WITH the aim and general spirit of Dr. Karl Blind's
article on "Germany and English War Scares" in the new Nineteenth. Century we find ourselves in hearty accord. But his vigorous repudiation of anti-English sentiments on behalf of Germany has to be discounted by several considerations. To begin with, as he himself frankly admits, he has lived in England, which has become his second home, for the greater part of his life. Secondly, he declares that his own political prin- ciples and aspirations are "as far away as possible from the present mode of government at Berlin." Thirdly, in dealing with mutual recriminations, he concentrates his attention on a single German novel, Der Weltkrieg. "Such reckless and irresponsible writing, of a merely novelistic sensational kind, as is contained in the book just described is certainly not to be regarded as typical of German intentions." That may be perfectly true, but Dr. Blind has nothing to .say of the publicists, Prbfessors, and historians, including men of the stamp of Mom msen and Treitschke, who for the last thirty years or more have shown that German Anglophobia is not the product of the reptile or the gutter Press, but has been deliberately fomented by the intellectuals. Dr. Blind makes great play with Mr. Arthur Lee's speech last year, as consti- tuting a menace to.Germany. The way in which that speech was garbled and misinterpreted in Germany has been recently shown up in the pages of the Vossische Zeitung by Dr. Theodor Lorenz, a German resident in England, in a courageous article vigorously condemning the anti-English Press campaign conducted by Professor Schiemann.—The Countess Dowager of Desart contributes an enthusiastic article on "The Gaelic League," which will be read with interest in the light of the recent correspondence on " the aims and methods of that institution in the Times. She emphatically pronounces the Gaelic League to be what it professes to be,—i.e., non-political and non-sectarian, and "an organisation for the revival of all that is best and
finest and most useful intellectually, artistically, and com- mercially in the Gaelic spirit." Such, in her view, it will continue, "so long as it remains in the hands that guide it now." But, she goes on to say, "its leaders are only human. Death must step in one day; and if the loyalists of Ireland are too ignorant to fill the vacant places, while the disloyal have learnt and appreciated the power that lies in a truly national spirit raised to a sense of its own capa- bilities, who will be to blame for the consequences if the latter can and do fill them?" Lady Desert's attitude is too frankly enthusiastic to be critical. If the leaders of the Gaelic League abstain from politics officially, some of them indemnify them- selves liberally for this restraint in their individual capacity.
Curiously enough, however, in one particular she might have said a great deal more than she has done on behalf of the Gaelic League,—viz., in regard to the admirable work it is doing in insisting that Irishmen owe it to their self-respect to practise temperance.—Lord Avebury's paper on "Exces- sive National Expenditure "—to which be adds a valuable postscript in Thursday's Times—is instructive rather than cheerful reading. We may note in particular one paragraph in which he throws light on the problem of how to reconcile our flourishing foreign trade with an increase of pauperism and unemployment :—
"If £130,000,000 in rates and taxes is taken from the pockets of the public more than was deemed necessary ten years ago, tho public have 4130,000,000 less to spend. Legislation may transfer the spending power from the individual to the State, or the Local Authority, but it is an incontrovertible truth, elementary indeed, but too often forgotten, that for every pound more spent by public authorities a pound less must be spent by private individuals. Can we wonder, then, that pauperism is increasing and employ- ment diminishing ? We are paying :268,000,000 a year more in taxes, and about the same more in rates, than we were ten years ago, so that between the two we are paying £130,000,000 a year more. Under these circumstances we can hardly wonder if em- ployment has been less. We may for the moment hope for a reduction ; but unless some serious effort is made, not only can we not hope for any permanent diminution of rates and of taxation, but we must be prepared for continuous additions to our present very heavy burdens."
—" Out on the 'Never Never ' " is the title of a charming
paper by the Bishop of North Queensland. We have only space to note two interesting points illustrated in his article,— the patient, self-sacrificing courage shown by the bushwomen,
and the absence of fear in the animals of the far west of North Queensland.
