5 APRIL 1851, Page 7

bt aittrupn 113. The announced political banquet in honour of

Lord Stanley took place an Wednesday, in Merchant Tailors' Hall. It was not a corporate festival of the great Conservative guild of Merchant Tailors, to which sympathiz- ing politicians were invited in the hope of important but incidental mani- festations of party policy, but a set political reunion, with the understood purpose of ratifying with more external circumstance the leadership of the noble guest over the Protectionist parties in both Houses of Parlia- ment, and smoothing his way to the official seats which seem practically vacant for his occupation. The requisition requesting Lord Stanley to -accept the banquet was signed by about a hundred Peers and upwards of two hundred Members of the House of Commons ; invitations were issued to two hundred and sixty guests, and the company who met num- bered about two hundred and eighty.

Mr. Thomas Baring, M.P. for Huntingdon, presided. From allusions in two of the preliminary speeches it would seem that provincial demon- strations are contemplated by the Protectionist party in corroboration of this Metropolitan profession of political faith. The Reverend Lord Here- ford in acknowledging the toast of" The Church," declared that "the ma- jority of the Church looked most anxiously to the expressions of feeling which might be conveyed to the public after the meeting of that even- ing " ; and Mr. Baring, in proposing the chief toast of Lord Stanley's health, expressed his conviction that the acclamations which had greeted that toast would be reechoed "by numberless meetings throughout the kingdom."

Mr. Baring directed attention to the points of chief party interest to which Lord Stanley's declarations would especially refer by these anti-• tory remarks— They asked for no exclusive legislation for any particular class. They wished for an extension of commerce ; and no one had shown more than the noble Lord on his right that he was anxious to grant prudent relaxations in the restrictions on trade. They desired to correct the errors of hasty legisla- tion, and to mitigate the pressure of sudden and great changes. If it should happen that any attempt were made to disturb the just proportion in the representation of this country of property and population, of city and town, from any party motive to crush any inconvenient minority, or to bolster up any tottering policy by a packed constituency, they relied upon the wisdom and guidance of the -noble Lord to arrest such act of a temporary majority : and he could assure the noble Lord, that in such a course he mightexpect from all who were then assembled the most sincere and cordial support.

The toast of "Health, long life, and happiness, to Lord Stanley," was proposed by Mr. Baring, "as an earnest prayer for a national blessing "; and it elicited a suitably enthusiastic response from the company. Lord Stanley acknowledged the personal tribute with characteristic grace ; glancing at the time, the place, and the auspices of the occasion.

