Maws anti ginneetings in Varliantent

ENLARGEMENT OF MAYNOOTH COLLEGE.

The House of Commons, on Thursday, resolved itself into a Committee for the purpose of considering the acts relating to Maynooth College.

Sir ROBERT PEEL, in reference to the presentation of a great number of petitions against any increased grant to the College, remarked, that he had given timely notice of his intention to consider the state of Maynooth in a friendly spirit; and therefore he was not unprepared for the demonstration of adverse feeling which had been made that day. He could not but fore- see such opposition from many who entertain strong religious feelings and conscientious scruples. But Ministers had thought it their duty to take care that those difficulties should not be aggravated by a just allegation that they had concealed their intentions and taken the country by sur- prise. He now had to fulfil the pledge implied, by proposing an improve- ment in the system of Maynooth, and an increased grant. He should say nothing at present of one portion of the question, the improvement of the system of academical education in Ireland, which would be brought before the House at a future period; his observations now being strictly limited to the subject of Maynooth.

It appeared to Ifmisters, that there were three courses which they might Fur- sue,—to continue the present system and grant without alteration; to discontinue the vote altogether, and repudiate all connexion with Maynooth; or liberally to adopt, improve, and extend the institution provided for the education of the Roman Catholic priesthood. These several courses Sir Robert successively dis- cussed.

With respect to the first, the continuance of the present system unaltered, he declared on the part of Government, that of all courses it would be the most pregnant with mischief Government profess to make provision fir a national system—for the education of those who are to give spiritual instruction and re- ligious consolation to many millions of the people of Ireland: they just give enough, by voting annually 9,0001. a year, to discourage and paralyze voluntary contributions for that purpose. If it is a violation of principle to provide in- struction for the Roman Catholic priesthood, they are guilty of that violation of principle now. It is not a mere annual grant. The grant is recognized by two acts of the Irish Legislature, and one passed by the United Parliament in 1808, providing for the "establishment" of ffie College; the Lord Chancellor of Ire- land and the highest judicial authorities are appointed visiters: Parliament has repealed the Statute of Mortinain in favour oft hat College; has enabled the Trustees to hold land to the amount of 1,0001. a year, and to provide a chapel for the rites of the Roman Catholic Church. The grant of 9,0001., however, is so limited in amount, that of the ten Professors, the most highly endowed has a salary of not more than 1221. a year: yet it is expected to obtain the services of melt of eminence and integrity. There are in the College 440 scholars. Of those about 130 are " pensioners," who pay a certain sum on admission; and 250 are " free " students. The average sum allotted to each of those free students—for his commons, his dress, the furniture of the rooms—is 231 a year; and out of that sum of 231. for each of the 250 students the repairs and other incidental ex- penses of the College must be provided. Nothing can be more desolate than. the appearance of the building, which partakes of the character rather of a deserted barrack than of a literary institution. It is impossible to assign a room to each student; in many cases several students are placed in one room, and even in some instances several in one bed. A representation on this subject was made by nearly the whole of the Roman Catholic Prelacy to the Lord-Lieutenant, Lord Heytesbury: the Bishops state, that so urgent have been the necessities of the establishment, that the President has frequently been obliged to send home the pupils during the vacation, for the paltry but indispensable saving.of two

months' provisions; an absence injurious to college-discipline. Yet, in spite of the utmost parsimony and retrenchment!" debt of 4,6001 has been contracted.

The increasing distress among the middle-classes has caused a decrease in the,nunaber of ." tiessioners," (who pay,) which has not only curtailed the re- venue oF the College, but has created the necessity of a proportionate increase in the number of free•scholarsbips: yet the supply of priests from the establish- ment, for the sereieerof the Church, is so inadequate-, that it is often necessary to

call 'home students for the performance of clerical duties before they have com-

pleted the ordinary theological .course, which is already very short. This state- ment is signed by twenty-two Roman Catholic Prelates. " Now, I ask whether

I am not right in stating to the House, that you can take no course which is not preferable to a continuance of this state of things; that is, to a continued violation of principle.--if it be a violation of principle—in undertaking to instruct a priesthood from whose doctrines you dissent, and yet at the same time making only this niggardly and inadequate provision for the maintenance of those for whose educa tion you have made yourselves responsible? Is it-rise—when-this subject is brought under our consideration and we must decide, would it be a proper course to say to the Roman Catholics of Ireland, We are bound, it is true, by an incon- venient obligation, contracted by our ancestors, and that obligation we will're- spect; in a surly spirit, we will continue to give you the 9,0001. a year; but there shall be no improvement in your buildings, there shall be no advance in the sala- ries of your Professors; the acts of Parliament shall continue; our implied sanc- tion and encouragement, so far as statute-law is concerned, shall remain: but we tell you we vote the 9,0001. feeling that our conscience is violated, and we give it you only because we have to fulfil a contract into which others entered, and from which we cannot escape?' I say any course is preferable to this."

