Debates anb iproteebings in Varliament.

RESIGNATION OF THE MINISTRY.

At the House of Commons, on Monday, it having been generally known that Sir Robert Peel would announce the result of his interview with the Queen on the subject of his own resignation and that of his colleagues, there was an unusually numerous attendance of Members, and the House otherwise was crowded to excess. Many Peers and several members of the Corps Diplomatique were among the auditors; even ladies penetrated to -forbidden places.

Sir Bomar PEEL entered the House at half-past five o'clock; and, after a few words of conversation with Sir James Graham, he rose, and, in tones of earnest emotion, amidst the deepest stillness, began his address- " Sir—I feel it to be my duty to avail myself of the earliest opportunity of notifying to this House, that in consequence of the position of her Majesty's Government, and especially in consequence of that vote to which the House came on the night of Thursday last, by which it refused to give to her Majesty's ser- vants those powers which they deemed necessary for the repression of outrage and the protection of life in Ireland, they have felt it to be their duty to tender their resignation to a gracious Sovereign. (Cheers.) The resolution to tender that resignation was unanimously agreed to by her Majesty's servants, and adopted without hesitation. If I had any complaint to prefer with respect to the coarse pursued by the House, this is not the occasion on which I would make it. It is impossible not to feel, that an occasion by which a great change is produced in the councils of a vast empire, affecting, for weal or for we, many millions of the Queen's subjects in nearly all parts of the habitable globe, is an important, I might almost say, a solemn occasion. It is not upon such an occasion that one word ought to be uttered by a Minister of the Crown, acting in homage to constitutional principles, that can by possibility revive any hostile feelings. (Cheers.) Such controversy would be wholly unsuited to the magnitude of the occasion; and I must add, that the provocation of any such controversy would be entirely at variance with the feelings which influence me in addressing this House. Those feelings would rather prompt me to acknow- ledge with gratitude the many occasions on which, speaking of the great body of the gentlemen who sit on this side of the House, at a period antecedent to the Cnit session gave me and my colleagues their generous and cordial support. heers.) Those feelings would also rather prompt me to acknowledge with gra- titude the occasions on which from gentlemen opposite, in oblivion of past dif- ferences, and for measures which they approved, her Majesty's Government have received a cordial support. I trust, therefore, that nothing will escape from me in explaining the course her Majesty's Government have thought it their duty to pursue, that can run the risk of promoting or provoking such controversy. Her Majesty has been graciously pleased to accept the tender of our resignation, and her servants now only hold their offices until their successors shall be appointed. I said that if I had complaints to prefer this is not the occasion on which I would prefer them; but I must also say, that I did not propose those measures connected with the commercial policy of the empire at the commencement of the session, without foreseeing the great probability that, whether the measures succeeded or failed, they must cause the dissolution of the Government which introduced them. (Cheers.) And, therefore I rather rejoice that her Majesty's Government have been relieved from any difficulty, by an early decision of the House, as to the course it would become them to adopt; for I do not hesitate to say, that even if that decision had been in our favour, I would not have consented to hold -office upon sufferance, and through the evasion of any important principle. (Cheers.) It is not for the public interest that a Government should remain in office when it is unable to give practical effect to the measures they believe neces- sary for the national welfare; and I do not think it probable, in the position in which her Majesty's Government were placed by the withdrawal, perhaps the natural withdrawal, of the confidence of many of those who heretofore had given them support, that even if the late vote had been in our favour, Ministers would have been able, with credit to themselves and with advantage to the interests of the country, to continue the administration of public affairs. (Cheers.) "Sir, we have advised her Majesty to accept our resignation without adopting that alternative which we might have adopted, namely, recommending to the Crown the exercise of its .prerogative in dissolving the present Parliament. We have preferred the immediate tender of our resignations to the adoption of that coarse. I do not hesitate to say, speaking with a frankness that I trust will offend no one, that if her Majesty's Government had failed in carrying in all their integrity those measures of commercial policy which it was my duty to recom- mend, there is no exertion that I would not have made, no sacrifice that I would not have incurred—(Loud cheers from all sides)—in order, if not to insure their ultimate success, at least to give the country an opportunity of pronouncing an opinion. I do not hesitate to say, that I should have felt justified in advising this course, because I think the continuance of doubt on such subjects would have been a greater evil than resorting to a constitutional mode of ascertaining the wishes of the nation. But there has been no necessity for a dissolution of Parlia- ment upon that ground. Those who have dissented from these measures have withdrawn, I am bound to say, all factious and unseemly opposition, and, protesting against them, they have finally given their consent to their passage. These measures having thus become law, I do not feel that we should be authorized for any subordinate motives, for the interests of Government merely, in advising the exercise of the prerogative to which I have referred by resorting to dissolu- tion; because I feel strongly, that no Administration is justified in advising the exercise of that prerogative unless there be a reasonable presumption, even a strong moral conviction, that after dissolution Government would be enabled to administer the affairs of the country through the support of a party sufficiently powerful to carry their measures. I do not think a dissolution jus- tifiable for the purpose merely of strengthening a Government. The power of dissolution is a great instrument in the hands of the Crown, and it would have a tendency to blunt the instrument if it were employed without a reasonable hope of success. If the purpose were to enable the country to decide whether Ministers were justified in proposing the measures of commercial policy brought forward at the beginning of the session, I do not think it would be a sufficient groand for a dissolution. The only adequate ground for a dissolution would have been a strong presumption that after it we should have had a party numerous enough in this House to enable us, by their support, to give effect to our mea. sures. I do not mean a support founded upon mere temporary sympathy with the wishes of those who send representatives here—not a support founded upon concurrence in one great question of domestic policy, however important I hold that we ought not to dissolve without a full assurance that we should have the support, not of those who differ from us on almost all questions of public policy though agreeing with us upon one, but that we should have the support of a powerful party united with us by accordance in general views and principles of government. (Cheers.) I am bound to say, in the present state and divisions of party, and after all that has occurred, I do not entertain a confident hope that a dissolution would have given us that support. (Cheers.) I thought also, that after the excitement that has taken place, after the stagnation of trade that has necessarily followed our protracted discussions, it was not a proper period to recommend a dissolution ; but that the country should be allowed an interval of tranquillity, and repose. (Cheers.) We have therefore preferred instant resig- nation to the alternative of the advice of dissolution.

