers at least could claim the good fortune of not being able to stop the treaty; for the despatch sending it home for ratifi- cation was crossed by a despatch from Lord Clarendon recalling Sir Charles from his attempt to conduct a mission which was so expensive and stood no chance of being brought to a successful issue ! Lord Derby regretted that the language of Government was not more explicit and distinct on the Eastern question. He reiterated the com- plaints of Lord Clanricarde that it was not stated whether we are at peace or war ; while by our acts in the Black Sea we are virtually en- gaged in war, with all the dangers and risks unaccompanied by the dig- nity of an open declaration of war. He did nut complain that Govern- ment had left no means untried to avert war. No man, not even Lord Aberdeen, had a greater horror of war than himself: but be did complain that the means taken by her Majesty's Government are not only not the best means to avert war, but the best calculated inevitably to thwart that object He described Russia as a country above all others with which this country should deal not by counter-intrigues, but by frank, open, explicit declaration of that which we will allow, and that which we will not allow. Russia has never proceeded by storm, but by sap and mine. He gave the Emperor all due credit for the moderation and sagacity with which during the last few years he has confined himself -within the limits of his empire. But if be had been made to understand that his attempt, first to absorb the Danubian Principalities, and next Constantinople itself—not by open war, but by weakening the re- sources of the Turkish empire, by extending protection over it, and by interference in its domestic concerns,—if he had been made clearly to understand that in that policy he would meet the unhesitating and unflinching opposition, morally and physically, of France and England, he never would have taken the steps he has taken. Her Majesty's Government had deluded and deceived the Emperor as to the course England would pursue ; of course, not intentionally. Lord Derby passed over the effect which must have been produced on the mind of the Emperor of Russia by the incessant denuncia- tions of "that portion of the press which enjoys the peculiar favour of the noble Earl opposite." (Ironical cries of "Hear, hear from Lord Aberdeen.) Piqued by this cry, Lord Derby said he must show why he said it was so ; and he went on to connect the Government with the Times. That journal had been intrusted with Lord Clarendon's reply to Count Nesselrode, withheld from Parliament ; and had announced Lord Palmerston's resignation before it was known to the Sovereign. When he saw that, he could not hold Government altogether free from the respon- sibility of the language of the Times newspaper. But, supposing they were not responsible, would foreign Governments believe they were not? And when that paper was perpetually depreciating the French alliance, and showing that Turkey is effete, the Emperor of Russia had reason to believe that Lord Aberdeen of all men living would take no vigorous measures. Adversely criticizing sonic of the diplomatic proceedings,

Lord Derby finally declared that, if we are to have a war, we have no- thing to do but consider the hest means of carrying it on. Touching upon Parliamentary Reform, he protested against coupling together measures for preventing bribery and corruption and measures for altering constituencies. Those with whom he acted would join in any measure for suppressing bribery and corruption; and he would suggest the insertion of "intimidation' in the Address—especially the intimida- tion exercised by the priesthood of Ireland. He urged that the time was unsuited to the introduction of the measure ; for, apart from the moment- ous struggle in which we may be engaged, there is apathy out of doors. If the bill be brought in, he was certain it would be considered with all due respect ; but if its effect is to " increase the inequality which now prevails in favour of the great towns and the masses congregated in them, against the representatives of the county districts," then the measure will be resisted. Lord Derby's theory of representation—not a theory, but a practical distinction—was, that property is the basis of the representation in the counties, number and residence in the boroughs. That is an old and well-founded distinction, which he hopes Government will not attempt to break down. The last section of Lord Derby's speech related to the resignation of Lord Palmerston. The country had been left twelve days without a Home Secretary. Lord Palmerston's resignation was tendered and ac- cepted, and afterwards he returned to office. Lord Derby called for explanations; arguing that if the differences which led to the resigna- tion were easily got over, then both parties have much to explain ; and that if they were of vital importance there must have been an abandonment of principle on one side or other. Which had given way, Lord Aberdeen or his colleague ?

The Earl of ABERDEEN directly met the assault of Lord Derby upon himself and the Government ; rebuking him for making comments, founded on information quite inaccurate, and in many instances the reverse of true, without waiting for the diplomatic papers. Ile replied to the accusation—" the odious accusation"—that the Emperor of Russia had been misled by Lord Aberdeen's known reluctance to go to war with him. Lord Aberdeen was ready to repeat his declarations against going to war with any state, more particularly with Russia. The people of this country had not unfrequently engaged in wars rashly, of which they afterwards repented at leisure. The duty of Government was not, under all circumstances, never to engage in war, but to restrain feelings of popular indignation even when natural and justifiable, as in the present case, within the bounds of prudence. War, to be justifiable, must par- take of the character of self-defence. That war should ever be just, proves the utter depravity and corruption of human nature ; but it is sometimes just; and in regard to the preservation of the balance of power in Europe, the country may be considered as acting in self-defence when it preserves the relations of the various powers necessary to the security of all.