Appearing not flushed with victory—coming before them after a tempo- rary failure, which must have inflicted on many who believed their final victory and triumph close at hand, the disappointment of patriotic hopes.— that they should have selected such a time to testify their undiminished con- fidence in his sincerity and du' cretion, was indeed most gratifying. That this meeting was held not in some agricultural district, among those personally smarting under the difficulties produced by the system which they opposed, bat in the centre of the greatest commercial city in the empire, by favour of one of the oldest and wealthiest of its mercantile corporations, and under the presidency of one who illustrates so well in his own person the ancient honour and unblemished character which have on all occasions attached to the character of the merchant princes of England, was a fact to be rejoiced at, and one of good omen. But the occasion recalled to memory a former instance and a former assembly, when, thirteen years ago, they heard in language far more powerful and more emphatic than any he could use, the soundest lessons of national policy, the soundest doctrines of attachment to our Protestant institutions and our Protestant Church, and the most able vindication of our Protectionist policy, from the lips of Sir Robert Peel. ." The circumstances in some respects are similar," said Lord Stanley ; "us some they are widely different." "On that occasion, as upon this, we were contending with a united and a powerful minority, and against a weak and tottering Administration ; yet not one absolutely so powerless as that which now assumes to administer the affairs of this country. We were then looking forward, as we are now looking forward, to no remote triumph of our principles. We were then relying, as we rely now, on the sound sense of the country, whenever an appeal could be made to the judgment of the country : and yet in those circumstances, with 313 Members of the Hour of Commons in a minority, that Government then remained in office, if not in power, for a period of no less three years after that time. It remained in office, but not in power ; and it was not till after the general election of 1841, when the country nobly responded to the call, as I am satisfied it will nobly respond to a similar call now, and in favour of a constitutional Conservative Protectionist policy returned to Parliament a majority of 91, that that Minis- try resigned office. Gentlemen, it was my pride and satisfaction for four years after that period to cooperate with Sir Robert Peel in the (as I think wise and judicious relaxation of our commercial code which he pro He did away with prohibitions, but he maintained the principle of fair protection. He did not undervalue the stimulus of competition, and he admitted the importance of that competition to call forth the energies of our native industry. But he laid down then the sound and reasonable prin- ciple, whatever might be the difficulty of practically applying it in each particular case, that, for a fair and genuine competition, the par- ties entering into that competition must start on equal terms ; and. that to burden one of the competitors with a weight and a load from which the other was free, was, under the name of free trade and under the name of competition, to establish a virtual, a practical monopoly. I say that I joined cordially in that liberal commercial policy up to the fatal period of 184,5 and 1846. I draw a veil over what took place at that un- happy period. I will not allow to fall from my lips one word which would wound the memory of the dead or hurt the feelings of the survivors: but I cannot conceal from myself the fatal effects on the wellbeing of the country of the measures adopted at that unhappy writ, not only in reference to the policy which was then adopted, but to the shock which was given to confi- dence in all public men, and to the general dislocation of parties, and the separation, I fear the final separation, of that great Conservative party which for years it had been the policy of Sir Robert Peel to build up, and which unhappily his own hand shattered to pieces. Those, gentlemen, were days of despondency and gloom. Men looked at each other and knew not whom to trust ; and then arose one whose life unhappily was too soon deceased—one whose noble and generous nature was insensible to fear, except the fear of shame and dishonour—one in whom were combined high resolve, strong feeling, dauntless energy, and laborious assiduity, but above all, a steadfast and earnest and disinterested integrity of purpose divested of all factitious ad- vantages of political experience and party tactics. (Cheers.) To say that he had failings, to say that he has committed errors, is to say no more than that he was a mortal man. But those failings were failings on virtue's side, and those errors were the too vehement ebullitions of a generous but indignant spirit, which could not curb the language of indignation. Gentle- men, that noble heart has long ceased to beat; he untutored eloquence of those manly lips is heard no more. He is gone from among us ; but he left no unprofitable example. He has shown how obstacles may be surmounted, how difficulties may be overcome, how honour may be won, how parties may be consolidated by the presence of one who brings to the task only devoted energy, unconquerable assiduity, and perfect integrity of purpose. (Loud eheers.)lie is gone, gentlemen, but he carried with him to his early grave the respect of the _ world, the affection of his friends, the deep regret and grateful recollection of the people of this country ; and, as long as true English feeling shall con- tinue to animate our people—as long as they shall be able to appreciate in- tegrity, disinterestedness, and principle—so long hi the hearts of Englishmen shall be inscribed the noble name of I3entinck. Gentlemen, I pay this hum- ble tribute to my departed friend, because I feel that to him was mainly ow- ing the first recovery from the panic into which his friends were thrown. He has not lived to reap the reward of his labours ; but it was owing to his courage and energy in the first instance that this great party took a new de- parture from the midst of alarm and apprehensions, and has grown by no slow degrees, but has advanced mainly by a steadfast but 'temperate mainte- nance of their own principles of policy, to that position in which it is ad- mitted by its opponents that it is a minority at least dangerous to the AtiMe- try."

From the past, looking to the present and future, Lord Stanley touched on the condition of parties in the House of Commons. "There is no doubt a very considerable majority against us in the existing House of Commons ; and I confess that, constituted as the present House of Commons is, I see no escape from the position in which we are now placed ; for, whoever may hold the reins of office, there will be a weak Government, at the mercy of a majority who cannot combine for any useful purpose, but who can always combine for the purpose of destroying any Government. Gentlemen, I know no position more dangerous to the public welfare than such a position as that which I have described ; when the Government of the day is obliged to catch at support here and at a stray vote there, to concede this point and to abandon that measure, and then to promise some distant scheme, and hope to stave off the adverse motion of a soi-disant supporter by vague promises of something to be done at a future time, or, at the spur of the moment, can issue an illegal commission to inquire into the Universities, for the purpose of getting rid of an awkward motion which it dares not support. This is the situation in which a weak Government is placed now, and always will be placed; and it is the situation in which, I fear, with the present House of Commons, any Government attempting to hold the reins of power must for a considerable space of time be placed. Gentlemen, it is for the country to remedy this great national evil. It is for the country not to halt between two opinions. It is for the country to say in whom they have confidence, and in whom they have not."