" We were defeated on a question connected with Ireland. I should deeply la- ment our defeat if it could be thought that the measure we proposed for the re- pression of outrage in Ireland was an indication that her Majesty's servants held any opinion in regard to the policy to be pursued towards that country different from that which I declared towards the close of the last session. To the opinions I then avowed, which had practical effect given to them by the Charitable Bequests Bill and by the additional vote for the endowment of the College of ' I ■snooth, I now, at the moment I am about to relinquish power, entirely submit. Lel adhere. (Much cheering.) We brought forward the measure against whirs :.e House has recently decided, under the belief that resistance to the spread of the .vutagion of crime, and a vigorous repression by law of offences disgracing some parts of the country, were not calculated permanently to improve the social condition uf t hat coun- try; but we thought that they were measures which, taken in connexion with others, were necessary- for the purpose of giving effect to ulterior legislatidn. HOWever, the House has decided, and I am not about to arraign that decision. I only deprecate any inference that, because we proposed that bill, which some called a measure of coercion, but we a measure for the protection of life, our views in regard to the policy to be pursued towards Ireland have undergone any change. Speaking for myself, I do not hesitate now to say that, in my opinion, there ought to be estab- lished a complete equality—(Loud cheers)—of municipal and political rights. (Cheers.) By complete equality, 1 do not mean, because I know that is impossible, a literal equality in every particular respect. Here, as in matters of more sacred import, it may be that the letter killeth but the spirit giveth life'; and I speak of the spirit and not of the letter in which our legislation in regard to franchise and privilege ought to be conducted. My meaning is, that there should be a real and substantial equality of political and civil rights; so that no person, viewing Ireland with perfectly, disinterested eyes, and comparing, for instance, the franchise there with the franchise in England or in Scotland, shall be able to say that a dif- ferent law is adopted towards Ireland, and that on account of suspicion and dis- trust it is there curtailed and mutilated That is what I mean by equality. (Cheers and murmurs.) If any gentleman thinks that I intend to make any reserve when I speak of the spirit of our legislation, I will add, that I think it ought to be impossible to say that there is any difference, real or sub- stantial, in regard to civil and municipal franchise between Ireland and this country. (Cheers.) In regard to executive administration in Ireland, I think the favour of the Crown ought to be bestowed, and the confidence of the Crown reposed, without reference to religions distinctions. (Cheers.) It has not been from entertaining a different opinion that there may have been in our case an apparent partiality where we have taken the opportunity of manifesting confi- dence in some Roman Catholics. I cannot say that justice has been always done to our motives, or to the position of the individual accepting favour at our hands, and encouraged by our confidence. (" Hear, hear! ) Those who succeed us may have different means of carrying out the principle; but if they do act on that principle, and if they bestow the favour and confidence of the Crown without re- ference to religions oistinction, they shall hear no complaint from me. (Cheers from the Opposition benches.) Then with respect to the spirit in which legisla- tion should be conducted: adhering to all the opinions I have at various times ex- pressed op the greater and more important points of policy, I must say, that for one I aon m prepared to cooperate with those who feel that the present social condition of the people of Ireland, as regards the tenure of land and the relation between landlord and tenant, requires immediate though most cautious considera- tion. It may be impossible for legislation to apply any instantaneous remedy to the state of things now unfortunately prevailing; but even if the benefit is to be remote, if it is to be of a permanent character, so far from being deterred from measures calculated to afford a remedy, I think that the distant period at which a removal of the evil may be contemplated ought to operate as no discourage- ment, but ought rather to induce us without more than necessary delay to apply our minds most sedulously and impartially to the consideration of the subject. (Cheers.) Again, in respect to legislation on all matters connected with the tenure of land and the relation between landlord and tenant, upholding the rights of property, which I believe there would be no advantage in invading, I think the course we have pursued this session, even under the extreme pressure of public business, is a sufficient proof that there is no disinclination on our part to consider the subject, or to cooperate with those who hereafter may be intrusted with the control of public affairs. (Cheers.) " I have reason to believe that the noble Lord the Member for the City of Lon- don has been commanded by her Majesty to repair to her for the purpose of ren- dering his assistance in the formation of a Government. I presume that the generalprinciple on which that Government, when formed by the noble Lord, will act, as far as commercial policy is concerned, will be a continued application of that system, which will promote a freer intercourse with foreign countries. If that be the policy, as I confidently expect it will be, I shall feel it my duty to give to the Government in the pursuit and execution of that policy my cordial support. (Cheers.) I must say that I think all experience has proved the be- neht of that policy; and I may presume, therefore, that her Majesty's Govern- ment, about to be formed, will adopt it 'If other countries choose to buy in the dearest market, they must permit us to buy in the cheapest. (Cheers.) I trust that the new Ministry will not resume that practice which both they and we found most inconvenient—that of haggling with foreign countries; but let us take an independent course, which we are persuaded will be conducive to our real and permanent interests, trusting that the influence of public opinion in other countries, and the effect of our example, with the practical benefit we de- rive, will at no remote period insure the adoption of a course which in this coon- h9, in an extension of commercial privileges, finds an equivalent for the reduction of duty. I shall of course reserve to myself a right to judge of the particular measures, but I presume that such will be the general principles of the policy of our successors. Of course I do not mean to say that the adoption of these pnn-

