rthatts nth rurrtinugo iu Varttamtut.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEEK.

Horse off Loans. Monday, March 31. Chancery Reform Measures of the Go- vernment, criticized by Lord Lyndhurst. Tuesday, April I. Royal Assent, by Commission, to the Consolidated Fund Bill, Appointment of a Vice-Chancellor Bill, Commons Enclosure Bill, and Passengers Act Amendment Bill—Ceylon ; Lord Torrington's Defence, Thursday, April 3. Burial Service refused to a Dissenting Minister, by the Rev. Mr. Kenrick of Chichester—County Courts Further Extension Bill; Motion for Committee opposed by Lord Chancellor; opposition withdrawn, and further discus- sion adjourned till Monday. . Friday, April 4. No business of interest. HOUSE OF COMIONS. Saturday, March 29. A noon sitting, to receive the Supply report, and transact some routine business. Monday, March 31. St. Alban's Election ; Speaker's Warrant evaded by Wit- nesses—Roman Catholic Prelates in the Colonies—Caffre Tribes; Lord John Rus- sell's Motion postponed till 10th April—Supply; Army and Ordnance Estimates voted—Ecclesiastical Titles Assumption Bill ; Committee fixed for 2d May. Tuesday, April 1. Foreign Refugees in England ; Statement by Sir George Grey- Farm-Building Money Advances ; leave for a Bill given to Mr. Baillie Cochrane— Patents; Returns of Expense moved by Colonel Sibthorp, and negatived—Supply Report received, and agreed to—Mutiny Bills passed through Committee—Medical Charities (Ireland) Bill, read a second time—Acts of Parliament Abbreviation Act Repeal Bill, read a second time.

Wednesday, April 2. Compound Householders Bill, considered in Committee— Mr. Locke King's County Franchise Bill; second reading opposed by Ministers, and negatived by 299 to 83—Railway Audit Bill, read a second time. Thursday, April 3. Aylesbury Election Committee; Mr. Calvert unseated for Treating—Cape of Good Hope Legislative Council—Ceylon ; Mr. Baillie's Motion to he renewed the earliest day after the recess—East India Company ; Mr. Anstey's Motion for a Commission of Inquiry before the Act of 1833 be renewed, debated and withdrawn—Jewish Disabilities; Lord John Russell's Resolution for a Bill, passed by 166 to 98. Friday, April 4. The amended Budget ; Sir Charles Wood's Statement—Acts of Parliament Abbreviation Act Amendment Bill, passed through Committee.

TIME- TABLE.

The Lords. The COMMOM.

Hour of Hour of Hour of Hour of

Meeting. Adjournment. Meeting. Adjournment, Monday 51t .., 7h in Saturday Noon .... 1211 15m Tuesday as 15m Monday 4h (sn) lb 15m Wednesday No Spin Tuesday 45 75 15m

Thursday 7 45m Wednesday Noon .... Ms 511m

Friday 5h 611 in Thursday 45 .... 12h 30m Friday 45 .... 121i 15m Sittings this 'Week, 6 ; Time, 3211 21m — this Session, 30; - 2385 sal Sittings this Week, 4; Time, in --- this Saigon. 36; — 605. 30m

THE PROPOSED CHANCEIM6 ILMMOESIt MEASURES.

An irregular discussion of much interest wow raised in the House of PoWeren MoudItr,i by Lord 1Gronmonsx,, in sefiErence to the Government measures for Chancery Reform so far aa they are known or can be sur- misect.

loud' Lyndhnrat began, by observing, that from the Votes of the Commons it appears that a measure hae been introduced' into that House for regu- lating the mode of conducting business in the Court of Chancery, and affect- ing the duties and privileges of the Lord Chancellor : and from other sources of information he had learned, that a bill was about to be introduced into their Lordships' House affecting the appellate jurisdiction possessed by their Lordship; and intended to regulate still further the business of the Court of Chancery, as well as the duties of the Lord Chancellor. How did their Lordships propose to themselves advantageously to discuss a measure consist- ing of two parts, one being already under the consideration of the House of Commons, and the other not yet brought into the House of Lords ? Suppose the one bill were lost -and the other carried-a very possible case - what inextricable confusion would result ! The reasons for this extmordinary and singular course of proceeding do not seem to have been stated on behalf of the promoters of the measure. Lord Lynd- hurst took up various supposititious reasons which it might be imagined had influenced this course, and dismissed them with sarcastic comments, recalling to memory the former exercises of his critical powers. Were it not that a parent would look with complacency even on his rickety offspring, he should have supposed that the noble Lord at the head of the Government would have thought it inconsistent to put the bill into the hands of his noble and learned friend on the woolsack,-a bill scoffed at by the whole profession; a bill purporting to add strength M the Court of Chancery, but which would impair the efficiency of that court ; a measure which it was said would have the effect of diminishing the appeals to their Lordships' House, but which would have an evident tendency to augment them. Look at the position of things, ani pursue the consequences. A gentleman of great ability, raised to the position of Master of the Rolls, is to sit with a Common Law Judge to decide appeals from men of great learning, expe- rience, and foresight, in the proceedings of the Court of Chancery. Suppose they reverse a decision given by such judges, so experienced in the practice of that court : is it conceivable that the suitor will be satisfied without an appeal to their Lordships' House ? And if so, the intermediate appeal would be entirely useless. Ile had heard it said, that, for the purpose of obviating this manifest inconvenience, there was to be a power, as to the appellate tri- bunal, to curtail the right of appeal to their Lordships' House-to infringe- upon their Lordships' high privileges. If it were so (and he hoped he had. been misinformed on the subject) what consequence must follow ? It would be this, that, as there would be two ultimate tribunals, sometimes their de- cisions would be at variance one with, the other; and if so on any subse- quent occasion when the same point arose, the unsuccessful Party would ap- peal to that ultimate tribunal which had decided the question in his favour. A reason had been assigned in his hearing for bringing the measure into the other House-that it referred to other than purely judicial matters. He understood it to be a proposed transfer from the Lord Chancellor to the First Lord of the Treasury of the ecclesiastical patronage whioh had hitherto be- longed to the Great Seal ; that in fact, all the Church patronage hereto- fore dispensed by the Lord Chancellor was to be thrown into the lap of the- First Lord of the Treasury, who already was abundantly loaded with every kind of patronage-who, having taken all he could from strangers, assailed his supporters. The noble Lord had been worsted frequently of late, and he now turned on his friends and sought to signalize himself by the plunder of his colleagues-

So much 'Us safer through the camp to go

And rob a subject than to spoil a foe."