Mr. Maxse has been fortunate in securing for the National Review a fine paper on "The Strength of Nelson" from the pen of Captain Malian. The secret of that strength, according to the writer, resided in his "inborn natural power to trust; to trust himself and others ; to confide, to use his own word." And, again, "his confidence in himself.
in his own self-devotion and capacity, made him trustful of others, and inspired them with devotion to the service and to the country, for his sake, and because they saw it in him." —In this context we may note Mr. Henry Newbolt's paper on "Trafalgar in Theory and Fact," in which he reviews the course of the controversy started by the late Admiral Colomb in 1899, and maintains the traditional or "naval account" of the Trafalgar tactics as against the theory of which Admiral Sir Cyprian Bridge is the most distinguished living exponent. —Mr. Maurice Low's monthly letter on American affairs is chiefly remarkable for his comments on the great insurance scandal and its bearing on the passage of arms between Mr. Roosevelt and Judge Parker last November. Mr. Low dwells briefly on the conclusion of the Peace of Portsmouth, con- tenting himself with the remark that the history of the thirty days' intrigue which preceded the signature of the Treaty has yet to be told in all its remarkable details, and expressing his surprise that the President should have thought it necessary to single out the Kaiser as the one Sovereign who co-operated with him in his efforts to bring about peace. As regards the future of home politics in the States, Mr. Low thinks that the policy of railway legislation advocated by the President will in the end triumph, but that he will yield to Republican pressure to let the tariff alone.—Mr. Marriott-Watson contributes • a paper on "The Jew and his Destiny," which is inspired by a veiled Anti-Semitism strange to notice in a review which only a few short years back distinguished itself for its un- compromising and courageous attitude in the Dreyfus case.
Dr. Dillon leads off in the Contemporary with a long article on the relations between Russia and Germany. The tone of the article may best be gathered from its sub-titles,- e.g., "Germany in Search of a Coalition," "The Coalition to be Made in Germany," "Together with France All Things Seem Possible to the Kaiser," "Germany's Defence is Always Offensive," "Britannia est Delenda," "The German Showman and the Russian Bear," "Germany's Development Implies. a. Disturbance of the Balance of Power." Dr. Dillon argues strongly for the establishment of a practical understanding between Britain and Russia, which should be based, not on verbal diplomatic assurances, as in the past, but on a formal written document affirming the intention of both Govern- ments to maintain their respective positions and to respect the established rights of others. In other words, he wishes to see a reversion to the old view of Europe as a family of nations, as opposed to the domination of all by one.— Dr. Emil Reich continues and concludes his article on the "Crisis in Hungary," attributing all the present troubles to the blindness of the Hapsburgs in failing to realise that the centre of gravity had shifted from Vienna to Pesth, and in neglecting to utilise the fulcrum supplied by the loyalty, ability, and prosperity of Hungary. As regards the language question, he asserts that not three per cent, of the rank-and-file of the Hungarian section of the "common army" understand German at all; hence the lack of a medium of mutual understanding paralyses efficiency and renders initiative impossible. Finally, he apprehends no danger to the Coalition from the introduction of universal suffrage, and predicts that the whole of the Hungarian people will identify itself with that party. — Mr. J. S. Mann writes instructively on the revolution in com- mercial geography likely to be brought about by the comple- tion of the Simplon Tunnel and the realisation of the scheme of the Faucille Association, which has lately received the approval of the French Minister of Public Works. At the close of his paper he drans an effective contrast between the engineering and commercial policies of the States concerned, who, after piercing "physical barriers at the cost of millions of pounds, waste more millions by blocking the new thorough- fares with political barriers in the shape of general tariffs in restraint of trade and treaties which do not much mend matters." It is, as he says, a curious exhibition of human unwisdom ; but in 1918, when the new commercial treatic between the Central European nations expire, perbai "Continental statesmen may have learnt to be logical, and British statesmen may have cleared their minds of Mr. Chamberlain's illusions."—Professor Vambery sends a short paper on the revolt in Arabia, which, he predicts, will be crushed by the Turks "like the previous one, and like all the revolts of insufficiently armed and undrilled rabbles against a well-armed and fairly organised army." He dismisses as undeserving of credence the rumours circulated in Turkey that the English, anxious to push forward the limits of the Aden Hinterland, are instigating the rising. Professor Vambery disclaims any sympathy for the "nefarious regime" of the present Sultan, but he does not attribute especial importance to the present rising :—" The Arabs will never submit complacently to the Turk ; they will always despise and hate their foreign ruler; but it would be a mistake to see in this aversion a plan for an Arab national rising against the Ottoman power and for a restitution of the spiritual lead of Islam to the direct descendants of the Prophet. Such a desire may lurk in. the distant future, but the present social, cultural and political conditions of the Arab race do not admit of its realisation."—We have dealt with Mr. Eltz- bacher's article on the agricultural prosperity of Fiance elsewhere; and may call attention to a very interesting paper on Hamlet by Professor Churton Collins.