He came to the second alternative. " Shall we avow that our conscien- tious scruples are so violated in the maintenance of this system, that we will dis- continue the connexion with Maynooth? that the vote shall, after some tempo- rary arrangements, be discontinued, and the burden of educating the priesthood shall be thrown upon the people of Ireland? (" Hear, hear r from one of the back Ministerial benches.) I infer that there are some who think that a desire, ble course. ("Hear, hear!" from the same quarter.) Before you adopt this course—(Loud cheers, especially from the Opposition benches)—I ask the House to listen to the statement I am about to make, of the reasons which prevent me from counselling it. (" Hear, hear!") When did your connexion with the in- stitution arise; under whose authority; and how long has it continued?" The connexion began in 1795, when George the Third was ICuiz Mr. Pitt the Minis- ter, and the Duke of Portland (afterwards Chancellor of Oxford University) Home Secretary. In that year—a critical period—the Lord-Lieutenant, Earl Fitzwil- liam, adjuring the Irish Parliament by their attachment to religion, learning, and civilization, recommended to their consideration the improvement of education. The intent of those general terms was pointed out by Mr. Grattan; who stated, that " on this subject [education] it is intended that a plan should be submitted for colleges for the education of the Catholic clergy, who are now excluded from the Continent." Earl Fitzwilliam's immediate successor as Lord-Lieutenant, the. Marquis Camden,. laid the first stone of Maynooth College; and afterwards, at the close of the session of 1795, the Marquis thus addressed the Parliament—" My Lords and Gentlemen: His Majesty observes with the highest satisfaction, that during the present crisis you have not failed to cherish and maintain the various sources of your internalprosperity. You have also completed the intention so be- nevolently entertained of entirely relieving the poorer classes from the tax of hearth. money. A wise foundation has been laid for educating at home the Roman Catholic. clergy." " In the course of that year, 1795, the Irish Parliament passed the first act relating to Maynooth; and that act was passed by the Irish Lords and Commons. without a division, and without one dissentient voice. The Prelates of the Pro- tiMant Church were present in the House of Lords; the Parliament was excht- ter& of a Protestant character; and yet, at that period, at the instance of t hz.ntitive Government, that Parliament—without a division, without a die- sentient voice--consented to this supposed violation of principle voted the sum that was then thought requisite for the maintenance of the institution, and clothed the institution with a Parliamentary sanction." In 1800, before the Union, another act on the subject was pawed by the Irish Parliament. On the Union, the Irish Parliament found this College established and supported by Par- liamentary grants; and those grants were continued by the Imperial Parliament. For fifty years, then, this very year 1845, this vote has been continued—a vote for the support of Maynooth. Not only so—at two distinct periods it has been increased. In 1807, it was increased from 8,0001. to 13,0001., on account of some buildings. In 1808, under the administration of Mr. Perceval, Mr. Foster, the Irish Chancellor of the Exchequer, said that Government declined to continue the additional sum, but would permanently increase the grant from 8,0001. to 9,2501. Irish currency, in order to the support of 250 instead of 200 scholars; the number of scholars needed for the priesthood being 361, and 111 being educated in other parts of Ireland. Thus, Mr. Perceval, in acceding to the grant, implied that if he had thought a greater number of students than 361 was required for the service of the Roman Catholic Church, he would not have been unwilling still further to augment the sum for that purpose. Again, in 1813, when Sir Robert Peel himself was Secretary for Ireland, the addition of 7001. or 9001. a year was made to the grant, for the better maintenance of the [20] Dunboyne students; so called because Lord Dunboyne had bequeathed 5001. a year for their use. After this long connexion, was the House now to say that they had been all along violating a conscientious scruple, and that the connexion must be dissolved? " Recollect, when it was formed the Roman Catholics were labouring under disabilities: that did not constitute, in the view of the Irish Par- liament, an objection to originating this grant. Those disabilities have been now entirely removed; the Irish Roman Catholics stand upon the same footing with ourselves in respect to civil privileges: shall we now, in opposition to the acts of our predecessors,. say to them= That favour which was granted to you under- the Administration of Mr. Pitt, must now be withheld from you on account of a conscientious scruple?' Sir, I should deprecate the effect of such a step. It is not the amount of the pecuniary grant; what I deprecate is the animus it would indicate. We should never be able to convince those- from whom the grant was withheld, that those scruples which were not felt by George the Third, by Mr. Pitt, by the exclusively Protestant Legislature of their own country, are now felt to such a degree by us that we must abandon the connexion which was thus formed." If Parliament were to declare, that, holding a faith which they believed to be more pure, they were prevented from. giving assistance in propagating another faith, what a lesson they would inculcate! " Why, if we make that declaration, what a lesson shall we inculcate upon the landlords of Ireland I Take the case of a Protestant landlord who has a large estate, from which he derives a large income, he being an absentee perhaps: that estate is cultivated by Roman Catholic labourers: shall he be taught by * example of this House to say, it is inconsistent with his religions scruples that he should provide for the religious instruction of those who are so connected with him - in the relationship of landlord and tenant? Such a man, his tenantry being all Roman Catholics, and he deriving his wealth from their labour, should rather say, I should act against the will of the Supreme Judge of all if I refused my assist- ance in order that you should enjoy the consolations of religion. I feel a con- viction that I shall act more in accordance with the principles of the faith which I ess, by seeing that you have those consolations. I differ from you on re 'ous doctrines • but still my wish is, that in the hour of need you should re- ceive spiritual instruction and consolation from the hands of those from whom you can derive them. I will consent, therefore; and I will give you a piece of grou. for a chapel; I will contribute towards its construction; nay, more, I will sub- scribe something for the maintenance of that-minister who is to inculcate doctrines which you believe, bat which I-cannot agree to: If I were in such a position, should /violate anyyrecept of the holy.religionwhich I profess were I to act ha this liberal spirit ? " Are the City Companies, who are most liberal to the communities on their estates, to be told that they cannot continue their aid to a religious profession from which they dissent, without violating their own religious principles. If such a vote is illegal, in what position, too, will Parliament stand when it comes to the vote for Pn3sbyterians ? -In what position will it stand towards the Colonies— towards the Catholics of Malta, Gibraltar, Canada, Mauritius, and the West Indies? (A Member—" And the East Indies!") " In all these cases, we have found it impossible to act on the principle of disclaiming altogether connexion with and support of those from whose religious opinions we dissent How shall we stand with regard to the Roman Catholics in Inland? Shall we repeal the act which provides Roman Catholic chaplains for prisons? By a recent enact- ment you have enabled the Grand Jury to appoint a Roman Catholic chaplain. You.have compelled the Grand Jury to make the appointment upon requisition made to them. You have appointed the Grand Jury to make provision for the services of that chaplain from the public pocket. You have authorized the ap- pointment of Roman Catholic chaplains for workhouses. Why authorize the vio- lation of principle, if violation it be? Why, a noble and better, eeling interposed, and relaxed the principle; and the feeling of the Government and of the country was, that there ought to be provided for dying men in their last moments, when they are about to be ushered into the presence of their Creator, perha, guilty

beings suffering for their crimes, that religious consolation they needed the only s*itual guide they could receive it."

" There remains but one other course, and that is the course which we are rimmed to take. (Cheers.) Prepared l—yes, I will avow it, that we are pre- pared, in a liberal sense and confiding mit, to improve that institution. and to elevate the tone of education there. ( cheers.) Will you not take that course? I think you will agree with me that such is the course which should be taken; that if we are seriously to consider this institution, we ought to consider it with a view to extensive improvement By improvement I mean, improvement of means only, not an interference with the course of education, poisoning all the geed that you might derive from liberality. I mean, really, that we should treat that institution in a generous spirit, in the hope that we shall be met in a spirit corresponding with oars, and that we shall reap the fruits of this improvement of:that educational establishment. Indeed, I hope I may say that I am confident of the good feeling of the Roman Catholics on this point. I have taken that course which I think I ought to take, to effect and make that provision which should really be a sufficient supply for the wants of the Irish Haman Catholic Church in respect to the education of its ministers. A mere addition of some 3;000i. or 4,0001. would really be worse than nothing. I exclude the idea of a small increase like that from my consideration altogether. If the religious ob- jection to a grant is overcome, I cannot think that such would be the extent of the addition we would wish to make."

He explained the proposal which, on the part of Government, he was instructed to make. The Trustees of Maynooth College can purchase land to the extent of 1000/. a year; but they cannot receive it on any other terms than for the lives of the Trustees: he proposes to incorporate the Trustees, by the title of "the Ttustees of Maynooth College," and to enable them to hold real property to the extent of 3,0001. per annum, should members of the Roman Catholic faith be desirous to contribute to the College so incorporated. " The stipend of each in- dividual Professor does not now exceed 1221. per annum. Instead of defining ex- actly what shall be the amount paid to each Professor, we propose to allot to the Trustees of Maynooth a certain sum, which shall be placed at their discretion for the payment of salaries. That sum will admit of a payment of 6001. or 7001. per annum to the President of the College; of 2601. or 2701. to the Professeirs of Theology; and of 2201. or 2301. to the other Professors. We propose, therefore, that a sum not exceeding 6,0001. shall be allotted to the Trustees for making pro- vision for the officers of the institution. There are at present about 430 students in the College, divided into three classes—the 20 Dunboyne students, the three senior classes, and the four junior classes. We propose to allot to each of the Dunboyne students the sum of 401. per annum: we propose to make provision on the whole for 500 free students; that there shall be 250 students in the four junior classes, and 250 in the three senior classes, these being divinity stu- dents. We propose that for the maintenance of each student, to cover the expense of his commons, attendance, and other charges consequent upon academical education, a sum shall be placed at the disposal of the Trustees, • calculated on an average of 281. per annum for each student We propose that to each of the students in the three senior classes, the sum of 201. per annum for their own personal expenses shall be allowed separately. The total sum required for the students will be 14,5601.; the total sum for the establishment, 26,3601. We propose that the College shall be made, in ap- pearance and in fact, worthy of an institution of the kind. We propose that proper provision shall be made for the accommodation of the President and Pro- fessors; and we propose to limit the amount of money for putting the College into repair, and to take a vote, of course not an annual one, of 30,0001. (" Hear, hear! " and indications of surprise.) We intend that a sum of money, so sanctioned by Parliament, shall be applied for the purposes I have described. We do not propose provision for more than 600 students: there shall be no power of increasing the number to 600 or 700 by reducing. the individual allowances. We wish to put the establishment on a liberal footing, that the reminiscences of Maynooth may no longer be revolting. It is, therefore, that I propose to limit the number of students to 500. We propose, also, that the Board of Works shall undertake the repairs of the College, as they do of the other public buildings, in order that they may be conducted with the greatest economy. We do not propose to make pro- vision in the art for the annual expenses of the repairs, but that they shall be the subject of an annual vote, and be included in the annual estimates for the Board of Works as in other cases." Instead of the present en officio visitors—the Lord Chancellor and the Judges—it is proposed that the Crown shall appoint five visiters to exercise the same visitorial powers as the present visiters; but instead of once in three years, to do so once a year, and as often as the Lord- Lieutenant may direct. These visiteis would not interfere with any matters re- lating to the doctrine and discipline of the Church of Rome; but for those subjects three more visiters would be elected by the other five, as at present, to be members of the Roman CatholicChnrch. The three elected visiters now are—the Earl of Fingall, Dr. Crony, (Archbishop of Armagh,) and Dr. Murray, (Archbishop of Dublin.