"But this,I say, is an odious accusation ; and it has been repeated over and i

over again, n quarters which are supposed to be much connected with the noble Earl [Derby] and his friends." On Lord Aberdeen had been concen- trated the whole attacks of the press opposed to the Government: the actual Minister for Foreign Affairs had passed comparatively without observation. "It is said at Constantinople that I have received a hogshead of gold from Russia ! (Laughter.) The press connected with the noble Lords opposite have indulged in plain direct accusations that I am the tool of Russia. Now it is a singular fact, that perhaps few public men in this country have ever written more, or with more acrimony, than I have against the Russian Government. (Laughter.) One of my honourable or right honourable calumniators in the press has accused me of betraying the interests of the country, as I did in the year 1829. Now this is rather an inconsistent accusation.' Whatever be might have done in the present year, he could not have done so in 1829, for then he served under a man who lmew something of the honour and in- terests of this country— [the Duke of Wellington] —a man whose confidence no one ever enjoyed more, and he was fortified by the knowledge that he had acted at present on the principles on which he believed that great man would have acted had he been alive. The party that acted with Lord Derby said that Lord Aberdeen was the author of the treaty of Adrianople,—a treaty respect- ing which his despatches were thought to be so offensive to Russia, that Lord Melbourne objected to publish one of them in 1837! It is pretended also that the present Government is a sort of Russo-Austrian Government. No doubt, he was Ambassador at Vienna some forty years ago ; but since that time he had no more relation to the Austrian Cabinet than to the Cabinet of Japan. But he was not afraid of being overruled when, without going so far as Mr. Fox had gone, he said that Austria was a natural ally of this country. He also desired to cultivate friendly relations with Russia, and deeply regretted the present position we occupy in respect to that power. He combated the assertion that the Government ought to have kept the peace with a little more energy ; that was a sort of "game of brag" which he did not admire. Here he made a similar explanation to that given by Lord Clarendon, that delay had given the Turks time to prepare ; that the Sultan had not declared war; and that the Great German Powers had been induced to join with us. He asserted that indifference to the French alliance—another ac- cusation founded not on a speeech of his, but the language of a journal—could not be charged against him. His settled opinions had always been to cherish the French alliance, under all forms of government. "Who was the author of that expression which has so long passed current, the entente cordials '? It was introduced at the time when I was at the Foreign Office." Every one must make up his mind to misconstruction. In Russia it has been fully believed and loudly declared that Count Nesselrode has been a traitor to his country, and is in the pay of the English Government. With respect to Lord Clarendon's despatch, it would not have been com- municated to the Times had not an incorrect version appeared in every paper

in Europe; and with respect to the announcement of Lord Palmerston's

resignation in the Times—.[Lord Derby here, interrupting, asserted that the resignation was announced in the Times before even the Sovereign or Lord

Pahnerston's colleagues knew of the fact officially.] "The noble Earl," con-

tinued Lord Aberdeen, "will allow me to say that he asserts that which is not the fact." The article appeared on the day after Lord Aberdeen had seen her Majesty on the subject at Osborne. "How it came to be made

public, I know not ; but this I know, that her Majesty was informed of it before it so appeared." He understood that Lord Derby had announced his intention to extract from Ministers all the particulars. connected with that

transaction. "I hope he has not set his heart upon it very strongly, be- cause he will certainly fail in extracting from me more than I think proper to state. (Cheers and laughter.) He said that her Majesty's Gevernment must be much cleverer fellows than he thinks them if he does not extract all the particulars of the transaction from us. Now, I am the last man to deny the cleverness of the noble Earl; but he must be a cle;verer fellow than I think him, if be extracts more from me than I choose to tell (Great laughter and cheering.) In general terms; Lord Aberdeen stated

that Lord Palmerston had tendered his resignation under the misapprehen- sion that the provisions of the measure on Parliamentary reform were set- tled, when they were not. Explanations took place, and Lord Palmerston— "I was going to say resumed, but he had never, in fact, ceased to perform the duties of Secretary of State." Lord Derby had no right to know either the cause of difference or the means of reconciliation. "It may be matter of curiosityr it may be matter of mischief, but there is no legitimate inquiry." Lord for Lord Aberdeen next entered upon a statement respecting the disgrace-

ful accusations against Prince Albert, which, however, was much more fully given by Lord John Russell in the House of Commons. In doing so, Lord Aberdeen roused the ire of Lord Derby, by referring the attacks to "that section of the press most devoted" to Lord Derby. Before Lord Derby could reply, Lord HARDLNGE intervened, and, corroborating the statement of Lord Aberdeen, gave the most unqualified and soldierlike denial to the charge that Prince Albert interfered at the Horse Guards. Lord DERBY then declared that Lord Aberdeen had stated "the thing which is not," when he said these slanders had their origin in the Con- servative portion of the press. The Morning Advertiser and the Daily News, Liberal papers, it was, and not the Conservative press, that propa- gated these absurd reports. Lord Derby fully concurred in the statement that Prince Albert has not acted unconstitutionally. He is the necessary and natural adviser of the Queen. The Sovereign is not an automaton, but exercises a real, salutary, and decided influence over the councils of the country. If the Prince Consort interfered unconstitutionally—if he went counter to the advice tendered by the Minister to the Sovereign— the Minister must resign ; if he did not, he would be responsible.

Lord atm: BELL said, it is not as a Privy Councillor that Prince Albert gives advice, but as the alter env, as the consort of the Queen. The angry discussion as to the party newspapers continued ; Lord ABER- DEEN and Lord DERBY repeatiug what they previously asserted. The Earl of HARROWDY said that those abominable, incredible, and scandalous stories, had obtained a belief because they were sanctioned by the Con- servative press; and he did complain that some of the Conservative leaders had not checked the currency of those slanders in Conservative papers. Lord MALMESBURY declared that was the most offensive speech he had ever heard in his life, as it implied that he had a connexion with the press.

The debate closed, and the Address was carried without a division, soon after midnight.

