NEWS OF THE WEEK.

RISING IN THE I ..BERLANDS.

THE darkening of the horizon i. France, though now happily cleared away, led weatherwise pete le to look out for squalls in other 'fen:teen. The first blast h . not, however, come from the quarter-Where it was most natural Ixpected. We should rather have anticipated breezes from the eth than from the North— from the mountains of the Peninst than from the plains of Bel- gium. But the political tide, like the physical, waits no man. The plodding Flemings have been the first to give indications of a congeniality of sentiment with ehe vivacious French ; and though the moveinent has been but partial, the impetus is given, and where it May end is not easy to foresee. The Netherlands, and particularly the town of Brussels, have for some months past been in a state of considerable dissatisfaction at various acts and indications of the Government. To the causes of ; s dissatisfaetion we shall Wand by advert. On Wednesday last week, it attained its height, -And a casual circumstance led to its sudden and violent explosion. On Tuesday, an article had av- pelired in the Government paper, the Gazette de Pays Bas, in which the state of the people was represented riot only as emi- nently happy, but as so timated by themselves—" they were," said the eQazette, figuratively We presume; "plunged into intoxica- tion and rejoicieg." This' :-tfri seems to have very much Increased the exaspereikin :Lee- :Neje-A among the lower Melees he Brussels. In the evening c eledueseety, the perform- ance Of the Muette de Portici—not a. well-chosen subject under such circumstances—had attracted a Very crowded audience; and numerous groups; who sought and who could not gain admission to the theatre, remained scattered in the square of the Mint. At the conclusion of the performance—whether influenced by Masa- niello's success or smitten by his disease, or whether the play had been but "the thing to try the conscience of the King "— these groups, whose numbers were now augmented by the junc- tion of a great part of the audience, proceeded straight to the office of the National, also a Government journal, and conducted by a French emigre named LIBRY BAGNANO, in the Rue Fosse aux Loups, where they commenced operations by smashing the whole of the windows. The door was attempted, but it withstood the Attack. While thus employed, a voice in the crowd ex- claimed, "to LIBRY'S now !"—and the whole mass moved off to the dwelling of the offending editor, in the Rue Madeleine. The multitude was now increasing every moment by the idlers whom its progress attracted. The windows and door of LIBRY'S man- sion were beaten in, the books and papers torn in pieces, and the whole Of the furniture destroyed. He himself happened to be from honee, and in consequence escaped- a beating, if not a hang- ing. The cellar was gutted, and its contents guzzled to the burden of- " Le yin par sa douce chaleur

Et nous possede et nous anime."