ciples ought at once to overrule all moral coosiderations, and at once to subject the inhabitants of every part of the empire to a competition which they may be un- able, because unprepared, to bear; but I speak generally of the tendency of our commercial policy; and whatever steps may be taken, I trust that every one of them will be towards the relaxation of restrictive duties. (Cheers.) I for one shall not urge upon the Government the immediate and precipitate adoption of principles, sound in themselves, if they are likely to risk a great derangement of our finances. I shall bear in mind, that a great experiment has been made by the present Administration—that the surplus amount of our revenue is smaller than I could wish it consistently with the permanent interests of the country: therefore, while I offer cordial support in the enforcing of a general principle of commercial policy which has received the sanction of Parliament in the present session, I shall not urge the Ministers to any such simultaneous and precipitate adoption of that principle as may be really injurious to interests which, from special circum- stances, may be entitled to some continuance of protection; nor shall I urge them to any such rash and inconsiderate adoption of the principle as may incur the risk of a serious derangement of our finances. I am bound to say, that I am speaking rather with regard to my own intentions in the course I shall pursue, titan that I have had any opportunity of conferring with my colleagues, and I can- not therefore speak also for them. I speak for myself; but I cannot doubt that those who lent to my proposals such cordial and effectual support will give their general acquiescence in measures of a similar character when brought forward by other Ministers.

"I wish to draw no invidious distinctions or unseemly contrasts ; but I cannot surrender power without adding at least this observation, that I do hope, during the five years in which power has been committed to our hands, neither the interest nor the honour of the country has been compromised. (Loud cheers.) I think I may say with truth, that during that period the burdens of the Country have been more equalized, and pressure which was un- justly severe has been removed from many classes. I think I may say with truth, that many restrictions upon commerce, injuriously affecting the trade of the empire, have been removed. I think I may say with truth, that, without at all interfering with legitimate speculation, without at all paralyzing or endanger- ing the credit of the state, we have given stability to the monetary system oIthe country. Through the cordial support, without reference to party, given to measures I proposed with regard to the Bank of England, to Joint Stock Banks, and to Private Banks, they received the sanction of Parliament in 1842. I trust I may say with truth also, that the stability of our Indian empire has been pro- . moted by the course of policy we have pursued - and that the glory and honour of the British arms, both by sea and land, in every Part of the world, have been main- . tamed, not indeed through any exertions of ours, but through the courage and devoted zeal of the soldiers and sailors of our country. (Continued cheers.) Although there have been considerable reductions, yet I have the satisfaction of stating to the House, that the national defences have been improved both by sea and land, and that the Army and Navy are in the most efficient state. 1 trust, like- wise, that I may congratulate the House, that, notwithstanding a great diminu- tion of the fiscal burdens of the empire, our finances are in a prosperous and a buoyant state, and that on the 5th July next the return to be laid upon the table will prove there has been an increased consumption of every article' and that general prosperity has supplied the void that would otherwise have been created. Lastly, I think I may say with truth, that without any harsh enforce- ment of the law, without any curtailment of the liberty of the subject, or of the freedom of the press, speaking of Great Britain, there has been as much of obedience and submission to the supremacy of the law as at any period of our history. (Cheers.) Nay, I will say more ; that in consequence of greater com- mand over the necessaries and minor luxuries of life—in consequence, too, of

• confidence in the just administration of the law—there has been more content, less sedition and public crime, less necessity for the exercise of power for the repression of political outrage, than was ever known at any antecedent date.