The editor of the Westminster Gazette, Mr. J. A. Spender, con- tributes to the Fortnightly an appeal to Englishmen to be more moderate in their thoughts about Germany. He analyses the programme of the Pan-Germans, and after pronouncing it visionary, goes on to show how difficult is Germany's situa- tion with regard to expansion. We are told that the German Government is, and always has been, intensely sensitive about being consulted by other countries, and Mr. Spender believes it was this feeling, as Prince Billow told us, which produced the Morocco crisis. It would appear from this that, unless other countries always regulate their affairs with the consent of Berlin, they must expect electrical discharges. Mr. Spender lays great stress on the friendliness of the German Govern- ment to us, and believes -it averted a coalition against us during the Boer 'Wei. The -causes at the back- of the Kruger telegram are -not discussed, and no mention is made of the squalid arts of diplomacy practised at Cairo which endeavoured to embarrass our position there even more persistently than did those of the French. Mr. Spender is quite right when be says it is foolish of us to complain because the Germans increase their Fleet, which they have a perfect right to do. The proper answer is to keep up our Navy.' We also agree that a popular campaign of abuse on either aide is to be deplored, but we cannot forget who began the campaign: It is dangerous to ignore German thought, though we should be careful net to attribute all the sayings of the hotheads to the Government.. We should like to ask Mr. Spender one question—why, if the Government of- the Kaiser wiShes to be friendly to us; does it only succeed in-producing the impres- sion of • hostility 11 We are in no doubt as to the attitude towards us of France.—Mr. Seymour Fort in his paper on "The Situation in South Africa" describes the political state of things in Cape Colony as • improving. The hopeful sign he considers to be the growth of a more independent and reasonable spirit among members of the Bond under its secretary, Mr. De Waal. The new spirit wishes the Colony to stand alone, and not that its political wirepullers should intrigue with Government or Opposition in England by making bargains and extorting promises. The extremists of Stellenbosch remain,—the people who when they heard a rumour of the annihilation of the Japanese fleet congratulated themselves that England would be involved in war, and that their opportunity would- come. In the Transvaal the situa- tion seems more complicated. According to Mr. Fort, the organisation of Het Volk, while not representing the whole people, is very powerful, and is making strenuous efforts to gather into its "sphere of influence" all Boers, even National Scouts. • We are also told that the organisation of Het Volk is practically the old military one, and that the audiences who listen to speakers are practically the commando of the dia. trict.—Mr. Zangwill describes a journey from Jerusalem to Damascus with humour and power. Events and characters, especially that of the dragoman, all live before our eyes. The leader of the caravan settled all things, from the route and the dinner-hour to 'questions of archaeology, and Mr. Zangwill says : "It was not long before we understood why the children of Israel murmured against Moses." Delightful is the account of the "blacks and browns" who went in procession round the tents, beating kettle-drums to arouse the sleepers, and enjoying the triumph over their white masters. In looking back on his Oriental journey Mr. Zangwill says he does not feel sure "that the strenuous, grinding, smoky life of the West is an improvement upon the patriarchal repose of the Book of Genesis."