Such is an outline of the measure. It has not been the subject of stipulation with the great authorities of the Roman Catholic Church; but Ministers inti- mated their intention to those dignitaries: there is every reason to believe that they are satisfied and grateful for the measure, and that they will strongly recom- mend its acceptance by the great body of Roman Catholics. " We do not think that there is. any violation of conscientious scruples involved in our proposition. We believe that it is perfectly compatible to hold steadfast the profession of our faith without wavering, and at the same time to improve the education and to elevate the character of those who—do what-yon will—pass this measure or refuse it,-must be the spiritual guides and religions instructors of millions of your fellow-countrymen.'

Sir Robert Peel concluded by moving for leave to bring in a bill to amend the Acts relating to the College of Maynooth; and sat down amidst cheering, chiefly from the Opposition side of the House.

-Sir ROBERT INatia at once rose to meet the motion by a direct nega- film.- He remarked the •number of petitions against the measure presented on both sides of the House, and the fact that nearly all the cheers which greeted the Minister's speech came from the Opposition. Sir Robert Pea said that he had not taken the House by surprise: but could any one halo anticipated such a measure as that now proposed? The grant hitherto" made W Maynooth was annual, and did not at all pledge the House to its continuance. In one year there was an increase, in one a decrease, and in one (1799) there was no grant Sir Arthur Wellesley stated in 1808, that it was not intended to maintain Maynooth out of the public purse; Mr. Perceval said that the Catholics meant to defray the cost themselves; and that was confirmed by the memorial of the Roman Catholic Archbishop Dr. Troy, in 1794, which showed that the Catholics wished to be permitted to establish the institution with their own funds. The act establishing the College, the 35th Geo. III., (Irish Statutes,) authorized the Trustees to receive subscrip- tions and donations from Roman Catholics, and in fact was permissive in its nature. The only pledge bearing upon the subject was the resolution of the British House of Commons in 1800, that a sum not less than that granted by the Irish Parliament on an average of six years, for the encour- agement of agriculture and pious uses, should be paid for twenty years after the Union; a period now expired. As to the Colonies in which there are Roman Catholics, there the Church is maintained, right or wrong, under the obligation of specific treaties. The original Maynooth Act enabled the Roman Catholics to do what they desired; and he, for one, would not for an instant desire to prevent them from receiving the subscriptions and donations of their co-religionists. His complaint was, that they were en-, dowing the Church of Rome almost in the same proportion as they were withdrawing all support from the Protestant institutions of the country. Mr. O'Connell has said that the grant ought to be 70,0001.; so, if the Government think that they will propitiate him, they must fail, as in their other anticipations. He wished that Sir Robert Peel had enlightened the House much sooner-

" He was most anxious not to say anything that would be disrespectful to his ri t honourable friend at the head of the Government; but he could not but feel the greater part of the speech he had made on that occasion might, after all, have been made at a much earlier period of his political life. He hoped his right honourable friend would excuse the observation, but it appeared to him that there was nothing in the facts brought forward by his right honourable friend on that occasion that was not equally patent to observation and as stringent in its con- clusions on any man's conscience in the year 1813, when the right honourable Baronet was Chief Secretary for Ireland, as it was at the present moment. He was desirous of making these observations in a manner as little offensive as pos-- Bible; bat he could not also help wishing that in June 1840 the right honourable Baronet had spoken a little more distinctly." Sir Robert Inglis concluded by declaring, that although, the meteor flag has been shattered and torn, the Protestant colours still remain at the mast- head; and he would fight as unflinchingly for them and under them as when in brighter days they waved unbent and untorn over our empire.

Several Conservative Members followed up the arguments advanced by Sir Robert Inglis, much in the same strain. Mr. PLusternu said, that the- parties opposed to the measure were not men of light minds, but some of the best in the country—men who, with their Bible before them, prayed to Heaven for guidance to a right judgment. They were men who held the Roman Catholic religion to be idolatrous: that was the ground they took, and which he joined with them in taking. Colonel SIBTHOILF was surprised, he would say disgusted, that such a measure should originate with a Protestant Minister of the Crown—one who had been educated at Oxford, and who, he was ashamed to add, had been the Representative of that University in Parliament— However, he rejoiced to think that the University was now much more effi- ciently represented, by Sir Robert Inglis; a man far more deserving of such an honour than the right honourable Baronet, —who had in his statement that re 'on than any individual who ever held his high office. night shown himself more regardless of and more indifferent to the interests of One Liberal spoke against the motion—Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE ; who opposed the measure on the same principle as that on which he had voted against church-rates, as an endowment of a church out of the taxes.

Many Liberal Members cordially supported the motion. Mr. Wants, who highly complimented Sir Robert Peel on his moral courage, would • divide in favour of the bill; though at a subsequent stage he should be obliged to put on record his conviction that it is not from the general taxa,

tion of the country thatthe increased grant should be made. Mr. RICHARD MONTESQUIEU BELLEW thanked Sir Robert Peel, not merely for the mea, sure itself, but for the language in which he conveyed the liberal and jut principles on which it was founded— It was impossible that such a measure should not have a good effect on the people of Ireland. The two people were approximating more and more every day: he hoped it was reserved for the right honourable Baronet to unite the two coun- tries by a greater degree of affection and regard than had hitherto existed.

Other Liberal Irish Members participated in this view. Mr. Swear, looked forward to a great progressive improvement of the Roman Catholic priesthood.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL supported the motion. He did not rest on the compact If it proved mischievous, or against the religious feelings of the

community, he did not see why the compact should restrain the House from putting an end to any allowance. He could understand those who refuse the grant altogether. But if you consent to the grant at all, then to say that you will not let the student having 221. receive 281., in order that his astronomy may be properly taught, his diet and comforts better, is no real ground of religious scruple. He regarded the measure as a step

towards a large and comprehensive scheme for the future payment of the Roman Catholic clergy ; and that was with him a consideration, not of resistance, but of concurrence- " The arguments, which are so sound, and, as I think, so incontrovertible, to induce this House to found an endowment for the education of the Roman Catho- lic priesthood, will prove upon another occasion as sound and as incontrovertible with respect to an endowment for the maintenance of that priesthood. (Loud cheers.) For my own part, preferring most strongly, and more and more by re- ' flection, a religious establishment to that which is called the voluntary principle, I am anxious to see the spiritual and religious instruction of the great majority of the people of Ireland endowed and maintained by a provision furnished by the; State."

He regretted that the feeling between the Irish and English people is not so good as could be wished. Had such a spirit as that now displayed been manifested in- 1825, when Lord Francis Egerton made a motion involving payment of the Catholic clergy, the difficulties of Ireland would have been removed—" at this moment you would no more be talking about agitation in Ireland than you would have been talking about agitation in Yorkshire or Middlesex:" Brit he should be happy if -Government were now begin- R.EGOING DEBATE. For the Bill (as amended)—Sir ey, Mr. Cowper, Mr. Brothertom Lord Francis Eger- raging interference.—Mr. Milner Gibson, Mr. Hume,

ning a different course; if, instead of " concession having reached its ut- most limits," there was now an endeavour to make a new beginning in a series of measures by which they might hope to unite the two countries in an enduring bond.

On a division, the motion was carried, by 216 to 114; majority for Ministers, 102.

SPEAKERS IN THE FOREGOING DEBATE. For the Enlargement of May- nooth—(Conservatives) Sir Robert Peel, Lord Francis Egerton, Viscount Standen, Mr. John Stuart Wortley; (Liberals) Captain Bernal Osborne, Mr. R. M. Bellew, Mr. Shell, Mr. Ward, the Earl of Arundel and Surrey, Lord John Russell. Against it—(Conservatives) Sir Robert Inglis, Mr. Law, Mr. Plumptre, Mr. Gumming Bruce, Mr. Grogan; (Liberal) Mr. Thomas Duncombe.

EMPLOYMENT OF CHILDREN AND WOMEN IN CALICO PRINT-WORKS. The second reading of Lord Ashley's Calico Print-works Bill having been moved, on Wednesday, Sir James GRAHAM rose to state under what modifications Government would concur in the measure.