(Chter8-)

"I have reserved one topic, for which I think, Without any unseemly boast or

invidious comparison, I, may take credit to her Majesty's councils—at least to that distinguished man, less preeminent in debate, perhaps, than some others, but as deserving of public honour and credit: I allude to the exertions made for the maintenance of peace. (Much cheering.) The individual to whom I refer has dared to avow that he thinks in a Christian country there is a moral obligation resting upon a Christian Minister to exhaust every means and employ every effort rather than incur the peril, not to say the guilt of war. (Continued cheering.) But while he has not shrunk from the avowal of that, I have in justice to him to add thie—and it is perfectly consistent with the opinion that there exists a moral obliga- tion to preserve peace while peace can be maintained with honour—that there never was a Minister less inclined to sacrifice any essential interest, or to abate one ,jot of what is due to the dignity and character of hiscountry, for the sake of securing - that important blessing. (Cheers from all sides.) I do hope it will be acknow- ledged, that we leave the foreign relations of the empire in a satisfactory state; that, speaking not only with reference to France, but to the other great powers of Europe, they feel confidence in the intentions of Great Britain, and that there is a real desire on the part of the Governments of other states to cooperate with her in the preservation of peace. (Cheers.) It is mutual confidence in the honour and integrity of intention among public men that most facilitates the maintenance of general peace. Let it be remembered that we necessarily sometimes come in contact with France in distant quarters of the world; that there are on both sides heated partisans, naturally and perhaps justly jealous for the honour of their re- spective countries; that grounds of quarrel, small in themselves, may be exag- gerated by a too nice spirit of rivalry and a too close watchfulness of national honour into a magnitude which might lead to the suffering and desolating of na- tions, unless the councils of great powers calmly presided over the whole, infused a spirit of hirmony and good will, and preserved at once the peace and promoted the happiness and interests of the world. (Cheers.)

"If anything could have induced me to wish that the decision of the House on . the measure which prematurely terminated our continuance in power should have been postponed, it would have been that we might have survived the day when intelligence might have been received from the United States. (" Hear, hear ! ") It would show, perhaps, the result of our last attempt amicably to close the difference between Great Britain and the United States, which at one time seemed to threaten a termination in the calamity of war. The House will probably recollect, that after we had made a proposal, which was rejected, the President sent a message to the House of Congress, which led to a discussion as to the termination of that convention which provided for the temporary adjust- ment of our difference—at least for the temporary avoidance of quarrel—and enabled the two countries jointly to occupy the territory called Oregon. The two Houses of American Congress advised the President to signify to this coun- empowered to do, the conclusion of the existing convention, by ce; and to add to that advice, which might perhaps have an unsatisfactory if not of a hostile character, the declaration the notice of the termination of the convention to be given, in t facilitate an amicable adjustment of the question in dispute. ;C•It hat the addition of these words, and the expression of a hope that alien of the convention might more strongly impress on the two coon- ' I. eqessity for an amicable adjustment—we thought those expressions

harrier to a. renewal by either country of the attempt to settle this ear, hear!") We did not hesitate, therefore, within two days of that intelligence or a wish expressed by the Houses-of Con-

should be made for a peaceable termination of those disputes— did not hesitate, although the offer of arbitration had been rejected, to do that

which in the present state of that dispute it became essential to do—not to propose a renewed and lengthened negotiation, but to specify frankly and at once what were the terms on which we would consent to the apportionment of the country. The President of the United States, I must say, whatever may be the expressions heretofore used by him, or however strongly he might be personally committed to the adoption of a different course—he, I say, wisely and patriotically determined at once to refer our proposals to the Senate—to that authority of the United States whose consent is necessary for the termination of any negotiation of that kind; and the Senate, also acting in a proper spirit, have, I have the heartfelt satisfaction to say, at once advised the adoption of the terms we offered. (Cheers.) I trust, from the importance of the subject, and the consideration that this is the last day on which I shall have an opportunity of thus addressing the House, I may be allowed to state what occurred. I need not read the terms over in detail, as to the power of purchasing the rights of particular companies, but merely the proposals we made to the United States. 'fo prevent the necessity of renewed negotiation, we sent a convention to which we trusted the United States would agree. In the first article we propose—.

That from that point in the 49th parallel of North latitude, In which the boundary laid down by existing treaties between Great Britain and the United States terminates, the line of boundary between the territories of the two countries shall be continued Westward along the 49th parallel to the middle of the said channel which separates the continent from Vancouver's Island, and thence, Southerly, through the middle of the said channel, and the Fuca Straits to the Pacific Ocean. Provided that the navigation of the channel and straits South of the 49th parallel shall be free and open to bah parties.'

Those who remember the local conformation of the country, will understand that this leaves to us the whole of Vancouver's Island, with equal rights of navigation in the Straits. The second proposal was-

' That from the point at which the 49th parallel of North latitude intersects the great Northern branch of the Columbia river, the navigation of the said branch shall be free and open to the Bedsores Bay Company, and for all British subjects trading to the point where the same branch meets the main spring of the Columbia, and thence with the wider spring to the ocean, with free accem to the river. All the usual ports along the line will be free and open to both parties. Provided that in navigating the said river, British subjects shall be on the same footing as those of the. United States : it being always understood, however, that nothing herein :Mali be considered as preventing the Government of the United States from making any regulations as to the navigation of the river, not inconsistent with the present convention.'

