A SPECTATOR'S NOTEBOOK

EOPLE who like arguing can argue 'their heads off about Mr.

Churchill's interventions in the Brighton by-election. Perscnally, I find his argument convincing. Lord Samuel seems to me perfectly right in saying that you must either abolish the electoral truce or observe it. There may be those who hold that the eve of the invasion, of Europe, and the beginning, for this country, of the most critical phase 'in the greatest war in history, is the right moment for abolishing the truce. That is not my own view. And I can understand the Prime Minister's assessment of candidates who, while opposing the Government candidate, declare that they are strong supporters of the head of the Government. " Swindle" may be a rather strong word to apply to such an attitude, but it is difficult to feel great enthusiasm for the candidate who says in effect "I am all in favour of the Prime Minister, but I am doing my damnedest to keep out the man whom the Prime Minister wants in." Of course, anyone is free to do that. Of course, the electors are free to return him. To deny that would be to challenge the whole basis of democracy. But there has always been good reason for the electoral truce. It was essential that the war should be carried on by a Coalition Government, and it is as essential today as it ever was. An occasional by-election defeat does, no doubt, not endanger the Government's position, but it is indisputably something of a challenge to the Government's authority at a moment when the fortification of the Government's authority is a national need. This is in no .sense a party question at all. The theory is that when a vacancy occurs it shall be filled by a candidate of the same party—Conservative, Labour or Liberal—as the late member. A democracy alive to its responsibilities will see to it, by an unopposed return or by its votes in the event of a contest, that that happens in all normal cases.

The general talk about impending changes in the higher ranges of the legal world leaves me sceptical. It may be that Lord Simon contemplates resigning the Lord Chancellorship, though it is not at all apparent why. He is in vigorous health, and to all appearance likes his present position very well. It may be that if he goes Sir William Jowitt will succeed him, though it is still less apparent why. It may be that Lord Greene iS to resign the Mastership of the Rolls, and become a Lord of Appeal, though still less again is it apparent why, unless to make a post for Sir Donald Somervell, who has been Attorney-General for seven rather arduous years. Such things do happen, and these may. But on the basis of such information as reaches me I remain sceptical.

The Editor of The Times must, I imagine, have thought twice before finding space for a letter of a couple of thousand words or so from Mr. Bernard Shaw on a variety of subjects, mainly Mr. Shaw's income-tax—or, rather, sur-tax. G.B.S.'s main trouble is that the harder he works the less he is allowed to retain of what he earns, and his haunting dread is that someone by dying and leaving him a million or so may consign him to an almshouse. G.B.S. need not trouble. It is by no means as bad as that. Whatever his income he will keep well over ki,too out of the first L2,000 of it, and even when, after that, sur-tax is added to income-tax, there is still a substantial margin on the second £2,000 to add to the Dr,15o or so on the first. Mr. Shaw says that for the last three or four years he has been paying the Chancellor of the Exchequer £20,000 a year. If he is anxious to pay less 'a good many of us would change incomes with him. At the same time, there is substance in his demand that the three-years' average should be revived, and some

thing at least to be said for the proposal to abolish E.P.T. root and branch. But there is much more to be said for amending E.P.T.

The spectacle of anyone making and retaining far larger profits out of war-trading than he ever made out of peace-trading would have

the worst effect on national morale.

Unhelpful as I have always felt Sir Richard Acland's political adventures and excursions to be, I have read with appreciation reports of the speech he made on Saturday when handing over the title-deeds of his estate at Killerton; near Exeter, to the National Trust. The action, it must be recognised, is a practical application of Sir Richard's political principles; but quite apart from that he

gave cogent reasons for the course he is taking. Death duties, he said, were intended (if they are not so intended at any rate they so

operate) to reduce the size of property-holdings on the death of each owner ; if he had continued to hold the Killerton Estate for his lifetime it would practically have disappeared by the second genera tion after him. In the National Trust's hands it is safe for ever. Other landowners might consider this. In such circumstances the State need not grudge the loss of its death-duties.

The death of William Allen White, editor of the Emporia Gazette, removes a journalist who achieved the astonishing feat of making his name known throughout the United States, and in reasonably wide circles in this and other countries, through the medium of a perfectly ordinary small-circulation local paper in a town the size of Wisbech, which, but for William Allen White and his paper, hardly anyone outside the State of Kansas would ever have heard of. And there was

nothing unusual in the paper of special merit except the editor's leading articles. But they were quoted all over the Union, and often figured among the "cabled comment" in the British Press.

They most of all, and only secondarily his activities as a leading Republican and as an author, made William Allen White a national figure. He was strongly and sanely pro-Ally long before America came into the war.

Last week, it appears, I told an old story—about two texts and a wedding—as a new one. Such things must sometimes be ; I cannot claim to have heard every good story ever coined. But, I added that the story was true. That needs explanation. It was told me by a person of impeccable godliness. He is incapable of mendacity, but, like other mortals, he is capable of error. He heard the story told at

a wedding he attended recently, and was under the firm impression that the telegram had been received at that wedding. It had not. It had been received (if at all) at a considerably previous wedding.

The Modern Tempter's Bait

Damsel I "He offered me a No. 8 battery." Damsel 2: "Did you accept it?" Damsel 3( (firmly): "No."

Damsel 2 : "I think you were wise." (Heard in the train.)