He repelled the imputation that Chancellors have used their ecclesiastical patronage for political purposes ; adducing in proof the fact that his own first opportunity of patronage was exerted in favour of the late Reverend Sydney Smith, a man learned and exemplary as a clergyman, but at the same time from his earliest years an active Whig partisan. He poured iridi- mile on the pretence that the duties of dispensing this patronage are onerous ; as a burden, they resemble the added feather that broke the camas back. He showed what a farce is the flourish about the First Lord of the Treasury taking the opinion of her Majesty,-a ceremony consisting of writing a note of proposal and receiving it back with the word "Approved." He appealed to Lord Truro, than whom a more unselfish man does not exist, to stand up for the privileges of his office, based on a prescriptive usage of two hundred years, and with the spirit of a Hardwicke, a Thurlow, or an Eldon, transmit its dignity, power, and emolument, to his successors unimpaired. In con- clusion, he repeated his questions-why was the one bill to be intro- duced in the House of Commons and the other in the House of Lords ? and why was the whole proceeding delayed till the eve of the Easter holydays ? The Loan CHANCELLOR began his answer by complaining of their- regularity of Lord Lyndhurst's speech- The bill first referred to had not been introduced into the House of Com- mons vet; and of the other bill there had not even been a suggestion in either -House. Various drafts of bills had been prepared; be supposed Lord Lyndhurst had somehow got possession of one of these drafts; and upon that foundation he had discussed in detail clauses which do not exist, to accomplish purposes which there is no intention at all to effect. It has been arranged between Lord John Russell and Lord Truro that the latter shall take the earliest opportunity of moving for a Committee of their Lord- ships House to consider how far the appellate jurisdiction can be improved ; it rests with Lord Truro alone to make that motion, and it never was the intention of Lord John Russell to interfere with the appellate jurisdiction of their Lordships' House. The objections made by Lord Lyndhurst against the appointment of a Common Law Judge to sit as an Equity Judge of appeal, the Lord Chan- cellor met with counter sarcasm. Where did his noble and learned friend gain his high character and eminence ? Did the Court of Chancery suffer from the Common Law lawyer Sir John Copley sitting in the Court of Chan- cery? There are yet judges on the Common Law Bench equally competent to assist in administering justice in Equity. But in reference to the arrange- ment for bringing the Master of the 'Rolls into the Court of Appeal, Lord Truro admitted that he is not himself precisely of opinion that experience dic- tates the necessity of that arrangement : because when the Master of the Rolls is so withdrawn from his own court, "his own court will be closed." However, that is, to use no stronger expression, the least inconvenience. His noble friend, when alluding to what had passed in the other House, seemed not aware of the extreme jealousy with which that House looks upon any increase of the expense of the judicial departments of the state. There lies the evil. The temper of the present time is not disposed to make the necessary sacrifice for the expense of the administration of justice. The business of the Court of Chancery has greatly increased. It is in fact, extremely heavy. There is not sufficient judicial power there; and it is very doubtful whether the House of Commons would add to that judicial power. Lord Baorronsis informed the Chancellor, that when he had been longer a member of their Lordships' House he would perhaps find that there did not usually prevail in that House so much regularity-he was

going to say as prevailed elsewhere—he could not say that, but as there ought to prevail either there or here.

As to the bill brou,,„eht into the House of Commons, Lord Truro does not know why it is brought in, but if it ever reaches their Lordships' House a sufficient reason will be assigned for it ; in the mean time, he knows no- thing about it. Whatever defects the bill may have, it was evident the noble and learned Lord on the woolsack was not answerable for them, for he had plainly told them it was no bill of his—that he was not responsible for it, and had no concern with it. Lord Brougham joined his protest to that made by Lord Lyndhurst against stripping the Greet Seal of its ecclesiastical patronage. For his own part, the first piece of patronage he bestowed was on the present Bishop of Exeter ; the second was on a friend of the present Lord Chief Baron Pollock ; and the third_ on a gentleman named Coleridge, whose whole family opposed the Government of which he was a member. He also handed over to the Prelates of the Church the gift of all livings under 200/. a year ; and against that sacrifice he had received a strong re- monstrance from several party men. Earl GREY observed, in defence of the course taken by the Government, that the prospect of successful legislation was much greater in a vast ma- jority of instances when bills were first introduced into the House of Commons, than when they were originated in their Lordships' House. If he was not mistaken, he had. heard Lord Brougham himself express a similar opinion. As to irregularity of discussion, Lord Brougham's remark was, he feared, too true • and he believed that irregularity dated from the time when the noble and learned Lord himself became a member of the House. (Great laughter.) Lord REDEZDALE suggested an important alteration in the appellate ju- risdiction of the House—

Their Lordships were aware that all inquiries respecting the Peerage were carried on in that House by a Committee of Privileges. Their Lordships delegated their judicial powers to the Committee, and it sat in the House. The Committee reported its decision to the House, and the House confirmed it. Here, then, was an ancient practice of judicial inquiry on oath before the House. Why, upon this precedent, should not an Appellate Committee be framed ? There is no constitutional objection to such a Committee sit- ting after the prorogation of Parliament. It might also be found advisable to transfer to this Committee all other appellate jurisdiction, so as to consti- tute the Committee a great court of appeal. This would tend to diminish expense, because appeals might be brought directly before the Committee, instead of going previously to another tribunal, as frequently happens now.

Lord BROUGHAM protested in the most decided manner against this proposal for removing all appellate jurisdiction to that House ; declaring that the Privy Council has given unmixed satisfaction to the profession, the bench, and suitors, both in this country and in the Colonies.

EXTENSION OF TILE COUNTY FRANCHISE.

Mr. LOCKE KING moved the second reading of the County Franchise Bill, with a speech glancing at the improved condition of the cause of re- form in consequence of the decision of the House, by which, against the opposition of the Ministers, he obtained leave to introduce the bill. State- ments in favour of extending the franchise had been elicited from two of the most eminent and distinguished statesmen, Lord John Russell and Sir James Graham. Mr. King exhorted Lord John Russell, if possible, to put himself at the head of this movement for extending the franchise. He appealed also to the Reform party—

The noble Lord lately resigned, and he now retains office only because another noble Lord was unable to form an administration : does it not behove Reformers, if they wish to strengthen the Government, to adopt enlightened Liberal principles that shall unite them all ? The measure which today would be accepted as a boon, may tomorrow be extorted, with more, as a right.

Mr. Fox MAULE had been in great hopes that Mr. King would be sa- tisfied with the opinion which had been already expressed by the House, and would not have pressed further during the present session the pro- gtess of the measure which he has undertaken, no doubt with good faith. 'Mr. Mimic concurred with the opinion expressed by Lord John Russell, that the class whom it is proposed to enfranchise is perfectly worthy of it. The people of this country have given proof of ability to exercise much fuller franchises than they at present enjoy. Lord John Russell has given the House to understand, not only that the period has arrived, but that had not other measures intervened to throw the discussion of such a proposal too late into the session, he would this, session have introduced such improve- ments upon the Reform Bill as would be consistent with the principle of that MIL If the franchises are to be extended, it should be not in bit-by-bit reforms, but by some general measure which would insure the support and admiration of all parts of the community,, and acquire a force out of doors which would enable it to be carried by a large majority. He warned the Re- formers against divisions, in face of the great party, occupying a most legi- timate position in the country, who do not see the necessity for reform, and who look not only for the downfal and overthrow of the Reform Govern- ment, but also for the disruption of the great party through whom all re- forms can alone be carried. The Reform party is the only party in the country who have the will, and they will not have the power unless they act with combined union. He therefore earnestly called on that party to combine, and follow the banner of him who, twenty years ago, led them to one of the greatest reforms that any country ever received at the hands of any Government, and who would, if allowed to use his own time and to ex- ercise his own feelings, lead them to still further victories in the constitu- tional progress of Parliamentary reform. He was confident that his noble friend would do that if the Rearm party would combine together : but, on the other hand, if they withdrew from him that confidence to which he thought he was justly entitled at their hands, and from time to tune brought forward measures, to extend the franchise, then their endea- vours, so far from being successful, might end in a discussion which.would have the effect of stopping further measures of reform for a considerable period, and might- lead to the- placing of the affairs of this country in the hands of those who are opposed to all reforms. 'Sir Besrreeme HALL was inclined to accept the pledge now so distinctly given and leave the matter in the hands of her Majesty's Government, trusting to their honour. Looking to the benches of the House as at present filled, was it advisable. for the representatives of the Reform party to hazard a division which they must feel perfectly confident would go against them ? Sir DE LACY Evsers aseented to this view.