" I will not, Sir, occupy the attention of the House by entering into any further details; but I cannot help expressing the gratification I felt on my. return to town this morning, from my mission to her Majesty to tender to her Majesty our resig- nations at receiving a letter from Mr. Pakenham, intimating in these terms the acceptance of our proposal, and also giving an assurance of an immediate termi- nation of all differences between the two countries. Mr. Pakenham, in writing, on the 13th of June, from Washington, says- . In conformity with what I had the honour to state in my despatch No. 68 of the 7th instant, the President sent a message on Wednesday last to the Senate, submitting for the opinion of that body the draught of a convention for the settlement of the Oregon question, which I was instructed by your Lordship's despatch No. 19, of the 18th May, to propose for the acceptance of the United States. After a few hours deliberation on each of the three days, Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday, the Senate, by a majority of 38 votes to 12, adopted yesterday evening a resolution advising the President to accept the terms proposed by her Majesty's Government. The President did not hesitate to act on this advice; and Mr. Buchanan accordingly sent for me this morning, and informed me that the conditions offered by her Majesty's Government were accepted by the Government of the united States, without the addition or altera- tion of a single word.' (Much cheering.)

" Thus, Sir, two great nations—impelled, I believe, by that public opinion which ought to guide and influence all great countries—have by their moderation and spirit of mutual compromise averted the dreadful calamity of a war between two nations of kindred race and common language; a war the breaking out of which would involve the civilized world in the greatest possible distress; and, probably, not one year, or perhaps one month would have passed, that more expense would not have been incurred than the whole value' of the territory about which this dispute arose. The dispute is, I now believe, closed in a manner perfectly con- sistent with the true interest and honour of both countries; and with it, I trust, is also terminated every dissentient feeling. I may say, Sir, on the part of the Government of this country, that, so fax from being interested in our views with respect to the termination of these differences about Oregon, that on the breaking out of the war between America and Mexico we distinctly intimated to Mr. Pakenham that that circumstance did not affect in the slightest degree our desire to bring our dispute with the United States to an amicable and speedy conclusion. Mr. Pakenham being aware of our desire, although he had a discretionary power, did not think it prudent to take any course that might be calculated either to prolong the discussion of the subject or to diminish the chances of its being brought to a successful issue, most wisely offered our proposal at once. (Cheers.) And, Sir, let me say, and I think it is to the credit of my noble friend, that on the occurrence of hostilities between Mexico and the United States, before we were aware of the reception our proposal with regard to the Oregon territory would meet with on their part, by the first packet that sailed for the United States, we tendered our best offices of mediation between their Government and the Government of Mexico. Sir, I do rejoice that I have this opportunity, before surrendering power at the feet of a majority of this House, of giving this official assurance, that every cause of quarrel with that great country on the other side of the Atlantic is honourably terminated. (Cheers.)

" Sir I have now executed the task which my public duty imposed upon me ; and I trust that I have said nothing which can lead to discussion or controversy. I can say with truth, that whatever opinions may be formed with regard to the extent of the danger with which we were threatened, her Majesty's Govern- ment, in proposing those measures of commercial policy which has disentitlecl them to the confidence of many of those who heretofore gave them their support, were influenced by no other desire than that of promoting the interests of the country. (Cheers.) Our object was to avert dangers which we thought were imminent, and to avoid a conflict that we believed would soon place in hostile collision great and powerful classes in this country. The love of power was not the motive for the proposal of these measures ; for, as I have said before, I had not a doubt that, whether those measures were accompanied with failure or with success, one event certainly must occur, and that was, the termination of the existence of this Government. ("Hear, hear! ") I admit that the withdrawal of the confidence of many of our friends was the natural result of the measures we proposed ; and I do think, when proposals of such a nature are made, apparently at variance with the course which Ministers heretofore pursued, and subjecting them to the charge or taunt of inconsistency—upon the whole, it is advantageous for the country, and for the general character ef public men, that the proposal of measures of that kind under such circumstances should entail that which is sup- posed to be a fitting punishment—namely, expulsion from office. I, therefore, do not complain of it : anything is preferable to attempting to maintain ourselves in office without a fall measure of the confidence of this House. (Cheers). As I said before, Sir, in reference to our proposing these measures, I have no wish to rob any person of the credit which is justly due to him for them. But I may say, that neither to the gentlemen sitting on the benches opposite, nor to myself or the gentlemen sitting around me—I say that neither of us are the parties who are strictly entitled to the merit. There was a combination of parties, and that combination of parties, together with the influence of the Government, has led to the ultimate success of the measures. But, Sir, there is a name which ought to be associated with the success of these measures : it is not the name of the noble Lord the Member for London, neither is it my name. Sir, the name which ought to be, and which will be associated with the success of those measures, is the name of a man who, acting, believe, from pure and disinterested motives has, with untiring

energy, and by appeals to reason, enforced by an eloquence the more to be admired because it was unaffected and unadorned—the name which ought to be and which will be associated with the success of those measures is the name of Richard Cobden. (Loud cheers.) Without scruple, Sir, I attribute the success of those measures to him.