He had caused the Factory Inspectors to assemble in London, and then he sent them down to their respective districts ; where they assembled the Sub-Inspectors, supplied each with a copy of the bill, and directed them to make extensive inqui- ries and communications among all the leading parties connected with these branches of industry in their respective districts. it James himself had received several deputations from the master-manufacturers, who are most deeply inte- rested in this measure; and he had also given close consideration to the subject. The result was, that unless the bill were considerably modified he must resist the second reading.

He first statedhis objections to the bill. The preamble of the bill referred only to the regulation of labour in calico print-works; but the interpretation-clause extended it to all, and even separate buildings where bleaching, dyeing, and calendering were carried on; a provision borrowed by analogy from the Factory Act, but inapplicable to the present case, for very few children are employed in the dyeing, bleaching, and carendering works. The provision in the third clause,which limited the hours of isboar for children employed in calicoprMlaworks to eight hours every dayand to twelve hours on alternate days, was altogether inapplicable to print-works. He had shown on a former occasion, that in these works labour is never continuous throughout the year: there are ' pushes " in the trade, which generally occur in

ring and in autumn, and afterwards the demand relaxes, and a "slack" occurs. g the time of a "push," every order requires to be executed with the least possible delay. This clause, therefore, could not be carried into effect without producing injury, not only to the employer of labour, but also to the adults and to the children employed.

He would now state the parts of the bill to which he would assent. He assented to the clause which prohibited the labour of children under eight years of age; and considered it wise and politic. He also assented to the prohibition of night- work, with reference to children of both sexes under thirteen years of age, and also with reference to women. He thought it right, however, that there should be a-single definition of the time "night-work," instead of the perplexing double one pro by Lord Ashley, for winter and for summer: he would define night to be the ars between nine o'clock in the evening and five in the morning. He should therefore propose that children between the ages of eight and thirteen should be at liberty to work at any time between five in the morning and nine at night. In practice, they never are required to work for sixteen hears. Some provision must be _made for the education of these children; and, as the period of intense demand for labour in these works is eight months out of the twelve, during which it is expedient to allow them to work day by day during the hours he had mentioned, he thought that some regulation should be introduced into the bill to secure them education during the other portion of the year. He should therefore propose, that for one hundred days in the year—fifty days in each half year—the children be- tween eight and thirteen years of age employed in these factories should attend a school for three or four hours each day, and that they should be provided with certificates of their attendance. He would make the bill a substantive measure, containing all necessary clauses applicable to print-works, and not referring, as it now did, to the Factory Act. With these alterations, he would cheerfully give his consent to the second reading. Lord .assirszy, apprised of Sir James Graham's intentions, had already taken the alternative offered into consideration. If the alterations were adopted, he should lose the protection which he wished to throw over the bleaching, dyeing, and calendering works, and the protection which he wished to give to children under thirteen years of age; for, though night- work was prohibited with reference to those children, they might still be worked for sixteen hours each day. On the other hand, he should obtain protection for them during the night, and he should obtain a prohibition of Bight-work not only for them but for women of all ages. That was the state of things on which he had to make his choice. On the one side he saw himself almost alone; on the other he saw the Government supported by the great mass of the master-manufacturers. The struggle was there- fore hopeless. Under such circumstances, though he reserved his own opinion and the right "of free action on this question hereafter, he would not worry the House with long and fruitless divisions in Committee, but Would accept the propositions of Government. He was rejoiced to have the cooperation of the employers in improving the condition of the work- ing-classes. He was delighted to find that he had on the present occasion the cooperation of such men as the Messrs. Neills of Manchester, Mr. Thompson of Clithero, the Lanes of Scotland, the Brices, and the Har- leaves of Accrington. He certainly would not two years ago have had those gentlemen cooperating with him; and he trusted he should yet have them aiding him in still more important measures.

Several Members made desultory remarks on the altered bill, some accepting it heartily; others reluctantly and disparagingly consenting to it.. Mr. MILNER GIBSON urged the paramount necessity of providing the working-classes with cheap food; and asked Lord Ashley, why he did not enforce education in the agricultural as well as the manufacturing districts—in Dorsetshire as well as in Lancashire? And Mr. HUME thought that little children tending sheep in the snow, in a piercing wind, as he had seen them within the last fourteen days, deserved protection as much as children in print-works.

In his reply, Lord ASHLEY read an extract of a letter from an opera- tive, to show the beneficial effects that have already arisen from legislation df the kind- " As regards the universal advantages that have arisen to children and young persons, there is no doubt whatever. In the very mill in which I work, the im- provement in the morals and manners of the children has been so great that I de- clare they do not appear to me to be the same race of human beings; and, from what I have seen; I believe that sooner than return to the old system, they would

one and all selves to any privation whatever." aasif second time, with the amendments; and ordered to

NEW POOR-LAW POE SCOTLAND In the House of Commons, on Wednesday, the Loan ADVOCATE intro- duced a bill for the better administration of poor-relief in Scotland; and he explained its nature.

The present state of the law of Scotland on this head, had been the subject of inquiry under a Commission issued in 1843. The Commissioners found a great deal of poverty and misery: the allowance to the poor is often very inadequate, especially in large towns and country parishes; the sums given being apportioned, not to the necessities of the pauper, but to the amount in the hands of the Kirk- Sessions. The law for the relief of the poor is regulated under the act passed by the Scottish Parliament in 1579, and the subsequent proclamation of William and Mary, issued in 1692, by which that act was recognized. The law makes pro.. vision for the aged and infirm—those who are wholly or partially disabled. The claim to relief is based on settlement; which may be acquired by birth, parentage, residence, or marriage; and settlement cannot be lost in one parish until acquired in another. The funds accrue from voluntary contributions made in every church, on every Sabbath, and from other voluntary contributions; and those not sufficing, an assessment may be made, without any limit as to amount. In the landward parishes, that are not boroughs or towns, the proprietors of the land, or heritors pay one-half of the assessment, and the other half is imposed on the inhabitants= the householders of the parish. The portion paid by the landowners is assessed according to the value of the land, and that paid by the householders is charged upon the principle of a property or income tax, according to the means and substance of the party who is called upon to pay; and the assessment is very fairly apportioned. In the towns, the administration of the law devolves nominally upon the Magi,- trates, who are responsible; but really, the duty devolves on the minister and elders of the parish, composing the Kirk-Sessions. In the landward parishes, the duty of administering the law belongs to the proprietors or heritors, and to the Kirk- Sessions. It is not prescribed by the act that the relief should be in any pars ticular form. A discretionary power is vested in every parish as to the amount of relief; but the Supreme Court of law has full authority to compel the parochial officers honestly to perform their duty. Since the law was framed, however, there have been material changes in the cir- cumstances of the people—large influx of poor into the great towns, total annihila- tion of the kelp-manufacture, and other changes. Nothing would excite greater alarm in Scotland than the introduction of the English Poor-law; because they feel that England has not yet arrived at anything like a satisfactory settlement of the Poor-law question. It must also be remembered, that in Scotland there is not the same wealth as in England. And indeed, nothing more is wanted than to.pro- vide that relief should be given according to the condition of the parties requiring it. He would accordingly relieve the pauper from some difficulties in the way of his obtaining aid. No parish is bound to provide relief except that in which the pauper has a legal settlement; which maybe distant from his abode. He would give the pauper a right against the parish in which he might be found; throwing upon the parish the onus of proving the settlement. Should the parish refuse to entertain the application, the pauper has an appeal to the Supreme Court,—a dirt- tent, expensive, and tedious remedy. He proposed that, in the first place, a local judge, the Sheriff of the county, should decide upon the claim; giving to the parish an appeal to a higher tribunal. A parish-officer should be appointed to keep a .register, not only of persons relieved, but of all who claim relief. In accordance with a recommendation made by the Committee, he would establish a Central Board of Supervision at Edinburgh, consisting of nine members. Of these he pro- posed that three should be a e. ted by the Crown; one of them to be paid for the performance of the duty to devolved upon hini; the other two to be selected, from those who would naturally be expected to take an interest in the manage- ment and welfare of the poor. Besides these three, he proposed to constitute six ex officio members of the Board,—the Lord Provost of Edinburgh, the Lord Provost of Glasgow, and the. Solicitor-General for the time being' and the Sheriffs of three of the most important .Scotch counties, Perth, Ross, and, Renfrew ; proposing, also, in the case of these three latter gentlemen, to reward their services by a small addition to their regular salaries. aIf the Parochial Board should give to any pauper aliment which he deemed insuf- ficient, the pauper should state it to the Board of Supervision. If the Board should concur with the Parochial Board in considering it sufficient, that judgment should be held conclusive: but if the Board of Supervision shonld think that in- justice had been done the pauper,. then he proposed that their opinion should be sufficient to enable him to plead in ,forma pauperis before the Court of Session; and in the mean time the Board of Supervision should determine what amount of relief the pauper should receive until his litigation with the parish was deter- mined. We proposed, too, that the Board should have the power of inquiring and investigating, generally, into all matters connected with the administration of the Poor-law in all the districts of Scotland. As to local Boards, he proposed, in regard to landward parishes, when such parishes resolved on self-assessment, that, in addition to the heritors and Kirk-Session, there should be associated with them in the management of the funds representatives chosen by the rate-payers. The local Board would thus be coinpoe. of the heritors, the Kirk Session, and repre- sentatives chosen by the rate-payers. To facilitate the questions of settlement, all the parishes of any town or Parliamentary district should be formed into a combination of parishes, a settlement in the district being equivalent to a settle- ment in any place itself; which would also have the advantage of equalizing the burden by uniting the richer with the poorer parts of a town. He would extend the period of residence for obtaining a settlement from three to seven years. He also proposed to give to towns, permissively, a power of erecting poor-houses for the accommodation of their paupers; and to require that pauper. lunatics should be sent to some kind of asylum. Such were the principal provisions of the bill; which he hoped secure would secu constant attention to the condition of the pauper, and redress against wrongful refusal of relief.