Mr. BRIGHT, however, contrasted the speech of; the Secretary at War, to which he had listened with considerable satisfaction, and which seemed by its tone to say "something considerable" is to be done, with the less

favourable prospect held bane the Meuse by Lord John Russell; and he recalled to mind that the explained ground of Lord John Russell's objec- tion to Mr. King's measure was some extraordinary veneration he enter- tained for the arrangement' ofour franchise rights, which gives a diversity of qualifications tending to range the industry of the boroughs against the teiritorial influence of the county representation.

Mr. Bright met the partisan objection that the bill would increase the territorial interest and the Protectionist party. If it were so, he would not on that account object to the bill. He would not look to a measure of this kind with a view to such considerations as that it tended to place the Whigs or the Protectionists in office. It ought to be taken on its own merits. If it were admitted that the persons to whom it related were worthy of the franchise, was it not a grievance that they had not the franchise ? was it not the duty of the noble Lord to include them in his bill? If the noble Lord would tell the House with some degree of frankness what kind of proposition he was prepared to make—(" Oh ! ")—when he was asked for great confidence, he liked to know what he was about to confide in. If the noble Lord's antecedents of twenty years ago were left out of view, there was no reason to believe from his speeches that the noble Lord intended to submit such a Reform Bill as would excite the enthusiasm of the eountry, to which his colleague appealed ; and till it was known whether the measure to be proposed would be a large and generous or a small and peddling one, there seemed to be no ground why the supporters of the present bill should abstain from pressing it. If the noble Lord would give an outline, not of the clauses, but of the principles to be embodied in his measure—for he must have revolved them when he was ready to submit a proposition on the subject to his Cabinet last autumn—the bill might be withdrawn. Several gentlemen who had voted for the first reading of the bill felt in some diffi- culty ; and consequences had followed that division which Mr. Bright, among others, sincerely regretted. But those Members who thought the franchise ought to be extended would find their measures best promoted by a singleminded undeviating maintenance of the principle they adopted.

Colonel Su:intone hoped Mr. King would divide, though he could not himself support anything with a democratic tendency. Having prayed that he may once more see the whole Government party once more at loggerheads, as most useful to the country, Colonel Sibthorp left the House.

Mr. HU3IE declared that Members ought not to be satisfied with excel- lent speeches or promises. Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE was unable to get the consolation out.of Mr_ Fox Maulc's speech that other Members got. Like Mr. Bright, ho found very considerable discrepancy between Lord John Russell and the Secre- tary at War— Lord John Russell said this class of voters would be a dependent class: Mr. Maule says they have intelligence and integrity. Mr. Maule says that recent affairs and the state of public business alone prevented Government from introducing the bill this session : but Lord John Russell had stated that it was resolved to bring in the bill next session. How were they to be sure he would be in place that time next year ? Mr. CLAY, Colonel ROMILLY, Mr. PIGGOTT, and other Members sided with the advice that Mr. Locke King should not press for a-division. Colonel THOMPSON, differing tote ccelo from those Free-traders who think it is of no consequence who sits on the Ministerial benches, declared he would rather see a foreign army in possession of London for six weeks than the Protectionists for six weeks in possession of those benches ! Mr. OSBORNF too, had greater confidence in the power of the Government to carry reform than he has in the ability of the small, sincere, able, and energetic party, to which he himself belongs, to do so. Mr. Al 'CULLAGII taunted those Members who voted for the first read- ing with now voting in the teeth of their former vote: with little grace could they in future taunt the Irish Members.

Lord JOHN Resseu, threw in some remarks, and put aside the ques- tions which had been made to extract some indication of the next reform of the Reform Bill.

He adhered to the declaration he had made on other occasions, espeoially on the first bringing in of this bill, that he was of opinion, Avry much for the reasons given by Colonel Romilly, namely, on the groundof the improve- ment and intelligence of the people, and the general spread of information since the year 1831, and likewise because of the defects of the Reform Bill itself,— defects which were almost inseparable from i any great measure of le- gislative reform,—that it would be wise of the House n the course of the next session, and he should say at the very commencement of the session, to consider a measure for the extension of the franchise. But would- ithe wise to adopt the bill proposed by the honourable gentleman now, and. to take other measures afterwards one by one; or would it not be better to reject so partial a proposition, and wait until the whole scheme for the alteration of the franchise was placed at once before the House ? He put thee as the ground for the House not to adopt the present proposition, but rather wait for that which he intended hereafter to make to the House. He did not think any intelligent reason could be assigned for stating in the present year the general nature of the proposition which he intended to make neat year, and to let it go forth unexplained to the country, to be canvassed and dis- cussed from time to time during the whole period between this and the next session of Parliament.

Mr. DISRAELI briefly defended his party from imputations which had been made against it. He repudiated the description of the Opposition given by Mr. Fox Mettle, in the course of his almost convulsive effort to- reconstruct a Reformed Parliament, "as being banded against every spe- cies of Parliamentary Reform" ; and while in a broad view accepting the Reform Bill as a "great settlement," he yet entirely, protested. against "what is popularly understood in a political sense as the principle of finality." However, he pledged himself to oppose any measure of, Par- liamentary reform flagrantly having for its object the retaining =Leon- firming in power of some political section' or the displacement of the pro- per territorial influence and power which he believes is the best security for our liberties, and the best means of retaining that confirmed, that stable, and that fixed character, which the institutions-of thin country have

presented. • .

Alderman SIDNEY earlier in the debate, had declared his belief that the Reform Bill made the people more conservative than before; and, as a Conservative, had recommended his, side of the House to support the bill as a Protectionist and. Conservative measure.

Mr. LOCKE KLNG left the division in the hands of Members'; neither persisting in it nor evading it.

The House divided—

For the second reading 83 Against 2119 Ministerial and Temporizing Majority 216 So the Extended County Franchise Bill is lost.

RAILWAY AUDIT.

The Audit of Railway Accounts Bill, read a second time by the House of Commons on Wednesday after the debate on Mr. Locke King's Fran- chise Bill, was not at all explained in its clauses by Mr. Locke or Mr. Glyn, the introducer and chief supporter of the measure. Mr. LOCKE stated, that it is the bill framed by a body of forty gentlemen, share- holders as distinguished from directors in companies, who were chosen to frame a measure. It is the proposal of gentlemen representing a constituency who have spent 120,000,000/. in railways, and who are therefore entitled to respectful attention. Mr. LABOUCHERE retained his opinion, that some body extraneous to the companies, and springing nei- ther from the shareholders nor directors of the company, will alone be competent to check all abuses ; but as Government has not time to attend to the matter, it would be ungracious to oppose this measure. He seemed, however, to reserve a set opposition for the stage of Committee.

PATENT EXPENSES.

Colonel Sri:amour moved for returns of the expenses of taking out a patent in England, Scotland, and Ireland; the different items distin- guished under their divers heads.

In 1829, a Committee sat for eight days on this important branch of law, and reported that they had no time to do more than report their minutes, and recommend that the inquiry be resumed early the next session. Since that time nothing has been done till now ; and nothing would have been done now but for the Great Exhibition, in which the foreigner is consulted and not this country. If he got the returns he would not let the matter sleep another two-and-twenty years. Mr. LENNARD supported the motion, as Chairman of a Committee that pointed out the evils of the patent laws many years ago.