In the House of Commons, the debate on the Address was not so spirited and personal as the debate in the House of Peers. The Address was moved by Lord CASTLEROSSE, in a brief survey, running lightly over the topics of the Queen's Speech, in the usual manner. It was seconded by Mr. Tmomrsom HARKEY ; who followed the same course, but at greater length. He enlarged on the blessings of peace, the lessening of the burden of the National Debt since 1815, the reduction of taxation, the passing of the Reform Bill, the abolition of slavery,—all the fruits of peace. Ministers had acted as if they felt that peace was the greatest blessing God had given man on earth; they had used every effort and were ready to make great concessions to avoid war : but honour was the limit of Concession, and if the sword must be unsheathed the country would support the Government. But all must feel grateful for the policy which showed an earnest desire for peace. The Address having been read, and the question having been put, Mr. HENRY Barium next spoke. In his view, Government would have more successfully opposed the Czar, had they declared the passage of the Pruth a cause of war. But he regretted that they had adopted an antiquated theory, to maintain in all its integrity and all its deformity the tottering fabric of the Turkish empire. Had they adopted the policy of non- interference, and told the Turkish Government they would not go to war to maintain the integrity of the Ottoman empire, we should have heard no more of Prince Menschikof and the fate of the Porte would have been postponed. Government, he said, had adopted a war policy, and declined to follow it even when honour required it. The war would be un- popular; for neither the religious feeling of England nor of Russia would long endure that twelve millions of Christians should remain subject to Mahomedan Turkey for no other object than that of maintaining the balance of power.

Mr. atemerr could not help saying that the Government, so far as the production of official information went, had shown a great want of confidence in the people of England. They need not have hesitated on the plea of precedent ; for Sir Robert Peel had produced full information on the subject of Servia. Had Government enabled the public to learn the true state of affairs from legitimate sources, we should all have been spared the pain of listening to exaggerated rumours in reference to one who would then have escaped even the shadow of suspicion. Colonel Snernonr said, he looked upon all the speeches of "an om- niumgatherum Government" with suspicion, and did not believe a word they said. He hoped we should have a war, and give the Russians a good drubbing.

Sir ROBERT PEEL Spoke at great length, justifying the policy of the Government. If their policy was antiquated, it was a policy that would secure the greatest amount of support in this country. Referring to the other topics of the Speech, and commenting on the great progress of the country since 1830, he remarked it as a happy distinction, that for the first time there was no mention of Ireland in the Speech from the Throne. But there was no mention of Education, and he was sorry for that. There is nothing more desirable than that there should be some general

• system of education for the poorer classes. With respect to Parliament, ary Reform, he said, let the forthcoming measure do away with "the flag- bearers" of the borough of Cambridge, "the messengers" of Malden, "the 'long-shore men" of the city of London, and the two-and-sixpenny freemen of Liverpool. Let it also do away with scot-and-lot voters and potwalloppers; and give places like Staleybridge, Doncaster, Birkenhead, and the unrepresented parts of the Metropolis, each a Member. That would be a measure productive of great good, and one to the consideration of which they ought to proceed without delay. But as we are apparently on the brink of an European convulsion, all these questions of social pro- gress are unfortunately stopped and thwarted by war.

Mr. RUBE pointed out shortcomings and omissions in the Speech. He regretted that the Admiralty jurisdiction was to be retained to the Civil Courts; it would be better abolished. He pointed out that some means Must be adopted for reforming and training young criminals by means of reformatory schools. All mention of the United States was omitted in

the Speech. He insisted on the necessity of reform, to give the working man a status, and rest the constitution on as broad a basis as possible.

Mr. LIDDELL saw in the price of coals, and the exclusion of British ships from the coasting trade to California, grounds for considering the propriety of throwing open our coasting trade. But he could not agree as to the good effects of the past changes in our shipping trade. The loss of the Tayleur and the Olinda was caused by the inefficiency of a foreign crew ; and it would be far better for ships that could not get British sea- men to stay at home than go out with inefficient crews. On the Turkish question, Mr. Liddell seemed inclined to defend the Government, and to insist on resistance to Russia. As to Parliamentary Reform, he forewarned Lord Sohn Russell that he would involve the House in a protracted and acrimonious struggle. Why not have deferred it another year ? Why not imitate Mr. Pitt, who patriotically relinquished his plan of Reform, rather than divide the Parliament at a critical time ? Besides, there was no general demand for change. At the Manchester meeting, almost the only one of the kind, not above 260 assembled.

Mr. Sergeant SHER turned for a moment the current of the debate upon Ireland, by censuring the omission of the Landlord and Tenant Bills from the Queen's Speech ; and by asking for an assurance that all the labour of last session had not been thrown away, and that Mr. Napier's bills would again be brought in.

Sir Ionx YOUNG said, he believed it was the intention of Government to press the bills ; and that they would be first introduced in the House of Lords.