But, independently of the position of parties, the state of the material in- Wrests of the country is such at this moment as to ca-Ise great and well- founded anxiety. Lord Stanley parenthetically threw in a few of Mr. George Frederick Young's Protectionist statistics, drawn from the shipping and cotton-manufacture returns, to support this apprehensive view ; and then, bringing in the theme of the "recognized agricultural distress," he approached with guarded steps his curative prescription,—which, as recently, was professionally vague and occult in its wording. "I deprecate hasty and ill-considered and violent changes; and in this course of downward progress in which we are involved, though true prudence and true statesmanship point, I think, not to the hasty reversal of all that has been done, I would at all events cry 'Halt' in that downward course. I would say watch the progress that has already taken place ; modify the effect of measures, if they have had a greater effect than even their proposers contemplated ; and pru- dently, discreetly, but firmly and determinedly, apply on sound principles le- gislative relief to those classes which your legislative action has made to suf- fer. How that relief may be afforded, this is not the time to consider." He had nothing to add to his recent statement in Parliament on this head. "My own views undoubtedly are, that there is no course so simple and ef- fective for removing agricultural distress, and at the same time for return- ing to &sounder system, as, by the imposition of moderate duties on foreign imports, at once to afford a certain though moderate cheek to the unlimited influx of those foreign articles, when they are not required in this country, and at the same time to obtain from the foreigner, in imitation of all other

nations, a contribution towards the revenue of the state, and to enable us to take off other taxes which press more heavily and immediately on the springs of our domestic and national industry." At an earlier point of his speech he had dealared, "One of the leading principles of that great party which hone:airs me with its confidence is, as Mr. Baring had said, to extend and encourage, no doubt by judicious relaxations, commerce and industry, and especially the industry of our fellow countrymen." On the subject of the Anti-Papal aggression, Lord Stanley said there has been some misconception of his recent expressions in Parliament. It has been erroneously supposed that he proposed to hang up all legislation for two years. What he had said was, that in the first instance he would have proceeded either by resolution or address, or by a declaratory act directed against that par- ticular instance of aggression the Papal rescript, which was at once an ag- gression and an insult to this country ; but he had "added, further, that the whole relations of the Roman Catholic subjects of this country towards the British Crown and the Papal See should be carefully and diligently in-

vestigated." "I desire an immediate, indisputable, and peremptory reply by Parliament to the actual insult, and subsequently an inquiry as to the legislation which might be necessary for the purpose of placing the Roman Catholic subjects of the Queen in a position which would at once secure their own civil and religious rights—nay, which might even extend them, and at the same time secure the people of this country, whether Protestants or Roman Catholics, from any interference with their temporal concerns, and

from the control of an ecclesiastical hierarchy appointed by a foreign power. The expression I used was that such inquiry must take time ; but, even if it occupied a whole session, or even if it occupied two sessions, I considered that loss of time to be less dangerous than a hasty and ineffectual measure." Lord Stanley did not know what course the Government may now intend to pursue. "The observation was made to me by a friend of the Government, as to the second reading of their bill, that be never recollected an occasion on which there was so large a majority brought down to support so little a measure. But (said Lord Stanley) I do not consider that majority insignifi- cant though the measure was ridiculous ; because it was a declaration on the part of the Parliament of this country, and it would be felt at Rome as a declaration on the part of the Parliament of this country, that in prin- ciple we abjure, as our forefathers had done, encroachments and invasions upon the temporal power by the See of Rome. It may be well to say that the authority of Rome is a spiritual authority. I don't call that a spiritual authority which acts on the tender consciences of infant girls—(Loud cheers)—end the superstitious fears of the deathbed, for the purpose of rob- bing heirs and relations. (Continued cheering.) Still less do I consider it to be an authority essential to the free exercise of religion to prohibit acts in themselves legal, or enjoin acts if not illegal, at all events in violation of the express and determined will of the Legislature, under those awful penal- ties which the Roman Catholic Church holds over and has power to exercise

over the minds of those of its persuasion. I say, then, that the majority upon that principle was not unimportant. But I say. further, that I consider

it the duty of Parliament, and I trust I shall consider it my duty, while I do not press for a more extensive application of measures than those which the Government themselves have thought fit to institute, in the first in-

stance, to take care in Parliament, so far as I can, that that which the Government professes to check we really shall give them the power to cheek. (Cheers.) I certainly shall not be satisfied if I do not see that that which the Government professes to make effectual shall be really and sub- llantially effectual."