Many of those evils have been removed by Lord Brougham, but many still remain. One of the chief evils is the want of a competent tribunal to decide on the merits of patents and the claims of applicants. Such a tribunal should be a mixture of scientific men and lawyers. Another evil is the bad state of the offices; whose indices are in such a condition that it is impos- sible to ascertain whether an invention has been patented or not already. And then the cost-3501.—is manifestly against good policy, by discouraging all improvements.

Mr. LEWIS had not the smallest objection to the returns, beyond the objection that the information asked is already given in the Appendix to the Report of the Committee on the Privy Seal and Signet Office. Mr. LsnorenERE stated, that in a few days Earl Granville will introduce a bill in another place, embodying the views of the Government on the subject. After these assurances, Mr. AGLIONBY, Mr. DISRAELI, and others, suggested that Colonel Sibthorp should withdraw his motion. But the gallant Colonel said he was resolved to divide the House, if only to stimulate the Government, and enforce their attention to this im- portant subject —Motion negatived, by 70 to 39.

JEWISH DISABILITIES.

No important debate arose on the motion of Lord Jouss RUSSELL to go into Committee of the whole House on the mode of administering the oath of abjuration to persons of the Jewish religion. On his motion the resolution passed by the House on the 5th of August last was read, as follows- " That this House will, at the earliest opportunity in the next session of Parliament, take into its serious consideration the form of the oath of abju- ration, with a view to relieve her Majesty's subjects professing the Jewish religion."

Lord John delivered a few businesslike sentences in support of his motion, but expressly declined to reenter into the perfectly well-known arguments on the subject

Sir ROBERT Imams revived his equally well-known objection—that Christianity is part and parcel of the constitution and law of England, and that Jews are thus debarred from legislating for England. He was sup- ported by Mr. PLUMPTRE and Mr. NEWDEGATE ; the original motion, by Mr. Mass-En Grimm and Mr. WEGG PROSSER. The House went into Committee, and passed a formal resolution ; and Lord JOHN RUSSELL got formal leave to bring in his bill to regulate the mode of administering the oath of abjuration to persons professing the Jewish religion.

B1TRIAL SERVICE OVER SEPARATISTS.

The conduct of the Reverend Mr. Kenrick of Chichester, in refusing to perform the burial service of the Church of England at the funeral of Mr. Parsons, a Dissenting minister of Chichester, was brought under the no- tice of the Peers by the Duke of RICHMOND, on Thursday, upon pre- senting a petition from the Town-Council complaining of Mr. Kenrick's conduct.

From personal knowledge, the Duke testified to Mr. Kenrick's piety, his respectable station in the town of Chichester, and high quahties per- sonally. In a correspondence with the Mends, Mr. Kenrick admitted that Dissenters have a "legal claim" to the performance; he knew the penalties

• of refusal ; but he said that he could not think that "one who is a Separa- tist, and especially a teacher anion. Separatists," has any "just claim" to the services of the Church. Could any course be more dangerous among the poor and illiterate than the example of a clergyman violating the law in a matter so nearly concerning the feelings of the people ? Within a few days after this incident, Mr. Remick refused to perform the burial service over the corpse of a young woman who had committed suicide, in distraction, under deep distress consequent on the birth of an illegitimate child, which had made her mind unsettled for some time before : the Coroner's Jury had declared her "lunatic and distracted"; - Mr. Kenrick chose to consider her as guilty of self-murder. As a magistrate, if conscientiously unable to per- form his duties, the Duke would have resigned : as a clergyman, Mr. Ken- rick should have taken the same view of his clerical duties.

The Bishop of CHICHESTER [who had taken a similar position in the -original correspondence] went over the facts in a spirit of palliation towards Mr. Kenrick, but at the same time of firm condemnation.

The petition was ordered to lie on the table.

CHURCH DISCIPLINE.

Immediately after the discussion on the Chichester case, the Bishop of LONDON said, that the state of public business alone prevents him from now bringing in a bill for the correction of clerks in certain cases : the inconvenience of the delay and expense of proceedings in the Eccle- siastical Courts is so great, that it his intention, if it please God to spare him till next session, to bring in a measure on the subject. It is also his intention to reintroduce then hismeasure of last session' for establishing a tribunal to determine ultimately all questions relating to the Church.

SUPPLY VOTES.

The form of "stopping the Supplies" on account of the deferred Budget was again rehearsed on a small scale by Mr. HUME, on Monday. He moved, pursuant to notice, that no further supply be granted until the financial statement has been made. The Committee which sat for nearly three years on Military and Naval Expenditure has recommended a variety of alterations, consolidations, and reductions, which it is essential to the public

to have carried into effect; but once grant the supplies, and very small at- tention would be paid to any of these recommendations. The Budget has been once and again promised, but is still not forthcoming : meanwhile seve- ral important trades—the coffee trade the timber trade, and the seed trade —are at a perfect standstill, while the prospective alterations of the duties affecting them are still held in suspense. Until the taxes be removed which weigh down industry, Mr. Hume decidedly objected to paying one shilling off the Debt. If the Budget were really to be brought forward on Friday, he would not object to a vote on account.

Mr. SHARMAN Caswronn, Mr. Mowerr, and others, backed Mr. Hume. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER protested that they could not be

more anxious to hear than he is to make the statement of the Budget. Unless some unforeseen contingency occurred, it certainly would be made on Friday. As the financial year closed that night, (31st March,) it would be delaying public business to persist in the motion. At last Mr. Hume gave way.

In Committee of Supply, Mr. HUME moved, as an amendment to the first vote of 3,521,090/. for the charge of the Land Force, that the sum of 2,000,0001. be granted on account. Mr. Fox MAULS insisted, from the unofficial point of view, on the evils of " votes on account" ; they stifle discussion.

Mr. Mower's referred to the correspondence which ever since 1846 had been going on between the Government and New South Wales with re- ference to the withdrawal of troops from that colony. When is it the intention of Government " to carry out their own proposition with re- ference to the withdrawal of troops from New South Wales and other co- lonies only requiring them as police ? " But having laid the foundation of his question, Mr. Mowatt diverged to a complaint against the Govern- ment, that on Friday last, when this question would have been put by him, they put down every Member who attempted to say a word. It was but a short time since the noble Lord had appealed to the House to lay aside their minor grievances, and to make common cause with him for the remainder of the session. e was surprised, after that, that the noble

Lord should have treated Liberal Members as he had done the other evening. He should have thought that the noble Lord would have used his authority

to procure a hearing for every Member of the House, instead of having re- course to the obstructions that were upon that occasion offered to any fair and legitimate discussion. He was astonished that the noble Lord could with any face appeal for support to any gentleman whom he had treated in that way. He must say that he felt himself personally aggrieved, and he was in- dignant at the arts which had been had recourse to by the noble Lord to prevent Members expressing themselves upon a matter so important to the national interests. He cared not how soon the noble Lord should be placed again in the same position as that from which he had just emerged. He was in hopes the noble Lord had seen that the position in which he had lately found himself was owing to his neglect of those common courtesies which were due from a Minister of the Crown. To complain of Members walking out of the House !—why, he would walk out of the House with pleasure that night if he saw a question involving nothing more than that of the existence of the present Ministry.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL professed himself quite unable to comprehend what it was that the honourable gentleman complained of.