Mr. DISRAELI said, he thought the resolution to abstain from entering on the question of foreign policy until the papers be produced was a wise and prudent one : at the same time, it was their duty not to pass the Queen's Speech without notice. He commented on the statement made by Ministers at the close of last session, that the controversy between Russia and Turkey might be looked upon as settled. The House is still addressed much in the same tone, and is told that negotiations are still going on with a chance of success : but Ministers ought to have shown that the negotiations now proceeding are not in the spirit of the famous Vienna note, which failed six months ago. He complained that the lan- guage of the Address was not sufficiently explicit and firm. There was an unwise and unnecessary timidity of tone in it : but no Member would blame Government for clinging to negotiations, if they were convinced an honourable end may be accomplished by such means. He criticized the whole manner in which our foreign relations are treated in the Speech. Her Majesty said she continues to act in cordial cooperation with the Emperor of the French ; but he wished to have seen that followed by an expression that her Majesty is acting in cooperation with the Em- peror of Austria and the King of Prussia. Mr. Disraeli, like Lord Derby, pointed out the fact that no mention was made of the United States; nor of the Republic of the Ecuador ; nor of the treaty opening the naviga- tion of the great South American rivers. He was prepared to give Mi- nisters credit for a sincere desire to avert war ; but expected to find that they had also been the faithful guardians of the honour of the country. Referring to the measures mentioned in the Speech, Mr. Disraeli said he was inclined to believe there were still hopes of peace, for Ministers had devised so much to occupy Parliament. He thought they were bound to bring forward the question of Parliamentary Reform; the Ad- ministration was formed upon that pledge. "It may be most unwise to introduce such a measure under any circumstances, and it may be little short of madness to introduce such a measure under the present circum- stances of the country ; but the present Ministry must bring in a large measure of Parliamentary Reform." Mr. Disraeli, like Lord Derby, denied that there is any necessary connexion between a measure for purifying the representation and a measure for reconstructing our electoral system. He was ready to agree to a stringent measure to check bribery ; for no class was less interested in bribery than the landed proprietors. But why was "intimidation" omitted ? He suggested the insertion of that word. Great injustice was done to the landed interest by the present arrangement; still he was willing to rest on the great measure of 1832. If, however, "the bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill," was at last to be brought before them by "its pure projectors, who by its means sailed into popularity on the tide of faction," then he "must really take the materials of which the House is composed, and endeavour to effect a more complete adjustment than now exists between the various classes of this country and the manner in which they are represented." Lord JOHN RUSSELL thanked the House, in the name of the Govern- ment, for the general spirit of moderation which had prevailed. Charac- terizing Mr. Disraeli's criticisms of the Address as "philological observa- tions upon phrases," he proceeded to make some interesting remarks on the negotiations. The Vienna note was framed by the Government of France, modified by the Austrian Government, and accepted by the British Government as a means of securing the independence of Turkey. But the Turkish Government were able to show, not that in the plain muse affixed to it by the Four Powers, but in that sense which might be affixed to it by a jealous and hostile neigh- bour, it might infringe Turkish independence. The modifications suggested by Turkey were recommended to the Emperor of Russia ; but the explana- tion given by Count Nesselrode of the sense put on the note by the Emperor was, that he would not recede from his pretensions, "but that he was ready to add to an unjust and unprincipled aggression something that I shall not hesitate to designate as fraudulent." (Loud cheers.) "I should be mislead- ing the House," continued Lord John, "if I expressed a very confident expectation that the offers now made will be acceded to by the Emperor of Russia." But he might say, that in the terms now proposed there is no- thing contrary to the integrity and independence of Turkey—for the Turk- ish Minister himself has signed the note. While "the British Govern- ment are anxious to bring the question to a pacific termination, they are not disposed to let the Emperor of Russia so far take advantage of the time that may elapse, as that, while he is appearing to negociate, he is really making warlike preparations which shall find us totally unprepared." (Cheers.) "We have thought it would be an immense advantage if Austria and Prussia were to combine with us to prevent a war ensuing upon the ag- gressions that have been made by Russia. There has been published in the newspapers a protocol signed by the Ministers : that declaration does not fully meet the views of the Government of Great Britain, but still it is a great advantage so far as we can go together. I think it is not unlikely that the Government of Austria should perceive that war is imminent, and that the negotiations in which she has willingly taken part will not be successful in inducing the Emperor of Russia to desist from his purpose, and that nothing but a bolder measure and a stronger blow will enable her to aid in effecting this. I say that if the Great Powers—if Austria, seeing

her interests, that are greater than those of England and France, and seeing also that the interests of Europe are involved in the settlement of the question, will together with the King of Prussia act cordially with us, there can be no doubt what the ultimate—the immediate results will be,— I say, that, considering all things, our time has not been lost. We have adopted measures of pacification for awhile; and everything which we could do consistently with honour, we have done, in endeavouring to persuade the Government of Austria to tile a more decisive course."