The Courrier des Pays Bas, from whom these particulars are derived, says that the police wisely refrained from acting during this first effervescence of the people. We confess we have always been accustomed to think, that where the police had to act at all, it could not act too early. The great mass of the mob seemed to have been satisfied with destroying BAGNANO'S house and drinking his wine ; for they soon after dispersed. Detached portions of them, probably those who *had originated the disturbance, were not so easily appeased. One group presented themselves in the Place. Royale, but were prevailed on to retire, by the pathetic harangue of a weeping patriot, in the shape of a common soldier : another ran by the Rue de l'Empereur to the Rue Ruysbreek, where they broke the windows of the Hall of Assize, amidst shouts of "Down with Van Maanen I" " Longlive de Potter VAN MAANEN, we may observe, is the Minister of Justice of the King-of the Netherlands, to whom the Belgians attribute most of their mis- fortunes. While one party was breaking the windows of the Hall of Assize in the Rue Ruysbreek, another had attacked the house .of the Chief of Police, DE KITIEFF, in the Rue de Berlaimont ; which they pillaged, destroying every article of furniture as they had previously done that of the Editor of the National. The wise Gendarmerie now thought it was time to act, and numerous parties of them began to patrol the streets. The first shots were fired about one o'clock ; by which hour the troops in the town were under arms, and most of theinhabitants had left their dwellings to witness the fray. The object of the popular vengeance now was VAN MAINEN's hotel, in the Place du Petit Sablon. Not satisfied with destroying its contents, the mob set fire to the buildincr; and forming a .circle round the burning pile, forcibly prohibited the firemen from Any attempt to extinguish the flames. Some soldiers who entleavoened to interfere were disarmed, and many muskets and other weapons of offence were talien from the gunsmiths' shops throughout the town, and distributed among the people. By five o'clock in the morning, a troop of Chasseurs, and a com- pany of Grenadiers formed, and began to act. • The militaty and the people came first in contact on the Place du Petit Sablon, and several fell on both sides. The soldiers afterwards traversed the streets, firing repeated volleys, sometimes at the crowd, and sometimes over them. The firing continued until ten o'clock. About eight o'clock, a number of the more respectable citizens had recourse to the Garde Communale in their barracks, where they procured a quantity of arms. Thus furnished, the Garde Bour- geoise was immediately called out for the purpose of interposing between the handful of military and the townspeople that were op- posed to them; and an arrangement was soon entered into, by which the former consented to withdraw to their barracks, leaving the charge of the town to the Garde Bourgeoise. By noon, five thou- sand of this National Guard was under arms. At the same hour, a proclamation announced to the people that tlY! Jbnoxious tax of the mouture—a municipal tax on all flour introduced into the town—was suspended. By three o'clock, every thing wot t 'nee more an air of tranquillity. The old Brehant flag of red, y ,:low, and black, was then flying from the Hotel de -Ville. Soete at- tempts at p&tyrioting were made du in the night, but w . : im- mediately repressed by the Natic,lal Guard, of v:hic' .Jaron. YAM' it LINDEN HOOOVORS i.' 7 . : . 1 in the. meantime taken the chil-t' -.nimand. The r y.:1 at; 6. and the orange cockad,:: were clown r;. 'bro.,. a z.c..a-: but this : -1 he !, isting IA I • ' > il • :,V..."-'. '7w. were tee -ny; _.=fixt;-n.,fs-rit.f.-;.:- .. li, a fection towards ttic Siivettngu made by the rioters.. Two days after these disturbances took place in Beeeeels, similar scenes were acted at Bruges. We shall only allude to these dis- turbances. The same fortunate chance which procured us -so interesting a communication from Paris respecting the fight of the Three Days has again befriended us. A gentleman, whose amu- sing letters have on several occasions before found a place in our columns, happened to be at Bruges When the riot begun, and he has favoured us with an account of it, picturesquely descriptive and highly discriminating. We give his letter in a subsequent page. At Liege, disturbances have also taken place ; but in the other towns the feelings of the people are neutral, if not hostile to their fellow countrymen at Brussels. The affair which we have hitherto described was the act of a mob, which, while a few among them were exclaiming " Imitons les Francais,' was in reality displaying all the sordid propensities of the lowest and the worst of the people. Plunder was openly practised on all and by all. Private individuals were stopped and robbed by those pseudo-patriots. One gentleman, Mr. Wiesore —the same person, we believe, whose introduction to NAPOLEON was noticed in one of our books of travels a year or two ago, who had a valuable establishment at Stake purchased the forbearance of a parcel of these ruffians for three hundred or four hundred forms; yet no sooner was the bribe received, than the buildings were set fire to, and property to the amount of 15,000/. destroyed. When the more respectable part of the citizens took to arms, and the Garde Bourgeoise had been formed, the scene was changed; and all attacks on private property were from that moment not repressed merely, but promptly punished. In the course of Thurse day, the following proclamation appeared.

"THE BURGOMASTER AND SHERIFFS TO THEIR FELLOW-CITIZENS.

"Disturbances infest your beautiful town. Be the cause of them what they may, they must-be put a stop to. "To attain this object, which the whole population desires, we have re- solved on the following measures :— "The troops have been requested to retire to their barracks. They have ceased to interpose in a deplorable struggle. "The Monte (Monture) juty has been suppressed. from this day, and will not be replaced byany other tax of a similar nature, be its name what it may. "If any other legitimate demand remains to be made, let it be addressed to us ; we shall join our efforts to those of all good citi in their amble Concession. .: "But these measures will be ineffectual unless trailijrii. ered, etr which alone can produce happy consequences. Dist , „aft' ..bi ood- shed plunge whole families into mourning, and can 9Iily da; - " Fellow-citizens I hear tbe voice of your magistrates. They WOO over your common safety I but your cooperation is indispensable. Let every one defend his home, and provisional guard will be organised in every quarter. Let a spontaneous illumination shed light over the city during the night. As to ourselves, we reside in the centre, and shall not abandon that post of duty till the tranquillity you wish for is re- stored.