Mr. Mows= explained—

Between twelve and one o'clock on Saturday morning, there having then been only three gentlemen who had spoken upon the Estimates, it became very evident that the House had determined, and he would not pretend to analyze or explain the cause, not to hear anything that might be said by any person upon the subject. He did not think he was abusing language when he said that the noble Lord availed himself of that obstruction, occa- sioned by sonic honourable gentlemen who had evidently come from a very , late dinner.

The discussion then proceeded in a general diffusive way, with only a single reference to the question respecting the Colonial military. Mr.

MAULS doubted if the feeling of the colonists of New South Wales is in favour of the withdrawal of the troops, and of the pecuniary loss to trade

which would ensue on their departure. The amendment moved by Mr.

HUME was negatived by 135 to 31. Mr. WILLIAMS, unsatisfied with the arguments against him, and with the division, moved another amend-

ment, that the vote be reduced by 81,1521., the sum by which the cost of

the three regiments of Guards exceeds the cost of as many regi- ments of the Line. He was opposed by Mr. MAULS with the stock rea-

sons for maintaining the existing distinctions in favour of a body-guard to her Majesty, &c. ; and was defeated, on division, by 84 to 15. The original vote was carried.

The vote of 16,901/. for the Royal Military College was opposed by Colonel Rem, upon the ground of special objection to the examination of officers necessary previous to promotion,—a regulation most humiliating

to high-spirited, high-bred, and high-minded officers, who will not sub- mit to be pedagogued like schoolboys. Mr. Fox MAULS defended this regulation con amore, as it is one of his own devising.

Among other excellent reasons in its favour, -was this—that you have al- ready began to educate the soldiers, and if you don't keep the officers ahead

of them in the general and professional education they are now receiving, the officers will fall into contempt with their better-informed inferiors. At Portsmouth, indeed, the officers have actually called on the schoolmasters appointed to teach the men to instruct themselves in the various branches

embraced in their examinations. Mr. Fox hfaule does not approve of these schoolmasters being the teachers of officers ; and, as he stated the other even- ing, he will probably come before the House with a proposition for providing persons of their own rank and station to instruct the officers—by attaching to each regiment a captain without a company, on whom shall devolve the duty of instructing the officers. The society of such a man will be courted, as that of a man of information and letters.

Mr. HUME and Sir DE LACY Evesrs warmly eulogized Mr. Fox Maule's arrangements for improving the education of the Army : they entitle hini to the lasting gratitude of the country. Vote agreed to.

The Ordnance Estimates were moved by Colonel Asisosr, with expla- nations.

The amount for this year shows a slight diminution-22,920/. on the amount for last year. Since 1849, the reduction has been 580,646/. The savings this year are not so considerable as in past years; but they are ge- • neral and progressive. The extending use of the libraries, the increasing deposits in the savings-banks, and the remarkable diminution of corporal punishments, evidence strongly the advancing efficiency and high condition of the Ordnance corps. In 1846 and 1847, with an average corps of 7000 men, the punishments were seven in the one year and seven in the other ; in 1848 and 1849, when the numbers of the force were increased, and to some extent by men who had under army reductions been dismissed as least deserving from the Army, the punishments were thirteen in the first year and twenty-three in the second. In 1850, however, though the force num- bered 10,000, so excellent was the discipline, that there were only six cor- poral punishments in the force.

Mr. HUME and Mr. Williams criticized the votes in detail, as extra- vagant ; but did not divide the House on any of them. When twelve o'clock came, Mr. JOHN REYNOLDS moved that the Chairman do report progress ; and intimated that he would divide unless he got a promise that the Medical Charities (Ireland) Bill and the Valuation (Ireland) Bill should not be taken that night. The assurance being given, Mr. Reynolds made no more objection to proceeding with the votes ; which were passed to the satisfaction of Colonel Anson.

CEYLON : LORD TORRINGTON'S DEFICCCE.

Lord Tomusicrrom claimed the kind consideration and indulgence of the Peers while he discharged the arduous and somewhat difficult task of placing before their Lordships, in a few brief moments, the faithful and clear narration of events which took place during two or three years that he administered the government of Ceylon, and which have occupied two years in inquiry in the other House of Parliament

It would be his duty. to prove, that in every act which took place during Ins administration of the government in Ceylon, he received the advice and concurrence of his Executive Council; but he would go further, and show that not only the civil and military, but planters, merchants, and tradesmen, and even those who had been summoned to give evidence against him, have at various times during the transactions which have been the subject of in- quiry, concurred in his policy. In every act he acted constitutionally ; and in difficult times he fairly did his duty.

He divided the subject into three distinct parts,—first, the financial ar- rangements; second, the rebellion, its causes and its suppression ; third, the personal allegations made against himself.

He arrived in the colony on the 28th May 1847; carrying instructions that it was desirable to increase the cultivation of coffee and cinnamon in the island. It had been stated that there was a large surplus revenue ; but he found that there was a considerable excess of expenditure over income, and that the revenue was falling ; while cinnamon-gardens were becoming a wilderness, and commerce was in a most unsatisfactory state. Within a week, on the 3d Tune, he had a report made to him by the Auditor-General. That officer reported that the net deficit on the year was 74,857/. Lord Torrington directed the issue of a circular letter instructing the heads of de- partments to reduce to the narrowest limit the expenditure at the disposal of each. He immediately laid before his Council all the papers intrusted to him ; and three important measures—the Customhouse Bill, the Stamp Act, and the Road Ordnance—were passed without a single word of opposition. The effect of the Customs Bill was to abolish export-duties, except that on cinnamon, which was reduced by two-thirds, from ls. to 4d. the pound ; to equalize import-duties, abolishing the differential; and to reduce taxation by about 42,162/. The results were, that the coffee-exports mounted from 387,150/. in 1847, to 534,456/. in 1849; and the cinnamon exports rose from 49,167/. in 1847 to 73,387/. in 1849. The road ordnance was passed with the unanimous concurrence of the Council ; and so far is it from being dis- tasteful to the colonists, so strongly are the colonists satisfied of the benefits to result from the labour done under it, that Lord Torrington has known many to work double and treble the time required of them by the law. The gun-tax was a prudent ordinance : at the end of the rebellion of 1818, the arms given up were not more than 10,000 at the utmost, two-thirds of them old matchlocks in an unserviceable state ; but in 1848 they had probably 80,000 stand of arms, many of them good muskets or English fowling-pieces: if they could afford dear guns, they could not complain of a small tax. Other measures were the tax on hired carriages, on shops, and on dogs. The two first Lord Torrington thought might form the foundation for raising in a large town a revenue of 300/. or 400/. a year, lead to the introduction of municipal huititutions, and enable the residents to manage their own light- ing_and general rating. The increase of dogs in an Eastern city is incredible to Europeans. It is against the religion of the Buddhists to take life. At some tune in the year the nuisance becomes so intolerable that 6d. is offered for every head of a dog, and the most brutal scenes are enacted : the tax would repress the increase of dogs. The result of Lord Torrington's financial management was to reduce the expenditure of the colony as follows—in 1847, 53,441/. 10s. ; in 1848, 15,2231.; in 1849, 11,1151.; total, 78,780/. ex- penditure in 1849 less than in 1846. In the first nine months of 1850, as compared with the same period in 1849, a further reduction of 16,408/. was effected, exclusive of the road department. In 1848 he was enabled to lay out nearly 10,000/. more than was anticipated in the repair and improve- ment of roads and public works. Even deducting the arrears, the total re- venue of the first half of 1848, compared with the same period of 1847, [when a reduction of taxation amounting to more than 40,000/. was made,] exhi- bited only a decrease of 3,574/. The exports have increased to an enormous amount; the imports of British goods and of every other article have in- creased; and industrious habits have sprung up among the people.