In conclusion, Lord Stanley appealed to the constituencies. "I have said that I look with anxiety to the present state of this country. I look also with anxiety to the ftittwe : but the degree to which that anxiety may be removed depends upon you in your places in Parliament ; it depends upon you in your respective neighbourhoods throughout this country ; it depends upon the constituencies of this country ; and in their hands, whenever a ge- neral election shall come—and all the signs of the times show that that elec- tion cannot be far distant—in their hands will be the destinies of this country for good or for evil, for a length of time which it is impossible to predict." Mr. Walpole had the task of proposing the toast of "The Duke of Richmond and the House of Lords" ; which was briefly acknowledged by the Duke of Richmond, with an expression of confident hope for the speedy installation of a strong and effective Stanley Ministry.

Lord Stanley proposed the Members of the House of Commons, with a delicate compliment to Mr. Disraeli—if it were not invidious to single out an individual" whose wit, ability, and eloquence, had already beerithe admiration of his friends and the terror of his foes." Mr. Disraeli made his acknowledgments "as one of the rank and file of the House of Com- mons," "whom accident and not merit had placed in a prominent posi- tion"; lamented the loss of the counsel and inspiration of the great man to whom Lord Stanley had made so affecting an allusion ; and touched with well-worded phrases on the causes which have led his party in the House of Commons to their present superior though not yet commanding position.

The health of Mr. Baring was proposed by Lord Stanley ; "Prosperity to the City of London," by the Earl of Eglintoun; and the company sepa-

rated at midnight. • At a "densely crowded" Anti-Papal meeting, at the Horns Tavern, Kennington, on 'Thursday, the Earl of Winchilsea volunteered to "lead the people." "If the people took him as their leader, he would sacrifice his personal comfort and domestic happiness, and become, in fulfilment of his pledge given in 1829, the greatest agitator for Protestant prin- ciples," and against "the system of monasteries and nunneries." The Reverend J. Irons thanked God for this offer, and would march under the new leader to combat the Liberalism—that is to say the libertinism—of the day. Of course the meeting resolved strenuously against the little measure before the House of Commons.

The petitions of Dr. Doyle and Mr. Craven Berkeley in reference to Miss Talbot, in the case of Doyle versus Wright, were opened before the Lord Chancellor on Saturday, and, after continuous argument by counsel for three days, were disposed of by Lord Truro on Tuesday.

The petition for Mr. Berkeley was supported by the Solicitor-General (Mr. Page Wood) ; and opposed by Mr. Bolt for Dr. Doyle, and by Mr. Parker for the Earl of Shrewsbury. It alleged that the Countess of Shrewsbury exercised an undue degree of control over Miss Talbot, and on various occa- sions importuned her to intermarry with a Frenchman named Rochefoucault, who is connected by marriage with the Countess ; that Miss Talbot declined, and remonstrated,—the said Rochefoucault being a Frenchman and disagree- able and repugnant to her feelings; that thereupon the Countess threatened to make Miss Talbot take the veil; that Miss Talbot persisted in refusing the marriage ; and that thereupon the Countess carried out her threat, and "sent Miss Talbot back to the convent called The Lodge," not as a pupil or visiter, but as a postulant, "with the avowed object of compelling her to take the veil and become a nun," against her desire. In affida- vits, Mr. Berkeley stated that the Earl of Shrewsbury would be entitled

to the fortune of Miss Talbot on her death under age. He prayed that Miss Talbot should be removed from under the care and management of the Earl and Countess, who had evinced such a thorough want of affection to- ward her. In the first form of the petition, it prayed also for the removal of Dr. Doyle from the office of testamentary guardian to Miss Talbot ; but in the course of Tuesday, nearly at the close of the case, it transpired that this part of the petition had been struck out,--it being felt, perhaps, that there was less to complain of against Dr. Doyle personally than was at first imagined.

On Monday, at the end of the report for Saturday, the daily journals in- serted a copy of the letter by Miss Talbot to the Lord Chancellor' to which he alluded at the previous stage of the proceedings reported last week. It appears to have been published without leave ; and the knowledge how it became public was generally disclaimed at the subsequent hearings. It is . said to have been written in the round hand of a school-girl, on ruled paper, and underscored in the manner indicated by the small capitals in the fol- lowing copy.

" MISS TALBOT TO THE LORD CHANCELLOR.