" It is to the citizens that the guarding of public and private property is provisionally confided ; and the magistrates, appealing to their honour and patriotism, confide in them.

"Given at the sitting of the College in the Hotel de Ville, the 26th of

August 1830. "J. DECSAUX DE SAME CUYLES, See."

Although, however, the burgomaster and other authorities seem to have been honestly desirous of putting an 'end to the riots of the mob (it must be confessed they were rather tardy about it, but we suppose what is wise in the police is also wise in their masters), they do not appear to have been at all anxious to abandon the strong plea for a redress of grievances with which the riots had furnished them. It does not appear that the burning of VAN MAANEN'S hotel was by their counsel or co unten nce, but they were willing to rejoice in the light, though they did not kindle it. The first act of the Notables, as we may term them, had they been inclined to support the authority of Government, would unques- tionably have been to join the soldiers in their attempt to put down the rioters ; instead of which, on pretence of mediating between the parties, they virtually joined the mob to put down the soldiers. The real insurrection, therefore, was not that which began on Wednesday night by-the attack on the house of LIBBY BAGNANO, and was consummated by the destruction of the hotel of the Minis- ter of Justice, but that which was organized on Thursday morn- ing, and which displayed itself not by breaking, but by resolutely preserving the peace. On Saturday, the Prince of ORANGE and his brother Prince FREDERICK arrived in the neighbourhood of Antwerp, when the intelligence of the riots at Brussels reached them. They did not enter the city that night, but remained at a public-house in its neighbourhood. On Sunday, the two Princes entered Antwerp ; where their reception seems to have been cordial, and where their behaviour, if the private accounts may be trusted, was condescend- ing even to affectation, to all who approached them. On the same day that they entered Antwerp, the Princes published a pro- clamation of most edifying veneralisms ; the only fact to be gleaned from which is, the appointment of Lieutenant-General Baron CHASSE and the Burgomaster of Antwerp as a Commission to judge of the measures to be concerted between the General commanding the fourth military division of the kingdom, and the authorities &* the province and town of Antwerp. On Sunday, a deputation to the King was agreed to, at a public meeting of the citizens of Brussels, presided over by Baron de &mos, a member of the States-General. Baron de HOOGVORST, whom we have already mentioned as having assumed the ,ommand of the National Guard, moved the appointment of the putation. ft An administrative commission was moved by AL ALMAER, senior, an extensive merchant of the town. lW. DE SECUS, the President, thought that the Governor ought to be asked to nomi- nate the commission, and be present at the meeting: every thing would then proceed in that legal order, from which none of them wished to depart. The Governor, however, declined the task, as incompatible with his station as Commissary of the King. The Council of Regency, when invited to join the meeting, also de- clined, because their regulations forbade them to cooperate with any other body ; but expressed, as did the Governor, theF appro- bation as citizens of the proceedings of the-meeting. A committee was then appointed to draw up an address to his Majesty, and a deputation appointed to present it, consisting of Baron JOSEPH HOOGVORST, formerly Mayor of Brussels, and member of the pro- vincial States of South Brabant ; Count FELIX DE MERODE, Westerloo ; M. GANDEBIEN, advocate ; M. FREDERICK DE SECUS, memberof the States of Hainault; M. PALMAER, senior, merchant. The deputation set out for the Hague, the seat of Government, on the same day. They had not returned on Tuesday, which is the date of the last accounts ; but the reports in Brussels were, that their mission had been unsuccessful. The following are given as the beads of the petition with which they were charged :— " 1. The entire, frank, and sincere execution of the fundamental law, without restriction or interpretation in favour of the Government, either by decrees, Ministerial circulars, or Cabinet receipts.

'2. The removal from the Ministry of the infamous and odious Van Maanen.

• "3. The provisional suspension of the abattage, until the assembling of the next session of the States-General.