Lord DALMENY expressed satisfaction at the introduction of the mea- sure, though doubting the expediency of some details. Mr. -Ersacis thought that a compulsory assessment would be needed: but it was depre- cated by Mr. HUME and Mr. HAWES. Mr. FITZ8TEPHEN FRENCH com- plained that Irish lunatics were neglected. On which Sir JAMES GRAHAM said, he hoped that in its administration the Irish Poor-law would progres- sively be rendered more conducive to the comfort of the people. Leave was given to bring in the bill; which was read a first time.

NAVY AND ARMY ESTIMATES; RIGHT OF SEARCH.

The House of Commons, on Monday, went into Committee, of Supply on the Navy Estimates. Mr. CORRY had just begun his statement, when . he was interrupted by Mr. WAKLEY, who then entered the House; having given notice of an amendment on the order of the day, relating to the subject of opening letters at the Post-office. The interrupter, however,• was called to order, and the regular business proceeded. Mr. CORRY' entered into a detailed statement, particularly explaining the necessity of an increase in various items. The number of men proposed was' 40,000-4,000 more than the number in the last estimates; but in the three stations alone of China, Africa, and the Pacific, there are now required 6,000 more men than in 1841; and the Board of Admiralty are very sensible how important it is to form a home. squadron, for carrying out ex- periments with reference to the comparative qualities of war-ships; their in- tentions on that head having been frustrated only by the demand for men on distant stations. By a redistribution of corps, without any increase.of

men, two companies of Marine Artillery will be reestablished; a step ren- dered necessary by the increase of steam-vessels. Great part of the in- crease arises from the activity in buying materials for steam-vessels, build- ing, and forming steam-basins at Portsmouth and Plymouth, while extending that at Woolwich. The total increase in the estimates is 636,0721.; of which 383,0001. is for steam. Mr. Corry concluded by moving the first vote of 40,000 seamen and marines, including 2,000 boys.

Mr. WAKLEY again interposed; complaining of the sharp practice which had intercepted his motion, by going into Committee while he was absent for a short time; and he moved that the Chairman do report progress. Sir ROBERT PEEL hoped that Mr. Wakley would not persevere. There had for some time been a general understanding that public business should begin at half-past four o'clock; and the Speaker had waited five minutes. Mr. WAKLEY, though still thinking it sharp practice, withdrew his motion. Sir CHARLES NAPIER also complained of the sharp practice, which tad intercepted his motion for a Commission to inquire into the state of the Navy; and he passed on to a minute criticism of a number of ships that he mentioned by name. He renewed his attack upon the Queen, which would not steer, and has been sent into Chatham docks to have a bustle put upon her; and she was so constructed that she could not fire a single gun out of her stern-ports without risk of setting herself in a blaze. There is no limit to the breadth given in the construction of vessels. The Royal Albert is sixteen feet longer and a foot broader than the Queen: where are we to get men to furl their sails? We shall be obliged to go to the planet Saturn and get some of the fellows said to be two feet between the eyes. (Great laughter.) With like minuteness he passed strictures upon the steam- navy— Before voting more money for this class of ships, the House ought to have an assurance that the Government would choose some scientific men, well versed in steam, to point out the manner in which those ships ought to be built, in order to avoid the errors committed up to this time. But he found, whether he moved for an address to the Queen or a Committee, one course was rejected as irregular, and another as unconstitutional: and it was the same with every Government— they all fancied the naval talent of the country centered in their own body, and objected to any interference; and then honourable Members thought they must support the Minister. It was true, some honourable gentlemen opposite were not always satisfied and content; when there was a question about introducing grease and lard they got up and opposed Ministers; but now that hundreds of thousands were to be voted away, not one of them was likely to give him the smallest sup- port. But those hanourable gentlemen were not worse than his honourable friends near him, who had a fellow-feeling for the occupants of the Admiralty Office, and almost always walked out of the House when questions of this kind were discussed.

In place of moving himself for a Commission to ascertain whether the system acted upon is the best or not, Sir Charles suggested that Government should spontaneously appoint such a Commission.

Sir GEORGE Coorstritis followed Sir Charles Napier's criticisms with a detailed defence of the present Administration. It should be remembered that many steam-ships were built before that kind of structure was very well understood; and but few have been built since the present Government entered office—four large ships and forty smaller vessels. Government are endeavouring to ascertain whether they cannot apply the Archimedean screw to all steam-frigates, as it is attended with the advantage of having the, machinery under water. There is also another experiment, the in- vention of Lord Dundonald, of the rotatory engine; and if that answers it would certainly be very convenient. Sir George mentioned several in- stances of successes in the war, to show that English vessels had excelled Trench vessels in sailing. It was remarked that England was the only nation that had no scientific board to teach the proper construction of ves- sels: the Admiralty, admitting the importance of such an institution, established the School of Naval Architecture, which existed for a con- siderable time; but in regard to shipping, it was extraordinary that, with all the efforts made to induce persons to establish the best form and the best description of ships, it was difficult to find any principle that could be called the best.

Several professional Members joined in the debate, reiterating these cri- ticisms of detail or vindicating the Administration.

Mr. HUME objected to the increase of the Navy in a time of peace. Was it on account of the. United States of America that the addition was to be made? (" Hear, hear! ") He admitted that if the language of the members of Congress was to be taken as any indication of the feelings of the Government, there might be some cause for apprehension. ("Hear, hear! ") A more unprin- cipled set did not exist on the face of the earth. (Laughter.) But he hoped that a better spirit actuated those who had the direction of the Executiverower, and that there was no real cause to fear any interruption of harmony. ("Hear!") A. greater calamity could not happen than a war between that country and our own. The inhabitants of both were of the same race; and what the one nation wanted it was in the power of the other to supply.

He moved as an amendment, that the number of men voted be 36,000.

Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT reiterated the reasons formerly given by Sir Ro- bertPeel, in his financial statement, for the increase of the Navy Estimates. An increase was required in the vicinity of China, for the protection of com- merce; on the coast of Borneo, for the suppression of piracy; and in the Pacific, on account of the extremely unsettled state of the countries in South America. An increase of not less than between 6,000 and 7,000 men Was thus demanded, chiefly to secure commercial objects.

. Ultimately, Mr. HUME declined to divide the House, and withdrew his motion.