Lord John vindicated the course of the Government in proposing a Reform Bill. The precedent derived from Mr. Pitt's conduct is not applicable to the present time. The Reform Bill spoken of in 1793 was not adopted until forty years after; and certainly, 'I cannot consent to a postponement of that length on the present occasion." ("Hear!" and laughter.) Mr. Pitt was engaged in counteracting the spread of Republicanism : the complaint made against the Frei eh Revolution cannot be made against the Emperor of Russia ; "for he is not engaged in spreading Demo- cracy." (Laughter.) Lord John contended, that now is a fitting time to extend the franchise, especially if we are going to have a war with increased burdens. Let Mr. Disraeli bring in the bill he hinted at. When he was Chancellor of the Exchequer, he spoke of the expediency of giving the fran- chise to the working man, and we shall see whether he has maintained or departed from his doctrine. Passing from this topic, Lord John expressed a hope that he had not been wrong in supposing no Member of that House would adopt or countenance the calumnies that have been spread respecting Prince Albert. (Loud cheers.) Had they been ordinary calumnies, they might have been left without notice ; but there was so much "honest delusion" in them that he felt it necessary to make some statements with regard to the position of the Prince. "First, as to the charge of unconstitutional interference on the part of his Royal Highness. It has been generally admitted throughout the country, and by allpersons, that there never was a Sovereign who acted more strictly in the spirit of the constitution in the exercise of her prerogative than her Ma- jesty. (Loud cheers.) Iler Majesty has accepted the Minister whom she found approved of by the House of Commons, and to him has given her en- tire confidence. On her accession she found Lord Melbourne Prime Minister; and he had her complete confidence. Lord Melbourne was succeeded by Sir Robert Peel ; and Sir Robert Peel enjoyed the entire confidence of her Ma- jesty. It was my destiny to succeed Sir Robert Peel; and for more than five years during which I held that honourable position, I can say most truly that I received from her Majesty every support and every mark cf con- fidence that a Minister could fairly expect : and I took occasion to express to her Majesty my gratitude for the kindness with which I was treated, and for the attention with which all my representations were listened to by her Majesty. Well, then, is it not a strange and incredible assertion, that, while her Majesty, having the Prince Consort by her side during the greater part of that time, had pursued a course of conduct entirely con- stitutional in respect to her Government, the Prince Consort could have been acting on the other 'hand in an unconstitutional manner ? There is something entirely absurd and contradictory on the face of such a statement. But I do feel it necessary, owing to this honest delusion,which I said prevailed, to enter more into what is the position, not much defined in any of our law-books, and not fenced by the usual guards of law and precedent. When her Majesty came to the throne, being then only eighteen years of age and of course inexperienced in affairs, Lord Melbourne considered what it became him to do' when her Majesty was pleased to say that he should continue in the post of First Lord of the Treasury. It seemed to Lord Melbourne, that it was his duty to advise her Majesty on all subjects with respect to matters of domestic interest—with respect to the arrangements of the Palace, as well as with respect to the higher and ordinary duties of a Prime Minister. But, doubtful whether he had come to a right opinion, he resorted to the highest advice he could obtain ; he went to the Duke of Wellington and stated his views. The Duke of • Wellington entirely con- curred with Lord Melbourne, and said that, if he held the office of Prime Minister, he should take exactly the course which Lord Melbourne had pointed out. About three years after her Majesty's accession, her Majesty espoused Prince Albert, the present Prince Consort. The position in which Prince Albert would stand was likewise matter of consideration. He was, as the Home knows, naturalized by Parliament, and in such a manner that he could become a member of the Privy Council. Some doubts have been started on this subject ; but everybody who looks into the subject is aware that Prince Albert was not only able but fully authorized to sit in the Privy Council. Lord Melbourne asked me —I am quite uncertain as to the date—as to the course that should be pur- sued with respect to despatches and all the most secret communications of the Ministry. I said I had no doubt whatever that her Majesty should communicate them as she thought fit to the Prince Consort, and that I did not think that in his relation to her Majesty it would be St to have any con- cealment. I am not sure, from recollection, whether Lord Melbourne or myself mentioned the subject at that time to the Cabinet; but I am perfectly sure, as far as Lord Melbourne and myself are concerned, that we thought it our duty to advise the Queen that such should be her conduct with respect to the despatches and communications. I think any other advice would have been foolish and unbecoming. It could not but happen that the Prince, after his marriage, would discuss public events with her Majesty ; and, to fancy that he should only gather his information from newspapers and public statements, while her Majesty had all the despatches and official information, would be to suppose not only an absurdity, but a thing that would have been impracticable. (Cheers.) Such, then, being the position of the Prince, it is quite evident that there is no truth in the colour which has been attempted to be placed on his Royal Highness's relation to her Ma- jesty in this respect—that Lord Melbourne constitutionally debarred the Prince from a knowledge of state affairs, and that Sir Robert Peel was the first person to introduce him to a knowledge of those affairs. I believe it is true that in Sir Robert Peel's time it first happened that his Royal Highness was present during the interviews which the Ministers had with the Queen ; but the House will at once see, that if his Royal Highness, according to the advice of Lord Melbourne, was informed of all that was going on, and knew as well as her Majesty all that was taking place, his mere introduction into the closet when the Ministers had their communication with her Majesty was merely a convenience, and added nothing to the principle adopted. (Cheers.) Nature/1y, if the Prince had not been present (be is usually present, but not always so) when the Ministers were with the Queen, her Majesty would have communicated to him what occurred. That would have been a cir- cuitous report of what the Ministers had said, and, I think, a less convenient mode of communication than if his Royal Highness were pre- sent at the time ; for I need hardly say, that his Royal Highness, having the intellect, the information, and the knowledge that belongs to him, it would have been quite impossible that her Majesty should not have spoken to him on every matter of great importance. I am now speaking generally of these relations, without any reference to the constitutional relations which exist between the Sovereign and her Ministers, became I stated at the commencement that there never had been any com- plaint that those relations were not properly conducted. Well then, it was not Sir Robert Peel, but Lord Melbourne and myself, who advised (and we thought we were acting in the full spirit of the constitution in giving that advice) that his Royal Highness should be fully informed with respect to all affairs of a national interest But did Lord Melbourne, when he went out_ of office, consider there was no advantage in her Majesty having that coun. eel ? Be it remembered, that Lord Melbourne took on himself at the awes. don of the Queen during her youth, to give advice on every subject that came before her Majesty. At the time when Sir Robert Peel accepted the reins of office, her Majesty had been already married. It was on the 30th of August 1841 that Lord Melbourne wrote to her Majesty in these terms. August 30, 1841.