"4. A new electoral system, established by law, making the election proceed more directly from the people. "5. The re-establishment of the jury. "6. A new law of judiciary organization. "7. The penal responsibility of Ministers, established by law. "8. A law fixing the seat of the High Court in the Southern provinces. "9. The cessation of intended persecutions of liberal writers.

" 10. The abrogation of all sentences of condemnation for political offences.

"II. That bread be distributed to all unfortunate workmen to supply their wants, until they are able to resume their labour."

These are the articles which were circulated among the people ; but whether all of them will be equally insisted on, is matter of doubt.

On Monday, the Prince of ORANGE, with a considerable force, left Antwerp for Brussels, but stopped short at Vilvorde, where be passed the night ; he was expected to enter Brussels on Tues- day. On the morning of that day, Baron D'H000voasv and the Dukes D`ARIIMBERG and D'Uassi. went to Vilvorde to confer with the Prince' and it was stated on their return, that. his High- ness was prep ffit d to make large concessions to the people. The demands of the people of Liege were engrossed in a peti- tion, signed by the principal inhabitants to a body which has been constituted in that city under the title of " Commission of Public Safety," of which Count D'OULTREMONT is President. The Com- mission, on receiving this petition, resolved that the demands it contained should be conveyed to the KING by a deputation com- posed of M. RAIKEM, member of the Second Chamber of the States General, M. DsLacw, member of the Provisional States, and M. DESCHAMPS, alivocate. The demands of the people of Liege are somewhat more numerous and more diffusely expressed than those of the inhabitants of Brussels, but they do not essentially differ from them.