'6 Taunton, Tuesday, Feb 18. . " My Lord-You will. of course, see that I have written in answer to Mr.- Craven Berkeley's FALSE statements, and I'm sure in such a case you will think it only just for me to express myself what is the pure truth, as I have done. It is scarcely credible how a GENTLEMAN can act as Mr. Craven Berkeley has done •, for I:assure you, my Lord, he was down here at the convent himself on the 14th Febru- ary-. Ile then asked me a numerous BET roast of questions, as if he had some ob- ject in view, but wished to get a little information beforehand ; and at his departure. he said he should come again and bring with him a little HALF-BIEHER of mine. No opposition was made, for how could we know how Mr. C. Berkeley intended to act T. but after the manner in which he has spoken of the convent at Taunton, where I have spent the happiest days of my life, and where I have experienced for nine years the most unchanging kindness, bow could I read his petition and not feel a just in- dignation at such conduct ; so that it is now, my Lord, my own free and deliberate: wish neier again to see Mr. Craven Berkeley : should I meet him anywhere he would not surely be the first to address me, and most assuredly I should not. He has dis- graced himself for ever in my eyes, and I should think in the eyes of every just and reasonable person. Believe me, my Lord, I acoxs in this house have shown any feelings of indignation ; for all under this roof are too good to let any feeling rise but that which every one must naturally feel, compassion for so WEAR AND nis- HONOURABLE a man. This letter your Lordship is at liberty to show tolwhom you, please. I do not feel to have said more than I ought. I may have spoken strongly of Mr. C. Berkeley's conduct. but I have not passed the limits of truth and justice. I must add, that every word of the letter is yews MYSELF. I am alone while writing it, and therefore no one CAN allege that I have been prompted by any one. Every- word is the result of my own thoughts and reflections. Mr. Norris, whom I saw on. Monday, told me of your Lordship's wish that I should go up to town again and see little more of the world. It will COSI as much, CERTAINLY, TO LEAVE TAUNTON, where are all my dearest and truest friends; but your Lordship acts for the best, and I would not therefore on any account oppose your wishes. 'After Easter I shall be- ready to yield myself, and again enter a world. WHOSE casings I can NEVER VALUE..

"Thanking your Lordship for the kind interest you have taken in my welfare. "I remain, yours respectfully, AUGUSTA TALBOT.'

Mr. Berkeley, in an affidavit subsequently filed, swears to his belief that Miss Talbot was trepanned into writing the letter by Dr. Hendren, the Ro- man Catholic Bishop of Clifton ; and he directly gives the Bishop the lie in reference to the statements in his letter published in the Titnes,—calling: those statements "utterly false and untrue." The affidavit of Miss Jer- ningham, the Lady Supenoress of the convent, explained the ambiguous po- sition of Miss Talbot : she was admitted among the postulants, because of the rule that she could not be readmitted as a boarder ; but she was not a postu- lant ; she never underwent the ceremonies of postulancy, nor wore the- postulant's attire ; and she was free to leave the convent when she likett. Her admission among the postulants was exceptionally conceded, with the- ecclesiastical permission of Dr. Hendren. Reference to Dr. Hendren's letter in the Times was made by most of the counsel. Mr. Bolt, the counsel for Lord Shrewsbury, threw him off with very severe handling-

" The letter was open to the strongest animadversion; it was one written by vainglorious, presumptuous polemic who had rushed into an arena of discussion with things that he was unacquainted with, and with parties to whom he was in- ferior in capacity. If he were the superior of a convent, as he stated himself to be, he was unfit to hold such an office." But "such a letter," dexterously suggested Mr.. Holt, "was not that of the crafty and subtile mind throwire, around his victims his: insidious nets," as had been insinuated; it was only that of "bold and reckless. priest." The Lord Chancellor gave judgment at great length. Going over the re- ferences frequently made to the earlier proceedings in the court about the 1843, he stated that he does not interpret the order then made by the Court as expressing its injunction that Miss Talbot should be taken abroad and he declared his opinion that the Countess of Shrewsbury was competent to judge on the propriety of placing Miss Talbot in the convent. But since, the young lady had been into the world and her prospects had otherwise, changed, and since it became uncertain how long the Earl and Countess would remain absent from this country, Dr. Doyle should have exercised.. greater diligence in his care over his ward. Dr. Doyle had been remise in not applying to the Court till an intimation was lately made as to the propriety of ins so doing; especially when he became aware that the mind. of the young lady was "wavering,' and that it was becoming uncertain, whether she would not become a nun. A very high contempt of the author- ity of the Court would have been committed by allowing a ward of Court. either to become a postulant or to take any other step calculated to bind her future life to any particular course. He believed that ever since the statute of Westminster it had been a very high offence to make a ward of Court take the veil—an offence liable to indictment, heavy forfeiture, an& imprisonment. That statute continued. If a marriage were contracted. without the approbation of the Court, it was a contempt of the Court a fortiori much more so was it to make persons devote themselves to a religious 'life : marriage was consistent with persons retaining their ordi- nary position in life, but taking the veil was so serious a change, that to allow a person not arrived at the age of maturity to bind the future life, not probably by actual vows, but by some influence or other more cogent than physical force, was a much greater offence ; and the Lord Chan- cellor declared that he should have no hesitation, and should have felt it his duty, to commit bishops, priests, governesses, clergymen, or any one else who should be connected with such a transaction. But no bad motives can be imputed to Dr. Doyle, as he seems to have been under the impression, re- ceived from a single phrase of Lady Shrewsbury, that the young lady was ire the convent as a boarder. The bar, one and all, agree that the interests: of the ward do not require the removal of Dr. Doyle. Lord Truro touched with condemnatory remarks on the withholding of in- formation to the Court respecting the understanding between Dr. Hendren. and the Lady Abbess as to the footing on which Miss Talbot was admitted : he indicated a feeling that there had been disingenuous concealment in this- respect ; and again expressed his astonishment at the statements in Dr. Hen- dren's letter to the TO1148. He was "at a loss to account for a gentleman in a situation entitling him to credit, and not likely to be doubted in the ab- sence of very strong grounds, stating that the ward wrote a strong supplica- tory letter not to be received as a boarder but as a postulant, and that he unwillingly consented, and that she was so admitted."