—Lord Melbourne cannot satisfy himself without again stating to your Majesty in writing, what he had the honour of saying te your Majesty respecting his Royal Highness the Prince. Lord Melbourne has formed the highest opinion of his Royal Highness's judgment, temper, and discretion ; and he cannot but feel a great consolation and security in the reflection that he leaves your Majesty in a situation in which your Ma. jesty has the inestimable advantage of such advice and assistance. Lord Melbourne feels certain that your Majesty cannot do better than to have re- course to it when it is needed, and to rely upon it with confidence.' (Cheers.) Such was the opinion which Lord Melbourne had form- ed of his Royal Highness's ability and character ; and I may as that no one who ever had any intercourse with his Royal Highness could form any other opinion, but must appreciate most highly the judgment and ability of that distinguished personage. These are observations which I am called on to make ; for be it recollected, that I am now speaking in defence of a Prince near the Throne, who has been injured by anonymous scandal; and this is the first opportunity he has authorized any communication to be made. (Much cheering.) His Royal Highness then continued in the posi- tion I have mentioned, giving advice to her Majesty whenever it was needed, and assisting her Majesty whenever she thought assistance required ; yet the most constitutional deference was at the same time paid to the advice of the Ministers. And be it observed, though it may have happened in the course of the reign of the Princes of the house of Hanover, that Ministers have been obliged to resign because they could not agree to something that the Sore. reign proposed, or because they were obliged to tender advice which was not acceptable to the Sovereign, yet in the reign of the present Queen, the Ad. ministrations have always ceased in consequence of a vote of this House. (Cheers.) During my Administration, there occurred a ease in which his Royal Highness had again to consider his position, and to determine what he should do with respect to a proposal that was made. I had some cor- respondence with the Duke of Wellington at the time when the office of Ad- jutant-General was vacant ; and the Duke of Wellington went to Windsor and informed Prince Albert, that it was his opinion that it would be a great advantage to the Army, if, after his death, his Royal Highness were placed by her Majesty in the position of Commander- in-chief. The Duke of Wellington said, that he had thought much on it ; that all his feelings and wishes were for the good administra- tion of the Army ; that the Army peculiarly belonged to the Crown, and that he did not think its interests could in any way be so well cared for as in the case that Prince Albert would consent to be his successor. The Duke added, that be wished to have a decision on the subject, because he would make such arrangements with respect to the office of Adjutant-General, and other offices at the Horse Guards, as would give to his Royal Highness all the assistance he would require. Prince Albert could not but feel it a great compliment to be told by the Duke of Wellington that he was a proper per, son to succeed him in the command of the Army ; but, after some reflection, he informed the Duke of Wellington, that he considered his place was to be always near the Queen—that he thought he ought to identify himself with her position and her interests, and that he would depart from that attitude if he sought to have any separate office of his own, more especially the import- ant office of Commander-in-chief, and thereby become responsible for other duties and the exercise of other powers than those which her Majesty had to perform. (Cheers.) Immediately after that answer was given, I had the honour of an interview with his Royal Highness; when lie read to me a letter he had written to the Duke of Wellington ; and I expressed my opinion that his Royal Highness had judged most rightly, and had correctly viewed his position. I think there were other reasons besides why Prince Albert should not have held the office of Commander-in-chief : but it was quite un- necessary to state them, the reasons given by his Royal Highness bemgquite sufficient; and they showed that, while he considered that he ought not to be Commander-in-chief, he likewise considered whether he could not be aid and assistance to her Majesty, and felt that he was bound to give his whole mind, intelligence, zeal, and ability, to that object." (Cheers.) Lord John proceeded to refute the charge that the Prince interfered to produce the resignation of Adjutant-General Sir George Brown. The facts were, that Lord Hardinge and Sir George Brown differed as to the weight soldier should carry ; and as his opinion was formed on that of the Duke of Wellington, Sir George thought he had better resign. Be did so, and Lord Hardinge recommended the appointment of Sir George Cathcart as his successor. The Queen, however, acquiescing in that advice, expressed a hope that General Wetherell, son of an Equerry to the late Duke of Kent, might have been selected ; and an intimation was conveyed to General Wetherell from the Queen, that it was from no slight of his services that her Majesty had acquiesced in the advice of Lord Hardinge. Sir George Brown, in a letter which was read, denied another of the calumnious newspaper statements. Lord John Russell said that the Prince has never been in the habit of corresponding with foreign ministers. Once a foreign minister, undesired and unrequested, wrote to him : the Prince immediately sent the letter to the Foreign Secretary, and desired to know what answer he should return. (Cheers.) Her Majesty is differently situated both froin Queen Elizabeth and Queen Anne. "She is married to a Prince Of singular attainments; and their domestic life is as good an example to all the Queen's subjects as her constitutinal conduct is a model for all sove- reigns. (Cheers.) Would any man believe me if I were to say, thus united, the Queen never consulted with the Prince Consort, whom I have just described, with respect to affairs that necessarily interest the fortunes of her croym, the welfare of her people, the happiness of her interior life, and our relations with many of those who are dear to her ? No one would believe me if! made such an assertion. I say then, I hope that in future there will be no delusion on this subject. There is no harm in telling truth, and the whole truth, with regard to this matter. Her Majesty and the Prince are inseW- ably united, and both with regard to public counsels and with regard to pri- vate affairs they have no greater comfort than communicating with one another ; and when the people of this country—always just in the end— have reflected on these matters, I think the result of these calumnies, base as they are, and of these delusions, blind as they have been, will be to at- tech the people of this country still more strongly to the Queen of this realm, and to give a firmer and stronger foundation to the Throne." (Great cheering.) Mr. WALPOLE thanked Lord John Russell for his manly vindication of the Prince Consort ; adding his own testimony, on behalf of Lord Derby's Administration. He also made a few comments on the Speech.