He came now to the rebellion, and to the charges founded on it that he acted in an illegal manner. It is very different dealing with an Eastern po- pulation and an European population : the treachery of the former may be inferred from the account by Major Davy of the murder of 200 English soldiers immediately after the treaty deliberately made in 1818. It was then thought that the leas of time and men was brought about by looking at matters too lightly in the outset. Lord Torrington recalled the circumstances under which we obtained the government of the interior of the island. When we took possession of Ceylon from the Dutch in 1796, we took the maritime pro- vinces only : the Candyan country was a separate country, left under the chiefs under their native King. In 1815 the Candyan country came under our dominion through a treaty—negotiated, somewhat hastily and disad- vantageously, by Sir Robert Brownrigg with the native chiefs. Unfor- tunately, the object of that treaty was understood in different senses by the parties to it. We undertook to do all the duty appertaining to the King of Candy : the chiefs thought they would continue to govern the country as they did under the former King, and oppress the people and gather their revenue as before ; whereas Sir Robert intended to govern the country as an English colony. That original cause of disaffection caused the rebellion of 1818, which took us two years to suppress and cost us a thousand men ; and the various rebellions which have taken place since in 1823, in 1834, a very serious one, and in 1842, the " pretender " in which is now undergoing in prison at Colombo a sentence of twenty-one years' transportation. There was a prevalent dissatisfaction among the head-men and priests of the island in 1848. Among the duties of the King of Candy was that of appointing priests to the temples ; but we refused to appoint the priests. The head- men viewed with dissatisfaction the advance of plantations into the midst of the great forests where their buffaloes had roamed at will ; and the natives were jealous at the introduction of Coolies to cultivate the plantations. False rumours of every kind were spread. The evidence of Sir A. Oliphant before the Committee establishes that the natives had been deceived into the belief that new taxes were imposed—" The people who came [under arms] to Kornegalle said, eighteen new taxes have been im- posed on us, and we are come [ironically] to pay them.'" There were even rumours that a large French force was off the island to cooperate with the chiefs in restoring their independence,—ridiculous enough,

but believed by the natives, and therefore to be taken into account by the Government In reference to the assertion that Lord Torrington had not consulted Quartermaster-General Frazer, who commanded the troops in the rebellion of 1818, General Frazer himself states in his evidence—" The in- telligence of the outbreak had not, I believe, been an hour in Lord Torring- ton's possession when his Lordship sent for me, and, referring to my expe- rience on former occasions, asked me to favour him with my sentiments and suggestions in regard to that event." All the letters received from the country were laid before General Frazer. It was his suggestion that martial law should be proclaimed in the districts of Mitten° ; and that reinforce- ments should immediately be fetched from Madras to aid the British troops quartered in various parts of the island, whose gross number did not exceed 800. The reports of civil servants agreed in representing that the people were universally complicated in a widely-spread insurrection. Mr. Wilmot, the advocate of the prisoners, considers that the " proclamation of martial law was imperatively demanded" ; and he " does not think that it remained in force an hour longer than was essentially necessary for the entire sup- pression of the rebellion." Mr. Wilmot says—" It insured the capture of the King, a fact I had from his own lips ; and until his capture had been effected, the rebellion might have been indefinitely protracted, to the total cessation of all mercantile and agricultural pursuits, and to the almost cer- tain destruction of life and property." As soon as the Council could be got together, Lord Torrington submitted to them the whole of the information he had received relative to the insurrection, and the result was that the Council approved of his act in proclaiming martial law. Indeed, had he not done so, the coffee crop of 1848, valued in London at 748,3111., would have been lost. Every man in Ceylon, whether soldier or civilian, approved of the steps he took. A public meeting at Co- lombo unanimously passed resolutions expressing their concurrence in the prompt and active measures of the Government to suppress rebellion in the Candyan district. The Legislative Council, by an unanimous vote, attributed the tranquillity of the island mainly to the energetic and prudent measures adopted by him during and after the disturbances of 1848. The Colombo Observer, a paper opposed to his policy generally, said —" We believe that the opinion is universal that great credit is due to the head of the Government and all concerned for the energy of the measures adopted in putting down the rebellion ; and we therefore entirely concur in the deserved praise of his Excellency and Colonel Drought, and the military generally." But it had been urged that the martial law was continued longer than was necessary. Every person connected with the Government thought there were cogent reasons for maintaining it. Only a few proctors in the town of Candy objected to the continuance of martial law—on the ground that the courts were closed and they were all starving. Mr. Baillie founds part of his charge of inhumanity on the fact that when the troops were engaged only one of them was wounded, while many of the rebels were killed : but that was owing to the fact that the priming in the guns of the rebels was moistened by a heavy fall of rain, so that it only flashed in the pan ; while her Majesty's troops carried guns mounted with percussion- locks, which did not suffer from the wet. Another part of the charge was founded on the number of executions under the court-martial sentences : but the offences were grave—murder and treason, aggravated by firing on the Queen's troops ; and the Supreme Court, which tried similar cases, sentenced to death seventeen out of thirty-four whom it tried. It had been imputed to him that he refused to accede to the Chief Justice's recommendations to mercy : that was not correct. The Chief Justice made his recommendation. " on the ground that great severity had been exercised by the court-mar- tial"; Lord Torrington thought that to accede to a recommendation under those circumstances would have been a tacit censure on the courts-martial. It was charged that a priest had been shot in his robes, and an innocent man executed : the priest had no garments but his robes ; and the other charge is abandoned. As to confiscation, not an instance of it occurred, nor of sequestration. Of course, however, individual acts of wrong could not be prevented by the Government : Captain Watson was suspended, and put on trial, for an instance of such wrong. Lord Torrington concluded this part of his case by reading addresses presented to him during the latest period of his remaining in the colony. One of them, signed by every merchant of eminence in the colony, assured him, "notwithstanding all past differences," of their regret at his resignation ; as he had "already been thanked by al- most the entire independent European population for the speedy termination put to the rebellion, which once threatened destruction to all holding any stake in the colony, although some parties have endeavoured to make it ap- pear as a mere village brawl." Another, signed by George Elphinstone Dalrymple and one hundred and fifty other European inhabitants of the cen- tral province, "put aside all considerations which from minor causes might have at any tune influenced their feelings" towards him, and expressed "sincere regret" at his withdrawal, as an event that will "have a most pre- judicial effect upon the minds of the people and the future welfare of the colony." Conscious of inability to state his case in a clear and lucid manner, Lord 'forrington appealed to Lord Stanley, who had considerable personal ex- perience in Colonial affairs, if anything in the charges did not seem suffi- ciently answered or explained, to do Min the kindness and justice of pointing out the points which appeared to require further explanation. Their Lord- ships might possibly come to the determination, before expressing any opi- nion on the case, that the matter required some judicial investigation. Ho denied than any satisfactory conclusion could have been arrived at on Mr. Baillie's resolution : it did not go far enough ; it amounted simply to cen- sure and nothing more : and the votes of the Committee were equally insuffi- cient; for in no one instance did the Committee concur in the censure, much less in the charge made against him.

