4 MAY 1839, Page 4

Vbt _Metropolis.

A party, between two and three hundred in number, dined at the Crown and Anchor Tavern on Wednesday, on occasion of the presen- tation of a silver tea-service to Mr. Hume, for which subscriptions were commenced soon after his defeat in Middlesex, in 1837. The testimo- nial to Mr. Hurne's "eminent public services and consistent advocacy of Reform," came therefore rather late in the day ; but the Committee, it may be presumed, were desirous of " doing the thing" handsomely, and therefore waited till the contributions amounted to a considerable sum. Sir Edward Codrington filled the chair on Wednesday ; and among the guests mentioned by the Mor»ing Chronicle, were thirty "

Reform" Members of Parliament, —including fifteen who either voted against Mr. Duncombe's motion for "further Reform," or skulked front the division.

With some commonplace observations, the Chairman proposed the " Queen," and " The People ;" and then, although it might not be so agreeable to all the persons present as the preceding toasts, Sir Edward Codrington hoped the company would drink the health of " Her Ma- jesty's Ministers" with " satisfaction." Sir Edward hoped the meeting 'would consider hint a good Reformer ; he was sure they would consider Mr. Hatne one— Why would they not give the Ministry as a body credit for being sound and 000d .&formers? They did not know the difficulties under which they laboured. Ile had himself said to many Ministers, " You have given such and such

pledges, and why do you not redeem them ?" and they, pointing to the diffi- culties, replied, " We should be glad to go out, if any third party could carry out thereforms required." And in such case he, for one, would gladly support the turning of the Ministry out ; but he supported it because he believed that they would do good to the country as Reformers. Did they believe that any

good would come from the Tories. (" No, no ! ") Would they believe the Tories if they asserted that they would be Reformers ? (" 217o, no ! ") Then the alternative was, whether they would have the present men or the Tories? Ile knew it was said, " Let us let in the Tories, and we can turn them out if we do not like them; " but this was easier said than done. The Tories had been seventy years learning their lesson, and full well they knew how to profit by it. That lesson which they had to learn, and which they had so profited by was, that though they differed ten times more than did the Reformers in their principles, as they were called—though Sir Edward Codrington did not give them the name of principles—they concealed their difference of sentiment for purposes of their own. The Reformers, however, little to their honour, did not act thus—the Reformers were split into different classes; but if they would once unite, it would be impossible for a Tory Ministry to come into power, or for the present Ministry to do any harm if they did not always do good. If the people would only show perfect union, he believed that the present Ministers would be very glad to do good. On these grounds, he recommended the Re- formers to suppress their little differences; not to complain that the Ministers had not done this or that, and that they would put by the consideration of any imprudent expressions which sonic of the best in the Ministry hat used, pos- sibly, to bolster up the whole party ; and when it came to a question of prin- ciple on any party question, he would ti/el no hesitation in giving to the Minis- try his support. This support did not alter his sentimetits ; but he said that this was the way of forwarding his sentiments. Ile would then call upon them to drink the toast of " Her Majesty's Ministers," and he believed that they would go forward in the cause of Rtform.

[Ministers are certainly to be congratulated upon the possession of Sir Edward Codrington's good opinion—and vote. His "way of forward- ing his sentiments" is precisely that which Ministers must approve of. Very pleasant, indeed, it is for Reformers to reflect that by " perfect union' they may prevent these admirable Ministers front "doing any harm."]

Mr. Hume, in a long and dull speech, referred to his political career ; his exertions in the cause of economy ; the abuse he had received from

men who dreaded his approach worse than that of leprosy ; his sincerity in the cause of Reform ; his advocacy of the cause of the weak, whether at home or in the colonies ; and his gratitude to the electors of Kil-

kenny. He recommended union' to obtain the completion of reforms essential to the public service ; and expressed his hope that the presenta- tion of the valuable testimonial he had received would "induce others who should come after him to follow in the steps which he had taken."

Lord Dunboyne, "as an Irish Peer," (?) rejoiced that the Tories had been beaten down by an Irish majority in the House of Commons. "The Ballot, Extension of the Suffrage, and Short Parliaments," were proposed by the Chairman.

Lord Worsley "spoke to the Ballot," Mr. Aglionby to "Extension of the Suffrage,' and Lord Kensington to "Short Parliaments." Mr. Aglionby said—

He did not think that the Ballot, without the extension of the Suffrage, would work out the principles of Refbrin. He was one who had called out for "time Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill ;" and yet he had never dreamed of it as a Finality measure. He did repudiate any such doctrine. He was for Household Suffrage, as a stage to which he was prepared to go; and when he found that they could go safely further, he should be found no Finality man. As a voter of Middlesex, he willingly joined in a tribute of respect to Mr. Hume.

[Mr. Aglionby seems to have been rather "crusty." Perhaps he did not relish Sir Edward Codrington's and Mr. Hume's displays of Whiggery.]

"Justice to Ireland" and "Daniel O'Connell," produced a speech from the " Member for Ireland ;" in the course of which, he attacked Lord Brougham in a manner disagreeable to at least a portion of the company— "Time object of the Reform Bill was to take from the Lords the indirect power which they exercised by means of the rotten nomination boroughs ; and now they appear to have as much weight and influence as they had before the Reform Bill passed. They have Wellington to rejoice in this—ay, and Lynd- hurst; but they are even joined by the first genius and the highest talent which this country ever produced. Even by that genius and that talent this oligarchical power ma supported. I blush for England and for Scotland to say that Brougham is one of the first in supporting that power. (Cheers' and cries of " Yo, no," certainly not !") I see that even his name has absolutely caused a doldrum amongst you. He is, indeed, one

" Whose genius is such, We scarcely ean praise it, or blame it too much; Who, horn for the universe, narrowed his mind, Amid to party gave up what was meant Inc mankind."

(Loud cheers, and cries of" AVis, no !") Why, he himself would laugh at you that say, no,' and you deserve to be laughed at. Do you assert that he has always been on the right side ? If so, what part of the compass hits he not turned to ? (Cheers—one gentleman said, Leave Brougham out o your censure.') I should be very glad to do so, but I cannot avoid it. He is like the principal card in a pack of cards, that a Lord de Roos would mark with his nail to win the trick." (Laughter.)

He conjured all Reformers to make a rally for real Reform; and de- clared that the Irish Members had never neglected to support the Eng- lish Reformers. [This is strong—so short a time after the 20th April.] Mr. O'Connell's is the last-reported speech, at what seems to have been a very flat party.