" Sir, I shall now close the address which it has been my duty to make, thank- ing the House sincerely for the favour with which it has listened to this my last address in m official capacity. Within a few hours, probably, that power which

I have held foy r a period of five years will be surrendered into the hands of another; without repining, again I say, and without complaint—with a more lively recol- lection of the support and confidence which I have received than of the opposition which, during a recent period, I have encountered. I shall, I fear, leave office with a name severely censured by many honourable men who, on public principle, deeply regret the severance of party ties—who deeply regret that severance, not from any interested or personal motives, but because they believe fidelity to Party, the existence of a great party, and the maintenance of a great party, to be power- ful instruments of good government I shall surrender power, severely censured,

I fear, by many honourable men, who, from no interested motives, have adhered to the principles of protection, because they looked upon it as important to the welfare and mterests of the country. I shall leave a name execrated, I know, by every monopolist—(Loud cheers and laughter)—who, professing honourable opinions would maintain protection for his own individual benefit. But it may be that I shall be sometimes remembered with expressions of good-will in those places which are the abodes of men whose lot it is to labour and earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brow,—in such places, perhaps, my name may be re- membered with expressions of goed-will, when they who inhabit them recruit their exhausted strength with abundant and untaxed food, the sweeter because no longer leavened with a sense of injustice." (Loud and long-continued cheering, during which Sir Robert Peel resumed his seat.) When the cheering had subsided,

Sir ROBERT PEEL again rose, and said—" I have received a communication

from the noble Lord whose services have been required by her Majesty; I and I trust in conformity with his wish, the House will unanimously support the mo- tion shall now make, namely, that the House at its rising do adjourn till Friday next." (Cheers.)

Lord PALMERSTON rose to express concurrence in this proposal, and also in the sentiment that the House should abstain from entering upon topics lately to produce discussion- " I entirely concur in thinking that we should, just at this moment, do nothing to renew party difficulties or revive past differences. Although that was the lan- guage held by the right honourable Baronet himself at the commencement of his speech, yet there can be no doubt that in the subsequent part of his observations, led away excusably by his own feelings he did advert to topics which might have led some Members on his side of the House to suppose that the character of our proceedings was different from that which an examination of the facts will show it to have been. ("Hear, hear r) I wish, Sir, to state to the House, that if I abstain from following the right honourable Baronet through any of those topics which he has touched upon connected with his five years' administration of power, I beg it to be understood that I am not thereby abandoning or retract- mg any of the opinions which I may have expressed, and which others may have expressed in this House on many occasions, with respect to the policy of the Government; and that our silence may not be construed, into an ac- quiescence in that, I may say, general commendation which he has pad on the measures of his Governmeut Sir, I agree with the right honourable Ba- ronet, that he has shown 'a proper deference to constitutional principle in bowing to the opinion—manifestly and clearly expressed—of the House of Commons. And I think he is perfectly right in having said that this would not have been an occasion on which it would have been becoming or proper in him to have advised the Crown to -exercise itsprerogative of dissolving the Parliament and going to a new election. I agree with him, when a Government so stands by the division of parties that it rests only on a comparatively small minority of this House, and that there is no rational probability that a dissolution and general election would give them a majority, that the course which her Majesty's Ministers have pursued is more fitting than a dissolution. ( " Hear, hear!") There are some parts of the right honourable Baronet's speech which gave me great pleasure. I was glad, Sir, to hear the principles which he announced as those on which the government of Ireland ought to be carried oat. ("Hear, hear !") I was glad, indeed, to hear from the right honourable Baronet that the same rights and privileges—civil, political, and municipal—ought to be accorded to Ireland as exist in England, except only in cases where they must unavoid- ably. be different,. I was glad also to hear the right honourable Baronet say that a difference of religious opinions ought not to be a bar to the employment of men in political situations for which they are qualified. I might, if I were disposed to meet the speech of the right honourable Baronet in a different spirit from that in which I mean to treat its express perhaps a passing regret that those opin- ions and sentiments had not been at former periods acted upon in a more decided and useful manner. (" Hear, hear?") For the reasons I have stated, I shall not go into the question whether the policy of her Majesty's Government with regard to Indian affairs has or has not received unequivocal approbation from all parts of the House and from the country. I will not touch upon those other topics; though I may be again allowed to say, that the right honourable Baronet did not altogether so shape what he had to say as not to afford an inducement or opportunity for discussion. I should be sorry to leave one topic of the right honourable gentleman's speech, after the deep pleasure which it has afforded: I mean the communication which he made, and which will be received with entire satisfaction, not only within the walls of Parliament but throughout the country—that the unfortunate differences which have arisen between this country and the United States have been brought to a termination, which, as far as I can judge from the speech of the right honourable Baronet, is of an honourable character. (" Hear, hear !") It would be unfortunate for the civilized world if two great nations like Great Britain and the United State; united as they are by every tie which should cement two great and powerful states, should be involved in the calamities of war for interests which are very remote, and the importance of which could only accrue at a distant period. Therefore I am glad of the opportunity of stating the delight, in which the whole country will concur, with which I heard the communication of the right honourable Baronet. The right honourable Ba- ronet well and truly said, in the course of his speech, that the merit of the great commercial measure which he had succeeded in carrying was not due to honour- able gentlemen on this side of the House, nor to honourable gentlemen on the Treasury benches; but it was due to the talents, the ability, the perseverance, and firmness of purpose of my honourable friend the Member for Stockport. (Cheers.) The right honourable Baronet paid a just and deserved compliment to Richard Cobden; but I think that the House and the country will look beyond the point to which theright honourable Baronet directed attention, and will see in Richard Cobden not only the zealous and enlightened advocate of great improve- ments in our commercial code, but will see in him the most distinguished result of the great measure of Parliamentary reform, carried by this side of the House— ("Bear, hear! ")—and, whatever may have been the anticipation with which it was received at the time it was carried, it has been really and essentially the true and original cause to enable the right honourable Baronet to carry this great measure, which involves such important consequences. I was merely anxious, first of all, to express my congratulations to the Government on the dispute with America having terminated in a satisfactory manner; and then to protest against its being supposed from my silence that I acquiesced in the opinions of the right honour-

able Baronet, or that I differed from the opinions that I had expressed daring the last few years as to his policy."