The Address was then agreed to, nem. con.

TUB VIENNA NOTE.

A conversation on "the Vienna note" arose on Thursday, out of s question put by Lord LYNDHURST, as to whether a representation of the traneaction contained in a despatch from Count Nessehode to Baron Meyendorff was correct. The statement of Count Nesselrode was, that the draught of the note was first sent to St. Petersburg for the assent of the Emperor of Russia ; that he assented to it, without knowing whether it met with the approbation of the Courts of Paris and London ; that it was afterwards revised and altered by France and England, and then sent again to St. Petersburg. -Was it the complete note that was transmitted simultaneously to St. Petersburg and Constantinople ?

The Earl of CLARENDON repeated his previous statement—that the origin of the note was French ; that, although thinking it not likely to be successful, the British Government, not wishing to object, assented to its transmission to St. Petersburg. Austria saw in the note a peaceful so- lution of the question ; it was submitted to the representatives of the Four Powers, adopted by them, and transmitted simultaneously to St. Peters- burg and Constantinople. Subsequently, at the suggestion of the British Government, one or two slight alterations were adopted by the Conference, and sent by telegraph to St. Petersburg, he thought, after the note had been sent to Constantinople.

Lord LYNDHURST said, his question had not been answered. What he wanted to know was, whether the draught note referred to by Count Nes- selrode was sent to the Emperor of Russia with the concurrence of the Four Powers, or by the authority of Austria alone ? His motive for putting the question was, that, in this crisis, unanimity on all sides of the House should prevail ; and that unanimity could only be secured by putting the House in full possession of the facts. Was the draught of a note submitted for the assent of the Emperor of Russia before it was sub- mitted for the assent of the Porte ?

Lord CLARENDON rejoined, that he was ready to give all the in- formation in his power, "What is called the draught of the note was what was some time before sent by the French Government to St. Peters- burg and Vienna, with the assent of the English Government." Lord BEAUMONT put the question in another form—was the French note in the first place, and without any alteration, agreed to by the British Government, sent to St. Petersburg without being sent to the Porte ? To this Lord CLARENDON replied, that he rather believed the French Go- vernment did send a copy of the draught note to the Porte, but he could not assert it at that moment.

Lew REFORM.

Lord LYNDHURST, premising that at the end of last session it was agreed that the opinions of the Judges should be taken with respect to a bill for the amendment of the Criminal Law, inquired whether those opinions had been taken, and whether the Lord Chancellor would lay them on the table ?

The LORD CHANCELLOR explained, that Lord Lyndhurst was in error in supposing that the House had directed the opinions of the Judges to be taken on the subject ; although it was true that application had been made for the opinions of the Judges, under these circumstances. The bill intro- duced by Lord St. Leonar& for codifying the Criminal Law had been refer- red to a Select Committee, comprising all the Law Lords and certain Lay Lords interested in the subject. That Committee worked at the bill for eleven days, and did not conclude its labours. The bill appeared to him un- satisfactory; yet it was as perfect as any measure could be after having been considered by a Select Committee. He had therefore requested the Judges to tell him their opinion as to whether the consolidation of the Criminal Law, in a degree of perfection of which that bill was the type, would be an improvement or otherwise. Nearly all the Judges had sent in replies ; and when those still wanting had been supplied, he would lay them all on the table.

CHURCH Pakrearre.

The Marquis of BLANDFORD moved for leave to bring in a bill to make better provision for the management of Episcopal and Capitular pro- perty. With one exception, this bill is similar to the bill he introduced last year. The modification introduced would enable an ecclesiastical cor- poration, whether aggregate or Bole, to apply Episcopal property for the relief of the spiritual wants of the district in which it is situated. Lord Jona RUSSELL assented to the introduction of the bill; and expressed himself gratified to find Lord Blandford devoting so much time and atten- tion to a question so very important. —Leave given.

MANAGEMENT OP THE PUBLIC REVENUE.

In a Committee of the House of Commons, Mr. GLADSTONE moved for

leave to bring in a bill to alter the mode of providing for certain expen- ses now charged upon certain branches of the public and hereditary revenues, and upon the Consolidated Fund. He explained, that the bill derives its chief interest from its connexion with subjects not appearing on the face of it. The House would remember that there have been dis- cussions as to the practice of defraying both the expense of collecting the revenue out of the receipts, and to defray out of those receipts a variety of other charges, without the supervision of Parliament ; and last session Government intimated a readiness to consider a plan for submitting the expense of collection to the House with the other Estimates. He hoped

to redeem that pledge' during the session, as regards the Inland Revenue, the Customs, and the Post-office Departments. But in framing estimates, it is necessary to take cognizance of all charges on the revenue such as Pensions, which ought to be placed on the Consolidated Fund. The whole question of the better classification of the charges, as between the Con- solidated Fund and the Supply service, was also raised ; and the principle on which he should proceed would be to place or retain on the Consoli- dated Fund those charges for which that is a proper mode of provision, and to place all other charges on the annual Estimates. When that is done, progress will be made towards establishing a perfectly clear, com- prehensive, and accurate system of public accounts. "I am very far from laying that is all that is to be done." Much had been done in former years, and what remains he is satisfied he can eomplete without delay. Even if I were not going to propose to the Committee to vote by estimate the expense of collecting the revenue, this RP asure would still be reasonable and proper. It is occasioned by our eontemplating other measures, but it 'binds Perfectly clear upon its own ,grounds as a simplification of the public 8e4GLUHS, and as bringing the mode in which our charges are defrayed out of the revenue more in harmony with the principle which should govern our finances."