Two points remained, of a personal nature. It was stated, and most in- dustriously circulated, and it was given in evidence before the Committee of the other Rouse of Parliament, that he, in reference to the execution of an unfortunate criminal in Candy, had used language of a very extraordinary description. Now, if the gentleman who made that statement had been in any way moderate in the terms in which he expressed his opinion, Lord Tor- rington should have remained silent. He had the good fortune to have had two gentlemen with him at the time it was alleged he used the words, and they were both ready to state that he never made use of the expression at- tributed to lam; and he now begged to state to their Lordships most so- lemnly, upon his honour and word, that he never did make use of the ex- pression which it was alleged he had uttered. The other point was thus disposed of by Lord Torrington. "In my opening address to your Lord- ships, I said it was not for me to make any comment on the censure that had been cast upon me. Gentlemen of greater ability and knowledge than I possess have thought the course adopted was right and proper : and that may be the case, but I must be allowed to differ from them. I have now another duty to perform, and I shall not shrink from performing it. I have to acknowledge that on the 3d of May 1849, I wrote a letter respecting an official person in the colony, and I admit there was a discrepancy between that and other letters I had written. [Lord Torrington was understood to refer to the letters written by him to Sir Emerson Tennent and Mr. Wode- house.1 I acknowledge the impropriety I was guilty of on that point. No- thing, I admit, &nail be more improper than my conduct : but I was irri- tated and worried by the circumstances around use and I committed an act of impropriety and indiscretion for which I shall ever be sorry. I consider

.I 'lido great injustice on that occasion : but I am the only sufferer by that course.; I have lost that office which it was my pride and happiness to pos- sess; and, expressing my contrition for that single act of indiscretion, I throw myself on your Lordships' consideration." (Cheers. Then a pause.)

Ear1Gay at length got up, apparently out of temper. For two years and a half his noble friend had been the mark for all the shafts of calumny, in reviews and newspapers, levelled with a degree of ma- lignancy and an unblushing disregard of truth which are a disgrace to the pram of this country ; and, to the utter disgrace of the press of this country, those charges have not yet ceased to be brought forward against him. More than that, proceedings have taken place in the other House of Parliament calculated to give increased currency and effect to those calumnies, while at the same time there was not the means of meeting them. His noble friend had said that it was impossible for any Governor to carry on the business of a colony while his conduct was the subject of a Parliamentary inquiry : "I-say, if an inquiry were conducted as it should be, by persons having a due sense of the responsibility of the great powers intrusted to a Par- liamentary Committee, that inquiry may be conducted without injury to the public service, and frequently with great advantage ; but if the Mem- bers of a Committee are to disgrace themselves by permitting garbled evi- dence, or extracts from evidence, to be published in the Colonies to injure persons whose conduct is under inquiry, and if every person for whom a command has been applied and who has been refused, or for whom an appointment has been asked and refused, or if some irregularity has been punished, and if every individual of that kind is to be entitled to come and state his ease and show his hostility to the Governor, then indeed I do admit that inquiries of this kind can scarcely be carried oil." Lord Tor- rington had brought the colony through a commercial crisis' and reesta- blished its commercial and financial credit ; the rebellion, which he has shown to have proceeded from causes of long standing, he suppressed with true hu- manity as well as firmness. Of course it could hardly be but that some abuse of the martial law may have taken place. The noble Duke [Welling- ton] knows, that to cheek such abuses great severity, wholesome rigour, is necessary.; and doubtless his noble friend left nothing undone to check and prevent them.

Lord Grey adverted with pain to that which had been adverted to at the end of Lord Torrington's speech. He was sure all their Lordships must have been touched by his noble friend's candid and manly acknowledgment in regard to that circumstance. Undoubtedly he never experienced so much pain in his life as when he heard his noble friend speak on that point. Having found him come out triumphantly from an ordeal such as was never before instituted on the conduct of any public man, it gave him more pain than it was possible for him to express, when, by the disclosure of that letter, which had been published, it was made evident that his noble friend was placed in a position with regard to another gentleman who held a situa- tion in Ceylon which made it impossible that he could either to the public advantage or with satisfaction to himself continue to administer the govern- ment of that colony. That, he was bound to admit, was his opinion ; but he could-not help saying that he felt still more strongly at the fact of the disclosure itself. The publication of that letter was something which he for one must, before it happened, have believed to have been utterly impossible. How the gentleman to whom that letter was addressed could have disclosed it—still more, how the Committee could not only have allowed him to do it but also have required the publication of that letter—how they could have taken that course, more especially when it was considered that the letter was totally irrelevant to the real subject of inquiry before the Committee, he was utterly at a loss to understand. He could only say, that those who did take that course must have entertained totally different notions of those rules which were thought to be obligatory with respect to the sacredness of private correspondence, and the manner in which the intercourse of private life be- tween one gentleman and another should be carried on.

The Peers were leaving the House, when they were recalled by ob- serving the Duke of WELLINGTON about to speak. The Duke begged to make an observation in consequence of Earl Grey's reference to himself on the subject of martial law- " I don't mean to make any observation upon the conduct of the noble Vis- eount ; but I must say it is absolutely impossible for this House at present to pronounce any opinion upon the case brought under your consideration by the noble Viscount. In the first place, we have not a single paper before us, nor have we before us the correspondence which the noble 'Viscount alluded to in some detail. ("Hear, hear !") Until it comes regularly before your Lord- ships you cannot have a notion to what it refers, and therefore it is premature to snake any observation upon that correspondence until the House has the papers in its hands.

What I rose forsparticularly was to answer the appeal made to me by the noble Earl. I say that military law is neither more nor less than the will of the general commanding the victorious army—it is no law at all. The general who puts the law into execution is bound to lay down absolutely the rules and regulations, and limits, to carry it into execution. My Lords, I have in a foreign country carried on martial law ; that is to say, I governed a large proportion of the country by my own will. What does that mean ? Why, it means that the country should be governed by national laws. I governed the country by the laws of the country ; and governed it, I must say, with such moderation that the political servants of the country and of the govern- ment whose forces were driven out, acted under say direction, and the judges sat in the courts of law and conducted the business of the country under my direction. I never was in such a position as the noble Viscount who made the address to you has been ; and, (continued the Duke, raising his voice to its highest pitch, and vehemently striking the table,) I protest against being called into comparison in any way whatever with him." Earl GREY explained ; thinking that the Duke of Wellington had not perfectly heard the reference made to him.

The abuses he had alluded to were of course such as occurred contrary to the Duke's wishes' and such as he found it necessary to punish : and just so in Ceylon with Lord Torrington. What the Duke of Wellington said in re- ference to martial law, Lord Grey had heard with great pleasure, as it was exactly consonant with what he himself wrote to Lord Torrington. "I am sure that was not wrong in law ; for I had the advice of Lord Cottenham and Lord Campbell, and the Attorney-General ; and I explained to my no- ble friend, that what is called proclaiming martial law is no law at all, but merely, for the sake of public safety in circumstances of great emergency, setting aside all law, and acting under the military power; a proceeding which required to be followed by an act of indemnity."

Lord l'orrington's motion for papers was agreed to.

In the other House, on Thursday, Mr. BAILLIE, in answer to a ques- tion, stated that Lord Torrington's explanations only made it more im- perative for him 'to persevere with his motion: there is no day open be- fore Easter, but he will take the first after the recess.

OUR GOVERNMENT OF INDIA.