Mr. Hu= congratulated Sir Robert Peel and the country on the sue- cessful termination of the Free-trade struggle— He considered that Sir Robert had rendered such a service to his country as would redound for ever to the honour of his name. When he came into office he found the country engaged in war; and he was sure that no consolation would bo greater to him than that when he left office he left it at peace with all the world. He had also by his great measure afforded fair and ample scope for the employ- ment of capital and industry, and for which he deserved as much or more credit than any predecessor in office. ("Hear, hear!") When this measure was pro- Terly earned out it would confer the greatest benefits on the civilized world. Mr. Hume therefore regretted, that at this moment circumstances should compel the right honourable Baronet to resign the helm of power; and he was sure that his retirement was the source of regret and a matter of sympathy with millions. (" Hear, heart') No one ever left power carrying with him so much of the sym- pathy of the people. ("Hear, heart') He would venture to say, that those honourable gentlemen who were now opposed to him on this great question, would before many. years elapsed regret the course which they had taken, and would be- come converts to the system he advocated. ("Hear, hear!") Me individually felt the greatest gratitude to Sir Robert Peel for the manner in which he had carried out this great measure.

The adjournment to Friday was agreed to, and the House broke up at half-past seven o'clock. [It had been agreed that the Committees on Pri- vate Bills should sit from day to day though the House stood adjourned.]

On the same evening, the Ministerial resignation was announced to the Lords by the Duke of WELLINGTON, with characteristic brevity and dry- ness— " My Lords, I have to announce to your Lordships, that her Majesty's Ministers tendered to her Majesty their resignation of the offices which they have held in her Majesty's service; in consequence of which, her Majesty has sent for a noble Lord, with a view to his forming another Administration to conduct the affairs of the government of this country-. My Lords, this information will probably induce your Lordships to think that it would be desirable to suspend the discussion of measures which might become matters of controversy in this House, until those who are to have the honour of being her Majesty's servants in public offices should have an opportunity of forming their arrangements, and should be able to come down to this House to transact the public business. ("Hear, hear! ") My Lords, there is one question fixed for consideration in this House on Thursday next. I see a noble friend near me (the Earl of Powis) who has given notice of his intention to move the second reading of the Bangor and St. Asaph's See Bill on Thursday; and I would submit to my noble friend the expediency of postponing that motion for the second reading of that bill until her Majesty's servants shall be in this House to at- tend a discussion upon it, as her Majesty has an interest in that measure. My Lords there are some other measures with which it will be necessary to proceed, and which will require your Lordship? immediate attention. One of them may be expected from the other House tonight, and will in all probability be on your Lord- ships' table this evening. I mean the short Sugar-duties bill; a bill continuing the existing duties on sugar for one month from the 5th of July next, which it is desirable should pass. this House without delay. Whoever may be her Majesty's servants, that is desirable. I would therefore propose to your Lordships not to adjourn, but rather to continue to sit from day to day, with a view to the con- sideration and passing of that measure; but that the consideration of all questions which are likely to be matters of controversy should be postponed until her Majesty's servants shall have been appointed, and can be in this House to attend to the puolic business of the country. (Cheers.)

These suggestions were agreed, to.

At the commencement of the sitting, Lord BROUGHAM put a question to Lord Aberdeen as to the truth of the report that the Oregon dispute had been settled-

" I allude to reports of a most consolatory, and, I may add, moat gratifying nature, which appear in the public prints of America and of this country, and which lead me to hope and trust, even in these times of false news, that the troublesome and in every respect disagreeable matter between us and the United States as to the Oregon territory and the boundary of that territory, has been brought to an amicable conclusion, and to one which is honourable for both parties."

The Earl of ABERDEEN answered in the affirmative ; adding, that he might have ventured, without the pressure of a question, to have Made the gratifying announcement—

After the President had declined to accept the repeated offers of the British Government, to submit the whole question to arbitration, and had sent a message to both Houses on the subject of bringing the joint occupancy to a close, Lord Aberdeen felt that nothing could be done till the Senate and House of Representa-

tives should have taken some steps in consequence of that message. When I saw that the Senate and the House of Representatives had adopted resolutions in such a conciliatory and friendly disposition, I did not delay for a moment, but, putting aside all ideas of diplomatic etiquette, which might have led me to expect that some steps would be taken on the other side, I prepared the draught of a convention, which was sent by the packet of the 18th of May to Mr. Pakenharn, to be proposed for the acceptance of the United States Government." [Lord Aberdeen read Mr. Pakenham's letter announcing the acceptance of the convention.] He concluded by paying a compliment to Mr. 111`Lane, the American Minister, for the friendly and conciliatory course adopted by him daring the negotiation.