Lord PALMERSTON turned the debate upon the right of search; first, however, censuring Government for having, in reliance on excessive conci- liation of foreign powers, greatly reduced the naval and military establish- ments of the country, though the Speeches from the Throne both in England and France show that we had been on the verge of a serious rupture with that nation As one of the grounds to justify the increase of the naval estimates, Sir Robert Peel had mentioned the augmentation of the force on the West coast of Africa for the suppression of the slave-trade; but Minis- ters own acts have stultified that pretext. " The present Government, I may say without exaggeration, turned out its predecesmrs and came into power on the pretence of a desire to extinguish the slave-trade. Do not admit Brazilian sugar,' said they, ' for such an importation must give encouragement to the slave-trade.' Well, Sir, what happened? The very first thing they did after they came into power was to acquiesce in the refusal of France to ratify the treaty for the suppression of the slave-trade. Here is certainly an inconsistency. When asked to encourage commerce and give a scope to native industry by a greater importation of foreign sugar, then they told you that they were appreheninve you would thereby encourage the slave-trade: but when the question is as to maintaining the powers absolutely necessary for its suppression, then, either from some motive of their home policy, or from a desire for the easi- ness of other Governments, they throw to the winds everything which their pre- decessors considered essential to accomplish that object." To show that he was not the only person who thought the right of search essential to the suppression of the slave-trade, Lord Palmerston read official correspondence which passed ha- mediately after the war, and in which the necessity of obtaining the right was urged by Lord Castlereagh and the Duke of Wellington. " The moment you cancel the mutual right of search with France, you reduce your squadron on the coast of Africa to a state of complete inefficiency and imbecility; and, consNuently, the Government having virtually given up the mutual right of search with France, are acting in a manner totally inconsistent with their own declarations, and are now founding an augmentation of the Navy on grounds utterly and entirely fallacious. He placed no confidence in the Joint Commission appointed to inquire into the subject: for the Commissioners have not the discretion to determine whether this or that measure shall be substituted for the right of search: they are required to find some measure equivalent or nearly so, and the Government decide for them, that pending that experiment the right of search shall be placed in abeyance; and any child may see, if that right of search is suspended by the mutual consent of the two parties, it cannot be revived without the mutual consent of the two parties, and for all practical purposes it is entirely done awayy. Thus the weak ness of Government leads them from one step to another. First, the treaty of 1841 between the Five Powers was signed by a satisfactory authority from M. Guizot; who himself negotiated the treaty in this country, ardently supporting it in the conference, and indeed proposing it to the Ambassadors of the great powers. In six weeks afterwards, he turned round and refused the ratification. Govern- ment allowed that breach of international usage and good faith. That breach of good faith passed altogether without remonstrance. The French Chambers, in- s ted by this weakness, immediately encouraged M. Guizot to demand the can- celiing of the treaties of 1831 and 1833. M. Ginza replied, that such a proposition would be contumeliously rejected. But then came the Ashburton capitulation: there were concessions to France on the affairs of Spain; surrenders -here, sur- renders there; and M. Guizot—finding he had to do with men who, to use the ex- pression employed by my honourable friend the Member for Finsbury, were made of squeezable materials—said next session. Guizot now thought that he might negotiate: he did so, and successfully.. " This Government, out of com- plaisance to a foreign power, and to maintain in his post a foreign minister some six months longer than he might otherwise remain—to catch, in fact, a few stray votes for him in the Chamber of Deputies—are going to sacrifice all those prin- ciples which this Parliament and nation have for years held most sacred, and to condemn the innocent and unoffending inhabitants of Africa to an increase of those atrocities which necessarily accompany the slave-trade. Sir, I shall only say, if they pursue that course, it will be for all men to determine, and I shall leave them to choose, whether they are more justly chargeable with the most miserable weakness or the most hateful and detestable falsity." Sir ROBERT PEEL agreed that science ought to be invoked in aid of practical ship-building; but he could not see any advantage in superseding the authority of the Board of Admiralty, by appointink a separate Com- mission. He stated a fact to prove the sincerity of his desire for naval hu- provements—

He had invited Sir Charles Napier himself to make suggestions; and had offered to place a steam-vessel at his disposal to make the experiments which he is so anxious to make, and which his knowledge and experience so well enable him to

superintend. [ Sir Gimmes Naroza—" I've been trying fort this last twenty to get that."] "Yes; and you have got it now, and this Board of Ad-

miralty. The gallant officer comes to this Board of Admiralty, to which he is opposed in polities; and so little prejudice is there against him, that he is told he. shall have an opportunity of trying his experiments in every way most suitable to himself."

He dared Lord Palmerston to bring his views with respect to the right of search to the test of the declaration of opinion by the House. The noble Lord would not even put his own opinion on record. Perhaps he re- membered the issue of his harmless motion for papers respecting the " Ash- burton capitulations"; and now he would not even trust himself to move for papers, but made his observations on the Navy Estimates, when there was no opportunity of meeting them with a direct negative No doubt, Minis- ters had not thought it discreditable to avow a desire of maintaining peace; but that language did not incapacitate them from vindicating the honour of the country whenever it should be assailed. It is, no doubt, to be re- gretted that a public feeling in France should paralyze the efforts to sup- press the slave-trade by means of the right of search; but the efficacy of that means must mainly depend on the cordiality with which it is exercised by both powers.

,

The noble Lord must know, that in cases where a country is not very willing to act upon treaties that are not remarkably specific, there are plenty of oppor- tunities for evadin,,e them. There is a strong disinclination on the part of France to the exercise of this treaty. When did that disinclination arise? Immediately after the Syrian campaign m 1840; and the noble Lord was the Minister of Fe- reign Affairs at the period when that disinclination first manifested itself. We never heard of a disinclination in 1836, 1837, 1838, or 1839, to the right of search: but there did occur—I will not now enter into the question of who is to blame—there did occur in 1840 an interruption to our amicable relations with France; and it was that interruption, and no inherent opposition to the right of search, which led first to a vete of the Chambers, then to a non-ratification of the treaty, and then to a general expression of public feeling in France in favour of' some other mode of suppressing the slave-trade. We are not to blame for that." The right of search has not been suspended: two eminent men, the Due De Broglie and Dr. Lushington, have it now under consideration. Both are deeply interested in the suppression of the slave-trade. " Dr. Lushington cannot, cer- tainly, be charged with any object tending to promote the interests of the present Government Dr.Lushington saw that the right of search had become ineffective, and only consented to accept of the duty in which he is now engaged in the earnest hope, and also in the belief, that it was possible to devise some more effectual mode to put an end to the slave-trade. If a substitute can be found, then our stipulation with France is, that during the experiment the right of search shall be suspended—not absolutely abandoned, but suspended—until it shall be shown by experience whether the new measure be equally efficacious or not And if some other mode can be substituted, and if France should consent to keep a very large naval force upon the coast of Africa, cordially acting in connexion with us, and determined to make an effort for the suppression of the slave-trade, with- out any limit to the expense, my belief is that it would be a more efficacious in- strument than the right of search as it at present exists." Lord Joni; RUSSELL supported Lord Palmerston's animadversions, both on the subject of the right of search and of the Ashburton treaty. He contended, that if the right of search be given up, it must be upon the political grounds; and that a question hinging upon political considerations ought not to have been referred to a Commission, but ought to have been discussed between the two Governments. Referring to the Ashburton treaty, he especially condemned the cession of the Madawaska settlements; and to show that that was not a mere party opinion, he mentioned a fact-

" It did so happen that I gave directions to Lord Sydenham to conclude a con- vention with the American Executive, by which both parties should bold what they possessed. Shortly before leaving office, Lord Sydenbam wrote to say that -he had nearly come to an agreement, when Mr. Webster asked for the Madawaska . settlement, on the right bank of the St. John: to that demand Lord Sydenham .said he never could consent; the negotiation was in consequence broken off."

The vote was agreed to, and the House resumed; the Committee to sit - again on Wednesday.