In anticipation of the year (1853) when the East India Company's Ad will expire, Mr. AMITE; on Thursday, moved an address to the Queen for a Commission totake evidence in India and report to her Ma-

jesty in Parliament the real feelings and wishes of our fellow-subjects in India on the laws and administration of their country.

Mr. Anstey traced the history of the Act of 1833, which constitutes the Government of our East Indian territory, to show that it was passed in haste and ignorance, was the result of a compromise, and was intended to establish an experiment. There was the same un_pre.pared haste in 1791 and 1793; and again as Sir James Mackintosh prophesied, and Mr. Wynn noted, in 1833. Let that error be avoided now. Traversing the extensive field cif administration, Mr. Anstey adduced proofs that the monopolies which were to have been abolished have not been abolished ; that under the monstrously oppressive exactions of the Company nine-tenths Of the agricultural population of India are annually sold up by the Com- pany's collectors as defaulters—it being cheaper to sell up those wretched creatures than to imprison them ; and that generally, so bad in its oppression so self-injuring in its incapacity, is the administration of the Company, notwithstanding the recent enormous increase of territory, the revenue never exceeded twenty millions sterling. Under former dynas- ties, with no taxes on exports or imports, and with no monopolies, a revenue of never leas than thirty millions sterling was raised with ease. Ile diletea also on the misadministration of justice; and he demanded to know in what way the recognition which the act of 1833 gave for the first time to the pails-. cal existence of a hundred millions of our fellow subjects has received its prac- tical value from the hands of those to whom Parliament consigned the trust/

Lord Jona RUSSELL said, that Mr. Anstey had dearly mistaken the position of the Government on this subject. As the Government had no intention to propose such changes as were made in 1812 and 1833, they did not think such a Committee again neces- sary; but would formsh information if the House desired it, or would acquiesce in inquiry. Lord John briefly vindicated the Indian Government': many of the practices alluded to have been abandoned, many of the exclu- sions no longer exist, and many reforms have taken place. To send out Commissioners, would produce great excitement in India, and for a time des stroy all authority there.

Mr. HUMS defended the Court of Directors at the expense of the Board of Control ; and suggested that the Commission should inquire in this country, as the ablest public servants of India are now at home. Sir SABLES WEIR HOGG followed the steps of Mr. Anstey to show that his accusations were incorrect or out of date.

The natives have been intrusted with the most important judicial functions to such an extent that "it is scarcely speaking too strongly to say that the administration of justice in the Bengal Presidency is, in the first in- stance, almost in the hands of the natives " ; he maintained that the civiil service is so distinguished for talent and integrity that "corruption and depravity scarcely require to be weeded out 'an indignant sense of what is due to their own character so influences the civil service, that an offender cannot be screened." As to financial administration, the salt monopoly does not exist—it is a fiction. Mr. Wilbraham and his Cheshire constituents may send as much salt as they like, paying the duty. Lahore is "almost one uninterrupted garden" ; and almost the last despatch Sir James signed was one authorizing the expenditure of 500,0001. in works of irriga- tion. As to information a return would be laid on the table of the House in a week giving the fullest information with respect to every matter relating to India. It would form an abstract of the history of India, political, military, commercial, and statistical.

Mr. ..Bomar imisted on searching inquiry.

The great fault of the Indian government is that you can never place your hand on it. There is no such thing in any one office, in any one board, or in any one individual, as a government of the Indian empire. As far as regards India there is no -responsible government at all. In reference to the motion, as Lord John Russell has given some reason to expect that a Committee would be appointed, Mr. Bright recommended Mr. Anstey to be satisfied with what he had elicited.

Mr. ANSTEY took this advice ; after the promise of the Premier to give him a Committee, he would not press his motion to a division.—Motion withdrawn.

BORNEO Manors.

Mr. Hume, on the suggestion of 'Lord PALMERSTON, has postponed his motion relating to the affairs of Borneo, till after the arrival in this coun- try of Sir James Brooke, who is now on the voyage hither.

OUR RELATIONS SVITH THE CAI:TRES.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL has postponed till the 10th (next Thursday) the motion promised by him for a Select Committee on our relations with the Caere tribes.

RANK OF COLONIAL ROMAN CATHOLIC PRELATES.

In reply to Lord Jonx MANNERS, Lord Jonas RUSSELL has stated that the instructions issued by Earl Grey in 1347 to the Governors of Colo- nies relative to the rank of Roman Catholic Prelates are still in force, and it is not the intention of the Government to alter them.

FOREIGN REFUGEES.

The subject mooted by Lord Lyndhurst in Om House of Peers lad week—the plottings of the foreign refugees in this country—was brought under the attention of the Commons on Tuesday, by Mr. STUART Warr- LEY, with the object of eliciting from the Home Secretary some declara- tion of the attitude taken by the Government.

Mr. Wortley suggested the reenactment of the Alien Act, as more necessary now than in 1848; though the possession of the powers will now, as thery most likely be sufficient, without the exercise of them. It has lately come to his knowledge that combinations are takingplace between these foreigners and subjects of her Majesty, for the purpose of making demonstrations at a time when, owing to the presence of large numbers of foreigners in this country, such demonstrations might be very dangerous to the public tranquillity. Has the Secretary of State for the Home Department directed his attention to the number, character, and proceedings of these foreigners ? and has he taken measures to secure 'this county from any danger of the disturbance of its peace, and the embarrassment of its relations with friendly powers ?

Sir 'GEORGE GREY said, as to the first point, he regards it as improbabl.e that internal peace and tranquillity will be menaced by the combination of any of the foreign refugees resident in England. Measures have been taken, and precautions adopted, within the existing law, which will doubtless prove amply sufficient to prevent or suppress any attempts that may be made to disturb the peace and tranquillity of the country. If any such insane attempts be made, they will be immediately and effectually suppressed. As to any embarrassment of our relations with friendly foreign powers, if these refugees should so grossly abuse the gene- rous hospitality they receive, and avail themselves of their secure asylum here to concoct measures for the subversion of foreign. governments at amity with this country, the law is applicable to their case independently of those provisions of the Foreign Enlistment Act directed to that specific offence. Under the common law, such an offence is punishable by fine awl imprison- ment. The Government is wakeful and observant, and fully informed ef

what is passing ; they feel thoroughly their obligation ; and they will not hesitate to apply the lull powers they possess.

TOTE BY BALLOT.

Mr. IL BERKELEY hasgiven notice, that shortly after Easter he will move for leave to bring in a bill to give protection to voters by means of the ballot. Questioned by Mr. Berkeley, Lord JOHN RUSSELL has declined to state whether it is his intention to introduce the ballot into his an- nounced scheme of electoral reform.

ELeerros Comirrrers.

The Aylesbury Election Committee have reported, that Mr. Calvert was not duly elected ; that the last election was a void election ; that Mr. Calvert was by his agents guilty of treating at the last election, but not with his own knowledge and consent; and that a practice prevailed extensively at the last election of issuing to voters printed tickets for re- freshments to the extent of five shillings each, both before and after

A new writ for Aylesbury was ordered, in room of Mr. Calvert.

The proceedings of the St. Alban's Election Committee were suspended from Saturday till Thursday : none of the thirty or forty witnesses whom the petitioners against the return of Mr. Bell have summoned could be found ! They had been " abducted " by persons connected with the agents of the other side. On Thursday, evidence was given that adver- tisements have been inserted in the Times, and rewards offered at all the railway stations, to recover the lost witnesses ; but to a great extent in vain. Only four or five can be found. These five would be ready to be examined on Friday.