LORD STANLEY'S PROTEST AGAINST SIR ROBERT PEEL'S CORN BILL.

I. Because the repeal of the Corn-laws will greatly Increase the dependence of this country upon foreign countries for its supply of food, and will thereby expose it to dangers against which former statesmen have thought it essential to take legislative precautions. 2. Because there is no security nor probability that other nations will take similar steps ; and this country will therefore not only be exposed to the risks of failure of supply consequent on a state of war, but will also be exclusively subject to an un- limited influx of corn in times of abundance, and to sudden checks whenever short crops should reduce the ordinary supply from the exporting countries, or their govern- ments shall deem it necessary to take precautionary measures for their own protection ; thus causing rapid and disastrous fluctuations in the markets of this country.

3. Because under a system of protection, the agriculture of this country has more than kept pace with the increasing demand of Its Increasing population ; and because it is to be apprehended, that the removal of protection may throw some lands out of cultivation, and check in others the progress of improvement which has led to this satisfactory result.

4. Because it is unjust to withdraw protection from the landed interest of this country, while that interest remains subject to exclusive burdens imposed for purposes of general and not of special advantage.

5. Because the lose to be sustained by the repeal of the Corn-laws will fall most heavily on the least wealthy portion of the landed proprietors, will press immediately and severely on the tenant-farmers, and through them, with ruinous consequences, on the agricultural labourers.

6. Because indirectly, but not leas certainly, injurious consequences will result to the manufacturing interest ; and especially to the artisans and mechanics, from com- petition with the agricultural labourers .thrown out of employment, but principally from the loss of the home market, caused by the inability of the producers of grain, and those dependent on them, to consume manufactured goods to the same extent as here- tofore.

7. Because the same cause will produce similar evil results to the tradesmen, retail dealers, and others, in country towns, not themselves engaged in agricultural pursuits, but mainly dependent for their subsistence on their dealings with those who are so engaged.

8. Because the effect of a repeal of the Corn-laws will be especially Injurious to Ireland, by lowering the value of her principal exports, and by still further reducing the demand for labour, the want of which is among the principal evils of her social condition.

9. Because a free trade in corn will cause a large and unnecessary diminution of annual income ; thus impairing the revenue of the country, at the same time that It cripples the resources of those classes on whom the weight of local taxation now mainly falls.

10. Because a general reduction of prices, consequent on a reduction of the price of corn, will tend unduly to raise the monied interest at the expense of all others, and to aggravate the pressure of the national burdens.

II. Because the removal of differential duties In favour of Canadian corn Is at variance with the legislative encouragement held out to that colony by Parliament, on the faith of which the colonists have laid out large sums upon the Improvement of their internal navigation ; and because the removal of protection will divert the traffic of the Interior from the St. Lawrence and the British ports of Montreal and Quebec, to the foreign port of New York ; thus throwing out of employment a large amount of British shipping, severing the commercial Interests of Canada from those of the parent country, and connecting those interests moat intimately with the United States of America.

12. Because the adoption of a similar system with regard to other articles of com- merce, will tend to sever the strongest bond of union between this country and her colonies, will deprive the British merchant of that which is now his most certain market, and sap the foundation of that colonial system to which, commercially and politically, this country owes much of its present greatness.

PROTESTS B EARL STANHOPE ANT) OTITF,RS.

Because the Bill for repealing the Corn-laws Is not accompanied, as in justice it ought to have been, by the following measures, viz.-

1. The entire and immediate repeal of all the taxes which fall directly upon land— the Land-tax, the Malt-tax, and the Hop-duty.

2. The equalization of all the rates of which the occupiers of land bear at present an unfair and undue proportion-‘the Poor-rates, the Highway-rates, and the County-rates.

3. An alteration of the Tithe Commutation Act, which can no longer be Just or ap- plicable.

4. A legislative enactment authorizing all persons who hold leases of land for unex- pired terms of years to surrender them on giving six months' notice before any of the usual days of payment.

5. A legislative enactment directing the payment stipulated in every contract to be reduced according to the proportion which the average price of wheat at the time of making such payment bears to its average price at the time that such contract was formed, so that such payment may be of the same value as was originally intended and agreed to by the parties.

6. A legislative enactment authorizing the cultivation of tobacco, and the preparation of sugar from beetroot or other vegetables, and exempting the said tobacco and sugar from the payment of any duty.

7. The entire and immediate repeal of those taxes which are imposed upon articles of general constuuption, of the Excise-duty on soap, and of the Customs-duties on sugar and coffee, the produce of British colonies, and on those sorts of tea and tobacco which are used by the labouring classes.

Rasmus. Gitatittsz, for the second reason.

Jimmies% for the first six reasons. Caorrost, for the first two and sixth.

MAimmounty. BRODERICK, for the first three reasons.

rENSUIIRST, for the third reason. DE Passsrs, for the first two and sixth.

BEarFoRT, for the first three reasons. CzAscsicrir, for the first two and sixth. MANSFIELD, for the first three reasons. TANKERTILLE.