The assent was general. Mr. HumE said, nothing could give him greater satisfaction, for it was one of the things he had been aiming at for Years. Mr. WILLIAMS thanked Mr. Gladstone for adopting the change. Chancellors of the Exchequer for years had paid little attention to the ILbject. He must, however, except Mr. Disraeli. Mr. DISRAELI approved of the motion. It attempted, in fact, to carry out suggestions and propositions that had been made by the late Govern-. ment, and which had they continued in office it would have been their duty to carry out.

The motion agreed to, nem. con.

ASSESSED Trays.

Mr. Gtensioxr obtained leave to bring in a bill to explain and amend an act of last session relating to the duties of Assessed Taxes.

His object was twofold. In the first place, the bill was intended to correct two clerical errors, the headings by which the schedules are designated having been misprinted ; but the main purpose of the bill, and that in which very many persons are interested, was to extend the time for obtaining the composition of the Assessed Taxes. Though the ordinary notice was given that the 10th of October was the period fixed for intimating to the Revenue department that they desired to surrender the composition, there were a great number of persons who did not avail themselves of the opportunity of doing so at the proper time; and he therefore proposed to extend the time to the 25th of April.

FINANCIAL Rrriatris.

On the motion of Mr. DISRAELI, returns were ordered, specifying the alterations made in the interest of Exchequer Bills, the number and amount issued, the amount paid off, and the purchases made by the Na- tional Debt Commissioners since the let January 1852; also a statement of the amount of Deficiency Bills issued in 1852 and 1853, and the amount outstanding on the 5th January 1853 and 1854; also, a statement of Exchequer balances at the end of each quarter since the 5th January 1847; and returns respecting savings-banks; and also a statement as re- gards each of the Stocks for commuting and paying off South Sea Stock, 8ze.

MIDNIGHT LEGISLATION.

At the sitting of the House of Commons on Wednesday morning, Mr. BROTIIER'TON made his annual motion on the subject of midnight legisla- tion. He moved, that if any new business be brought on after twelve o'clock at night, and a Member should rise and object to the House pro- ceeding with the debate, a division shall be immediately taken on the question that the debate be now adjourned, unless the mover of the origi- nal motion should agree to its being postponed. Mr. Brotherton found that in 1849 the House sat 96 hours after midnight ; in 1850, 108 hours ; in 1851, 86 hours ; in 1852, 61 hours ; in 1853, no less than 133 hours. Foreign legislatures have the good sense to do their business by daylight, and it is monstrous that the British Par- liament should be the only body of the kind which sits till such late hours. He believed the motion would facilitate the transaction of busi- ness, and save time utterly wasted in profitless debates on motions for ad- journment. The present system inflicts serious injury on the health of many Members. He hoped the House would try his plan for only one session. If it succeeded, well and good; if not, they could give it up.

Mr. Wriaress seconded the motion.

Sir Jour/ PAKINGTON suggested that the Committee appointed three years ago to consider the forms and proceedings of the House should be revived. If the House met early in January, they would gain a fort- night or three weeks. It is a question whether the amount of public business has not outgrown the forms of the House.

Lord Joule RUSSELL confessed that he felt the inconvenience of sitting to late hours. Government does not wish to carry on their business at very late hours of the night. When Government brings forward business, and it is adopted by the House, it is important to settle it; but the pri- vileges of Members prevent Government measures from coming on until late at night. It was desirable that they should not decide on the single proposition of Mr. Brotherton, but have before them a plan that would secure to measures of great importance a fair consideration. He did not think the present motion would secure the end in view. It would be desirable to have a Committee to deal with the whole subject. Mr. HUME thought that no Committee was needed. Mr. WALPOLE and Mr. E. DENISON agreed that a Committee was desirable. Mr. Nerran jocularly suggested that no Irish business should be brought on after twelve at night; and seriously, that all bills on which Government had made up their minds should be laid on the table early in the session. Mr. BROTHBRTON pressed his motion ; and on a division it was negatived, by 84 to 54.

SEWERS Commissiow.

In reply to a question from Mr. Wittiem Wriarems, Lord PALMER.. STON said, he hoped at an early period of the session to resume the Me- tropolitan Sewers Commission Bill. It would reconstruct the Board of Sewers Commissioners, and infuse into it the principle of local adminis- tration.

NEW WRITS.

New writs were ordered, on Tuesday, for the University of Oxford, in the room of Sir Robert Inglis who has accepted the Stewardship of the Manor of Northstead ; for Louth, in the room of Mr. Chichester For- tescue, appointed a Lord of the Treasury; for South Staffordshire, in the room of Lord Lewisham, called to the House of Peers; for South Shrop- shire in the room of Mr. Clive, deceased; for West Sussex, in the roontz of Mr. R. Prime, who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds ; and, on Thursday, for Ludlow, in the room of Mr. Robert Clive, who has re- signed.

SUSPENSION or Warr&

On the motion of Lord Joule RUSSELL, it was ordered that no new writs for Barnstaple, Cambridge, Canterbury, Mill, Malden, and Tyne- mouth, should be issued before the 9th of March.