We have now given as full and precise an account of these transaCtions, down to Tuesday, as the nature of the information in the public journals and the private letters permits. We can see nothing in them at present of the features of a revolution ; although it is not at all impossible that an obstinate opposition on the part of the King might speedily convert them into one. Whether he shall grant or deny the prayers of his Netherlands subjects, it would appear that WILLIAM is determined to act deliberately. The States-General, which it was not intended to convene until October, have been summoned to an immediate session ; the sum- monses were made on Saturday, the moment that the news of the disturbances reached the Hague. The causes which have led to the present display of public feel- ing are set forth in the petition of the people of Brussels. It is stated by the Times, that the Liberal party are averse to any French connexion. Perhaps this may be the case ; though there seems very little doubt, that the recent triumph of liberal princi- ples in France must have operated, and not slightly, on the views of the reformers of Brussels. We should hardly have had the rising of the 25th of August had it not been for the successful oppo- sition of the Parisians to the ordinances of the 25th of July. The causes of dissatisfaction, we rather think, will be found in the vio- lent separation of the_Netherlands from France, though it is quite possible that its cure might not be found in their reunion. The Belgians and the Dutch have been a different people—in language, manners, laws, religion—for centuries. Is it wonderful that their perfect amalgamation should be the work of time, if ever it take place ? The King of the country is a Protestant ; and, what is of in- finitely more importance, he is in the eyes of the Belgians a foreigner. Webelieve him to have acted with as much impartiality as could well be expected; but of :ate there have been pretty decided indications of a leaning towards the Dutch portion of his dominions. The articles of union, in assimilating the debts and duties of the two countries, imposed on BelgioAr an enormous addition of taxes, the pressure of which has been grievously augmented in the towns by heavy municipal exactions. The press complained of the pub- lic burdens, and it projected plans for their legal removal ; and the King, instigated probably by his Attorney-General, commenced a crusade against the press, which led to its almost entire suppres- sion. When people are weighed down with taxes, and forbidden, under a penalty even to complain of the load, we must not expect them to be satisfied. Looking to all these circumstances, we think the present disturbances are easily accounted for. The junction of the Netherlands and Holland was effected without the consent of the former; their union has been productive to it of nothing but evil : its taxes have been increased, its liberties have been threat- ened, the King, whose government oppresses it, is an alien, in language, religion, and blood ; the people for whom he seeks to oppress it, the Netherlanders have never looked on but with feel ings of hostility; their old ally the. French had conquered free- dom by merely wishing it ;—what wonder then was there that in Belgium the general cry should be " Imitons les Francais r the • moment that the slightest prospect presented itself of the imita- tions being. crowned with similar success ? There have been other theories constructed to account for the estrangement that has long prevailed in the Netherlands towards their Dutch King. Two of these are so curious, that we think them worthy of insertion. By one of these, it will be seen the only ground of dispute between WILLIAM and the Belgians is his reli- gion. We quote the following from the Morning Journal of the 28th January, 1829; it is dated Paris, the 24th of the same month:— "Of the King of the Netherlands no one can speak too highly. He is not merely the head of his kingdom by law—he is not merely the father and the friend of his people—but. he is, by his intimate acquaintance with all that is passing in the most obscure part of his populous andes- tensive territory, and by his well-informed, judicious, and active mind. eminently capable of governing a cold and reasoning people, who have an passion but love of country and love of wealth. Upon every subject con- nected with the state he is perfectly informed. For every evil, general or local, he is able at once to supply a remedy. Every complaint be listens to with attention, and personally investigates; and not less than fifteen hours of each day are devoted by him to the concerns of the vast empire he so ably, justly, and beneficently governs. Against such a King who can venture to urge one word, one charge? Who can insinuate against him one instance of injustice, cruelty, or oppression? No one can ven- ture to do so with the least semblance of justice, or the least particle of veracity. But yet in Flanders, which is Catholic, the King is unpopular —not loved—not hanoured—and scarcely spoken of with respect. What Is the reason of this? The King is a Protestant! I have travelled through Flanders, not cursorily, not like my Lord William Russell, or others I occasionally meet with in my travels on the Continent, but I have travelled through every part of Flanders. I have visited not merely the splendid cathedral of Antwerp and the interestingbeguinage of Ghent, but I have commenced with °stead, and continued my slow and quiet journey through all the provinces. In all those provinces I have asked one question, What do you think of the King? ' and in all I have re- ceived one answer, We have nothing to say against the King, except that he is a Protestant.' I have urged thousands of timis that that objection was illiberal, unjust, and ungracious, but all to no effect. The King is a Protestant ; and though showers of gold could, by his com- mand, descend from the clouds, and though sickness aud death itself by his ordonnance could for ever disappear, still there would he the latent hatred—the innate aversion—the festering of the thorn in the heart—the King is a Protestant. And by whom are these feelings encouraeed ? By the priests ! and not merely by the priests, but by the 7,ery r.arure of the Catholic religion. I cannot find words forcible enough to express the strength and depth of the hate which the Romish religion engenders from infancy against, not merely the religiou, but against the persons, of Pro- testants. In Flanders the priests are bymo means generally immoral—by no means inattentive to the discharge of their duties—by no means igno- rant and illiterate—but they are the Hunts—the Colsbetts—the Bur- detts—and the Hobliouses of England. I have known hundreds of them—I have conversed with them—written to them—visited them—not on terms of ordinary civility, but with the habits and feelines of a man resolved to know well and intimately the nature and character of the Ca- tholic faith ; and I have no sort of hesitation in declaring—what I could prove and substantiate by a list of names of immense length—that the priests are daily and hourly working against the Government and against the King, and that simply and exclusively because the King is a Protest- ant, and the Government are also Protestants. They never pretend to any other reason—they do not think it necessary to e any other reason— they deem that reason to he more than sufficient—and they contend, and that openly and violently, that it is a duty which they owe to God and their Church, and the Pope and St. Peter ; and, above all, the Virgin—to oppose everything bearing the stamp of heresy, or even authorized by heretical per. sons, whether the matters are of a civil or even military character, lithe King grants peculiar privileges to a town, the priests exclaim, The ob- ject is to destroy by undermining our religion 1' If the King, as in the case of Bruges, makes it a free port, Ah 1' say the priests, the object is conversion.' If the King, as in the case of Ghent, encourages the public works and improvements, All,' exclaim the priests, ' is to make himself popular, and thus induce the ignorant to follow his religion.' I have heard these things said fifty times, and that, too by men who, except in matters relating to their religion, are free from prejudice, free from bad feelings, bad tempers, and ignorance or malice."