An article by 'Mr. Charles Whibley in Blackwood gives a striking picture of the early part of the career of William Pitt. The faCt that character in a statesman is all-important is clearly brought out in the contrast between Pitt and Fox. The immense superiority of the former was shown when he refused power because it meant acting with North. Fox jumped at office and a discreditable coalition because he merely wished to gavern the country, while Pitt wished to save it.—Colonel Scott Moncrieff writes an interesting account of the relief of the Pekin Legations in August, 1900. The plan of attack by the Allies upon the walls of Pekin is given in detail, and also an aceount of the scene in the British Legation grounds when our soldiers made their way in by means of a muddy drain which ran through the wall of the Tartar city. Through this opening came the guns, which were at once 'turned on the besiegers. At the same time the forces of the various Allies were attacking at different points, ensuring success. The French force was delayed on its march, and came in at night after the Legations had been relieved. But it- had to relieve the Pehtang, the French Roman* Catholic settle- ment in another part of the town. The Bishop, Monsignor Favier, the commander of the defence, had under him forty Marines to guard a large community of nuns, priests, and Chinese converts. Colonel Scott Monerieff says : "However heroic the defence of the Legations un- doubtedly was, it sinks into comparative insignificance compared to the defence •of the Pehtang." The French relieving force was helped by Sikhs and English Marines; -with-two guns from the .-`Terrible,' Which had already done*_ 'service.at Ladysmith: . In the garden of the; British Legation!. was a, Chinese bell-tower, and during the siege it was hem: that -all -orders were posted. . After the relief,: some one,: supposed to have been Sir -Robert. Hart, posted on the notice-. board the eighteenth stanza of • Milton's "Hymn on the Nativity," with its appropriate allusion to the "old dragon". being. "in straiter limits bound.",—Sir Henry Smith, ex.: Commissioner of the City Police,. gives a lurid picture of. " The Streets of London." In reading* his reminiscences .of, crime one is tempted to think that civilisaticin is a, failure,. for crime is so widely diffused,—from the dynamiter to - the swindler, and the. rough to the ,gentleman. A corioaa: story ia told of a patriot who desired to return to America,• but did not wish to take his stook of dynamite with him. This man deposited the explosive in his landlady's chicken-run, where it was -devoured, with what effect to the fowls is not known. The patriot was arrested and sentenced to twenty, years' penal servitude.—" A Rest Cure in Germany" is a charming picture of kindly sympathy, homely ways, and intelligent management which is pleasant to read in thesa days of the Kaiser and Weltpolitik.
Dr. J. Holland -Rose- points .out in the Independent Reviom that the sudden change in Napoleon's-plan which removed- from us the menace of invasion was not the result of Trafalgar. Napoleon began to move his army away from Boulogne on August 31st, though it seems likely that Nelson. did not know this when he went into battle. But if Trafalgar was not the immediate cause of -the abandonment of th invasion of England, it made it impossible for the project to. be renewed. Napoleon thought to bring about the ruin oF' England in other ways, and in his attempt to subdue Europe, as a means of attaining his end, he brought about his oWn downfall.—If all the Rev. J. 0 Hannay says of the Gaelic League is true, there is hope for Ireland, 'and justification for Unionists. The League is non-political and unsectarian, ani its main object is to revive the Irish language. But, inci- dentally, much more important objects, we are told, are being realised.. People are finding out that political agitation w:.:1 never bring the millennium, even with the help of Gladstone and Parnell. The first thing a people must reform is themselves. This work the Gaelic League is trying to do. By its unsectarian and non-political examples union instead of separation among Irishmen is being taught.; also the country people's energies are being diverted from boycotting to co-operation, and temperance practised instead of alcoholic patriotism. Education, too, is being stimulated by the propaganda which seeks to re-establish -the Irish language. We are told that there is no desire to prevent people from learning English, as its use is fully recognised. The en- thusiasts who address their letters in Irish have conquered 63 - Post Office, and they are delivered without delay. But it seem:, that the line is drawn at parcels. This distinction is obscure, and no reason is forthcoming except that the Post Office is an Irish one. Nothing could be of greater benefit to Ireland than the recognition of the fact that to cultivate your private and national garden is better than political agitation: If the Gaelic League brings about this -change, it will earn the gratitude of all friends of Ireland on both sides of the St. George's Channel.
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