SPEAKERS IN THE FOREGOING DEBATE. Is support o Berkeley, the Naval Ad- wdntitration—Mr. Corry, Sir George Cockburn, Captain erkeley Admiral Bowles, Captain Pechell, Captain Carnegie, Mr. Sidney Herbert. A ouriladvertiaq on the Naval Administration—Sir Charles Napier, Captain Rona, Lord Ingestre. Urging economy—Mr. Home, Mr. William Williams. Censuring Ministers on themght of search question—Lord Palmerston, Lord John Russell. In support of Mtnisters--Sir Robert Peel.

In Committee again, on Wednesday, the House voted 100,011 men for • the Army, without discussion, in order to facilitate the passing of the Mutiny Bill, which expires on the 22d instant; the discussion on the Army Estimates to be taken at a subsequent sitting in Committee of Supply.

LORD ASHBURTON AND HIS ASSAILANTS.

At the reassembling of the House of Lords on Thursday, Lord Atm- BvaTOx noticed some incidental criticisms on his treaty, put forth in the debate on the Navy Estimates. He remarked that all men have different temperaments by nature, and it is the nature of Lord Palmerston to show . a flippancy most unfortunate for this country. The Marquis of LANS- DOWNE called his noble friend to order; deprecating such personal allusions. Lord Ainthowrox obeyed the admonition, and proceeded with his explana- tion.

He was especially blamed for having ceded the Madawaska settlement. That settlement is a straggling village on both sides of the St. John River; and the part on the Southern bank has been ceded to the United States. But those who - now blame that cession had themselves positively offered to do the same thing. Lord Palmerston over and over again offered to give up that settlement to the • United States. The King of Holland's award, which took the river for the boundary, gave the Southern part of the settlement to the United States; and Lord Pal- merston pressed the fulfilment of that award. That award, however, gave every bad line of boundary for this country; enabling the United States to command the whole passage of the St. Lawrence from the heights on the right bank. Sub-

nently, the 1King of Holland's award having blown over, Lord Palmerston offend to divide the territory equally; which would have sacrificed the Ma- ' dawaska settlement. Lord John Russell stated in the House of Commons 'that Lord Sydenham had negotiated a treaty with Mr. Webster, and that the negotiations were broken off because Lord Sydenham refused to give up the settlement. Of coarse Lord John, for whom Lord Ashburton has a sincere re- spect, is incapable of knowingly stating an untruth; but, whether he dreamed it,

• or took it on light authority, there is in fact no foundation for the statement— there was no treaty, no negotiation between Lord Sydenham and Mr. Webster. Lord Palmerston said that the present Government let the United States out of a treaty" to cooperate with them for the suppression of the slave-trade: Lord Palmerston himself " let the United States out of a treaty," in 1824 or 1826, by refusing a reasonable verbal amendment in a treaty which the Senate would -otherwise have ratified, and which granted the mutual right of search.

LETTER-OPENING AT THE POST-OFFICE.

In the House of Commons, on Tuesday, Mr. Smut moved the following resolution-

" That this House has learned with regret, that, with a view to the prevention of a political movement in Italy, and more especially in the Papal States, letters addressed to a foreigner, which had-no relation to the internal'franquitlity of the United Kingdom, should have been opened under a warrant bearing date the 1st day of March, and cancelled on the 3d day of June 1844, and that theels:formation obtained by such means should have been communicated to a ForeignFewer."

Mr. Shell did not intend to make the fatalities which happened in Cala- bria the grounds of imputation: he believed every word which had been stated by Lord Aberdeen on that subject—that the Earl had not seen the letters of Emilio and Attilio Bandiera, written at Corfu: but the actual descent upon Calabria and the prospective movement in the Papal States are distinct; the scaffolds of Cosenza and of Bologna are unconnected. And the case of Mazzini is even stronger than the Duncombe case. He is an exile in a cause once deemed a noble one.

"In 1814, England called on Italy to rise. The English Government it then suited their purpose) invoked the Venetian, and the Genoese, and the Tuscan, and the Roman, and the Calabrian, to combine for the liberation of their country. Proclamations (1 have one of them before me) were issued, in which sentiments were expressed for which Mazzini is an exile, and for which the Bandieras died. -Botta, the Italian historian, tells us that Lord William Bentinck and Sir Robert Wilson, acting by the authority of the English Government, caused a banner to be unfurled, on which was inscribed The Independence of Italy'; and two bands - were represented clasped together, as a symbol of the union in which all Italians were invited by the English Government to combine. How badly have we acted towards Italy! When our purpose had been served, after having administered these provocatives—after having drugged Italy with provocatives—we turned suddenly round; we surrendered Italy to a domination worse than that of Napo- leon, and transferred to Austria the iron crown. But the spirit of nationality did not expire: it remained, and a long time, dormant; but it was not dead. After the revolution in France of 1830, and the revolution in England in 1831, a reform of abuses—of proved abuses—was demanded in the Ecclesiastical States. It was denied; and an insurrection was the consequence. It was suppressed; and Mazzini, who was engaged in it, was compelled to fly from Italy, bearing the love of Italy, the malady of exile, in his heart. In the appendix to Louis .131anc's History of the Ten Years is a remarkable letter by Sir Hamilton Seymour, who belonged to the Legation at Florence, and whom Lord Palmerston directed to proceed to Rome, with a view, in concert with the representatives of the Four Great Powers, to induce the Papal Government to adopt such reforms as would prevent any popular outbreak, from which consequences prejudicial to the peace of Italy might be apprehended. Sir James Graham was then a colleague of Lord Palmerston's, and no doubt sanctioned its instructions. When the Secretary for the Home De- partment signed a warrant for the opening of Mazzini's letters, did he revert to that document; and did he suggest to the Austrian or the Roman Court the adop- tion of the salutary ameliorations by which alone the tranquillity of Italy can be - named?"

The redress of grievances in Rome was refused; and in 1844 a conjura- tion was made for an insurrectionary movement. The Austrian Govern- ment was apprized of it; a communication was made to the British Go- vernment, and the Secretary of State for the Home Department signed a warrant for the opening of Mr. Mazzini's letters. Lord Aberdeen has made the remarkable declaration that the warrant was not issued by his desire; and Mr. Shell was anxious to know what induced Sr James Graham to take upon himself this painful office. " Is it that, although the temporal dr unions of the Pope are connected exclusively with Lord Aberdeen';

-merit, an exceedingly interesting and agitated portion of the spiritual

ions of his Holiness is within the more immediate surveillance of the : Secretary?" The Committee to whom the case was referred were men of great intelligent* and of the highest worth and honour; but they were not inquisitors—no, not one of them was fit to act as a Commissioner of the In- come-tax—and they have made a mystery of the ease. They said that no information was given to the "Foreign Power" which could implicate any individual within the reach of that Foreign Power; but the information might be transmitted, at second hand, to some other Foreign Power—from Austria, for instance, to Rome, within whose reach persons at Bologna would he. No names may have been given; but put a bloodhound of the Italian police on the track, let him but smell the vestige of a Liberal, and with a san- guinary instinct he will scent his victim to the death. Whatever be. he opinion of the Committee, there are two facts beyond doubt,—first, that the Italian newspapers boasted that Mazzini was under the peculiar surveillance of the English police: and, secondly, that six weeks after the letters were opened, six men were put to death for political offences at Bologna. Of the blbod shed in Calabria Ministers are wholly innocent; and Mr. Shell trusted that with the blood shed in Bologna the hands of no British Minister are aspersed. It was said in extenuation, not.that the inhabitants of Romagna suffer no monstrous grievances, but that there would be an outbreak, and Austrian troops would be marched into the Papal States: the Ministers of this country would not submit to dishonour to prevent the certainty of . a war; yet here they are incurring dishonour to evade a chance of war! If Mr. Mazzini had been warned that his letters had been opened and that Government knew what he was about, the offence would not have beenao grievous: but his letters were closed again; with an ignominious dexterity they were refolded, and they were resealed; and it is not an exaggeration to say that the honour of this country was tarnished by every drop of that molten wax with which an untruth was impressed upon them.