In eighteen months, THE SAME WRITER, corresponding with the Morning Chronicle, had changed his opinion, so deliberately formed and on so extensive information. The cause of the King's popularity is no longer his Protestantism, but his dependence on England. The following is the last theory:

" The King of the Netherlands is the mere Minister or subject of the British Government! This is a fact. When England was governed by Mr. Canning, his foreign policy was liberal, and the King of the Pays Bas followed his advice, and made his subjects comparatively happy. When England was governed by the Marquis of Londonderry, her foreign policy was odious and tyrannical, and then the policy of the King of the Pays Bas was illiberal, and created universal discontent. When England was governed by a milk-and-water ;Or Goderich Cabinet, her foreign policy was changeable and without foundation, and the King of the Pays

as was left to rumself. Then he contemplated making various improve- ments; and he began even to be popular. And now, when England is governed by the Duke of Wellington, his foreign policy is disreputable, because it is founded on no principle. One day the Duke emancipates Ireland, and the Belgian Prince conceives he is to do the same, and he seeks to render the Flemings happy. But the next day the Duke of Wel- lington persecutes the Press, and the King of the Pays Bas takes it as the signal for his conduct, and he commences a crusade against all the jour- nals. To-day the Duke of Wellington pronounces Don Miguel an usurper, and the King of the Netherlands refuses, in consequence, to receive the Ambassador of Portugal at his Court. But on the morrow the Duke of Wellington prevents the Portuguese Patriots from landing at Terceira ; and the King of the Pays Bas conceives he is thereby ordered to send all the Portuguese out of the Low Countries. I could give you a thousand Illustrations to prove the truth of this general proposition, but one more only shall suffice. Why, I ask with confidence, has not the King of the Pays Bas recognized Louis Philip, the King of the French ? We are now at the 29th of August—nearly a month has elapsed since the Revolution in France was effected—three weeks since he was proclaimed King, and yet no recognition from Brussels ! or the Hague! The reason for this delay is simply this, that the King of the Netherlands dare not, or will not dare to act independent of England—but the moment that England shall recognise the new Government, the Am- bassador of the Pays Bas will follow within an hour at his heels. This subserviency to English politics, and especially to the Duke of Welling- ton, is obnoxious to the Flemings—and occasions great uneasiness and discontent. If, say they, we be not formidable enough as a nation to maintain whatever political system we may think proper to adopt, then let us not exist nominally as an Independent State, whilst really we are dependent. If we be not formidable or powerful enough to meet the English Navy or the French Army, then let Belgium belong to France, and let Holland be united to Denmark, or exist with a Stadtholder at its head; but we do protest against being the mere creatures of the British Government, and against not being permitted to act independently, and to maintain with our swords and our lives the policy we may deem it right to adopt. Now what think you of this ? Do you say why it was part of the arrangements of 1815, that the forts and strong places of the Low Counties should be placed under the management of a Commission, of which the Duke of Wellington is Chief? I answer, so much the worse. Do you say why it was understood by all the parties to the Holy Alliance, that Great Britain should become a sort of protectress, or nursing mother to Flanders? I answer, so much the worse, because the Flemings reject such protection and aid. Do you say that Flanders is important to Eng-- land, as an inlet to the Continent for her armies, should another general war devastate the whole of Europe? I answer that this very circumstance would always prevent a good understanding between the inhabitants of the Low Countries and England. Do you say that France would he too powerful if Flanders were united to her ? I answer, that Flanders is al- ready virtually united to France; and that if anything like a contest should arise between the Continental Powers in which Flanders should be involved, every Fleming would rise, from the richest and most power- ful to the.poorest and most ignorant, in favour of the French. I say more than this; that if France to-day were to march only Ave thousand troops to the frontiers of Belgium, all the Flemish army and Flemish subjects of the King of Holland would declare against the standard of the House of Orange. The Duke of Wellington knows this. We have sufficiently indicated our opinion on both of these theories, in the remarks we hrwe already made. Some interesting notices on the state of taxation in the Netherlands will be found in the letter of our correspondent. The accounts differ as to the number of persons who perished in the riots at Brussels : some rate it at thirty, some at fifty. It does not appear that there were any killed. unless from accident, in the other cities, where partial or general risings took place.