Sir James Gasnast testified to the truth of Lord Aberdeen's statement as to his ignorance of letters written by the brothers Bandiera at Comfit Sir James was not ignorant of the proclamation issued in 1814, when he had the high honour of serving on the staff of Lord William Bentinck: Mita must be remembered that that was before the close of the Congress of Vienna, when the peace of Europe was settled by solemn treaties, which have since been religiously observed. He gave some further explanation respecting the issue of the warrant. In October 1843, he was the only one of the three Secretaries of State remaining in town, and he did duty for the other two; which brought him into communication with the Foreign Ministers. In August 1843, Lord Holland, the British Minister at Florence, had men- tioned disturbances at Bologna, which he believed to be connected with a

general movement throughout Italy. In October, Baron Nietunann waited upon Sir James Graham, represented the disturbances, to be of rather. a

formidable character, and endeavoured to persuade Sir James that certain inflammatory publications emanating from the press at Malta ought to be suppressed. Sir James Graham replied, that the freedom of the press at Malta must be respected. Baron Nieureann went on to complain that the centre of the revolutionary movements in Italy was Mr. Mazzini, then resident in London, editor of a newspaper called La Giovane

and formerly (in 1831) the head of a society bearing that name, at Mar- seilles. In.1833, three Italian refugees were assassinated at Rodez in ,the

South of France; and the Monitor,- of 7th June 1833 published a sentence

of death naming those and two other persons, purporting to emanate from a secret society at Marseilles, and signed " Mazzini, President." Expelled

from France, Mr. Mazzini repaired to Geneva; where he commenced a series of plots against the peace of Savoy. Mr. Mazzini therefore was a dangerous person: Sir James frankly confessed that he issued the warrant to open his letters; and that he afterwards persuaded Lord Aberdeen that, under the direction of Mr. Mazzini, London was the centre of a great movement with respect to Italy, which endangered the peace of- Europe. Sir James here repeated Lord Aberdeen's assurance that no portion of the correspondence was communicated- to any Government except Austria, and that nothing was communicated'to endanger any individual. To show that/Government had strictly followed precedents inforwarding the original letters, Sir

Graham quoted warrants issued by the Duke of Newcastle and,idr. Charles Fox, directing that letters should be opened and " copies "-tent to the'-Mi-

nister issuing the warrant. Some such power isnabsohitely essential to safety in a country which is; like England, a common sink for the outcasts of Europe.

Mr. THOMAS Dirnamenz rebutted the -calumnies, levelled against? Mr.

Mazzini. The death-warrant signed " Mazzini" was a notorious forgam in a bad style, half Italian and half French, and full of grammatical errors, such as could not have been written by a man of high literary reputation

like Mr. Mazzini; who at once denounced the calumny in the Gazette‘ des Tribunaux. At the trial of Gavioli, the assassin who was convicted, the jury pronounced him to have no accomplices; being satisfied that no secret tribunal existed. Mr. Mazzini prosecuted a local paper for defamation; but was foiled through the impudent defence set up by the libeller, that there was more than one " Mazzini" in the world, and that he could not poreibly be the one indicated, as all admitted him to be a man of the highest moral integrity. -. La Cecilia, an Italian, whose name was appended to the docu- ment as $' Secretary," was neither arrested nor interrogated, and, instill living in France, openly supported by the grants of the French Chambers for exiles. Mr. Duncombe insisted on the necessity for further inquiry even with respect to the Corfu affair. Give him the opportunity, and he would prove that letters from Corfu, though not bearing the post-markrof that place, had been opened at the Post-office.

Mr. WARBURTON stated, that no attack had been made on the character of Mr. Mevvini before the Committee.

On a division, the motion was negatived, by 52 to 38.

GLass DUTIES. In Committee on the Excise Acts, on Tuesday, the House of Commons adopted resolutions, proposed by Mr. GOULBURN, for repealing the duty on glass. SANATORY IMPROVEMENTS IN IRELAND AND SCOTLAND. Inreply to Mr STAFFORD O'BRIEN, on Tuesday, the Earl of LINCOLN said, he hoped that the amatory measures to beintroduced by Government might be extended both to Ireland and Scotland.

PREVENTION OF SMOKE. Mr. Mackinnon's Smoke Prohibition Bill was read a second time on Wednesday, and referred to a Select Committee; it being understood, that if a similar law incorporated in the Government measure for the improvement of large towns were introduced, Mr. Mackinnon would not proceed with his bilL

PROTECTION FOR WORKS OF ART. On Wednesday, the Public Museums Bill went through Committee pro forma, in order to material amendments pro- posed by Sir JAMES GRAHAM, for extending its provisions to all works of art and science, in private as well as public collections, or, in short, wheresoever.found.

ILLEGAL COMMITTAL FOR NONPAYMENT OF. POOR-RATES. 011,WINIESS.

Say; Sir Jame HASTHOPE drew attention to petitions which he had presented from two poor persons who had _been committed to Leicester Gaol for nonpayment of poor-rates. Thomas Lakin, a very poor man with a wife and four children, was in default to the amount of 5s. 4d. Anne Ward, a widow with four children, was summoned for 3s. 4d This was a very aggravated case; for the woman was not a householder, bat_lodged. with a daughter. In each case, some benevolent individual paid the rate, and the prisoner was released. But both Lakin and Ward were again summoned for the costs, which in the man's instance amounted to 20e. They were not taken before any Magistrate; but when they presented themselves, they were asked by a Policeman whether they had the money ; not having it, they were told that they must go to prison ;and committed they actually were, for one month, by the Magistrates, Mr. Cresswell and Mr. Abney. Sir John asked whether the Home Secretary had learned the truth of these statements, and taken steps to release Lakin and Ward? Sir JAMES GRAHAM replied, that he had called for an ex- planation, and it was by no means satisfactory. The imprisonment of the two persons was not legal,—in the first place, because they had not been allowed to come before the Bench; and secondly, because the commitment ought to bear on the face of it that it was for poor-rate and costs too, whereas in these cases there was only a warrant of imprisonment for the rates. It would be his duty to ad- vise the Queen to release the parties; and he was sorry that he had not known of She facts sooner, for the month's term of imprisonment would expire on Friday next. Mr. THOMAS BUNCOMBE asked what redress these poor people would have, and whether the Magistrates would be dismissed? Sir James GRAHAM said, that the Magistrates would probably have an opportunity of justifying their conduct in a court of law, and therefore any threat of that kind would not be advisable. • Mr. PACKE, as Chairman of' the Quarter-Sessions, bore testimony to the upright character of the two Magistrates. Sir Jolts EASTHOPE expressed himself quite satisfied with Sir James Graham's statement. NEW ZEALAND. Mr. CHARLES BULLER has fixed his motion on the state of the New Zealand Colony and the case of the New Zealand Company for the 15th instant. On Tuesday, Mr. ACTIONBY referred to a letter by a Mr. Carrington, men- tioned in the Times newspaper of that day. Mr. Carrington gave evidence before the New Zealand Committee of last year; and he asserted, that after he had been examined one day Mr. Aglionby, a member of the Committee, had an interview with him at New Zealand House, and induced him to modify hissubsequent evidence. Mr; Aglionby said that he should take an early opportunity of bringing the charge before the House; but for the present he would only say, that there was not the slightest foundation for the charge brought against him. COLONIAL ACCOUNTS. In the House of Commons, on Tuesday, Dr. Bowman drew attention to the anomalous state of the financial accounts transmitted from the Colonies. There are forty-one Colonies belonging to this country. The popu- lation of these Colonies is upwards of five millions; the imports from them into this country are between ten and eleven millions, while the exports to the Colonies amount to seventeen millions; nearly all of which is British produce. Not fewer than 8,000 vessels are employed in the trade of the Colonies, the tonnage of which is 900,000 tons. No systematic accounts are laid before the House respecting the receipts or expenditure of these Colonies. There is no such thing as uni- formity of system- in the mode of keeping the Colonial accounts, but a different plan is adopted in each colony. The latest accounts come down to 1844; from many colonies there are no accounts later than 1843 or 1842; from some not later than 1840; from Newfoundland none at all. The accounts of all the Colonies are in arrear; the accounts of many have not been audited for five, six, seven, eight, or even eleven years. He moved for a Select Committee to investigate the mode of keeping the Colonial accounts. Mr. HOPE did not object to the Committee; and the motion was affirmed.