In reference to Mr. Craven Berkeley's petition, Lord Truro felt that it had not been altogether unaccompanied with disadvantage, but upon the whole it was of great advantage to the ward. [A slight murmur of applause here pervaded the court.] But the most material statements in that

petition were incorrect. Lord Truro had ascertained from his personal conversation with Miss Talbot, when he visited Alton Towers, that the marriage then on the carpet was not regarded with personal repug- nance by Miss Talbot ; and when it was broken off, chiefly from Lord Truro's own disapproval of it, Miss Talbot expressed her resignation in terms not consistent with the notion of the alleged repugnance. The matter thus charged in Mr. Berkeley's petition was of a character deeply reflecting on other parties, and was, Lord Truro felt satisfied, unfounded in fact. In that point of view solely, the petition might be dismissed with costs; but the pe- tition had been the means of rendering a great and worthy service to the Court and to the ward. There is no necessity for Mr. Berkeley's attendance before the Master, as he prays.

The order of the Court is therefore, that Mr. Berkeley's petition be dis- missed, and that the costs of both parties be paid out of the estate. On Dr. Doyle's petition, let there be a reference to the Master to approve of a new scheme for the future residence of the young lady.

At the Middlesex Sessions, on Thursday, Mary Ann Eames, accused, with her husband, of cruelly treating their parish apprentice, pleaded guilty. It seems that, through the publicity given to the case, the customers of Eames have forsaken him, and he is a ruined man. Eames himself was not put on trial, as he had left the apprentice-beating department entirely to his wife. In consideration of the ruin which has befallen Eames, the Court fined his wife 10s. to be paid to the boy, and Is. for the Crown ; and bound Mrs. Eames by recoguizances of 50/. to keep the peace for twelve months.

Mr. John Henry Chilcott, an auctioneer and estate-agent in the Fulham Road, has been committed for trial, by the Worship Street Magistrate, on a charge of perjury. Chilcott had ordered wine of Mr. Winter to be sent to a gentleman in Huntingdonshire; the money was not transmitted from the country, and Chilcott paid 24/. lls. ; as he did not pay the balance, he was sued in the County Court, when he swore that he had not purchased the wine nor received any invoice relating to it; but the claim was clearly established, and Chilcott was ordered to pay. On the very same day, Mr. Winter received notice of an Exchequer prosecution from the Inland Re- venue Office, for having given an unstamped receipt to Chilcott—to wit, the very invoice in question, on which Mr. Winter junior had written a receipt for the 241. lie, paid on account. Mr. Chilcott himself had lodged this in- voice at the Inland Revenue Office, in order that Mr. Winter should be prosecuted.

When the woman who was supposed to have been thrown out of window by Duchesne, the man she lived with, was able to appear at Guildhall Police Office, last Saturday, she told a tale which absolved the accused, at least in the eye of the law. She declared that she jumped up intending to sit on the window-frame, but fell out ; and that Duchesne caught her by the wrist, and held her as long as he could, but was obliged at last to let go. Alderman Hooper, as the woman denied Duchesne'a intention to injure her, was obliged to discharge him.

A thief broke into Christ Church, Blackfriars Road, and attempted in vain to force open the Vestry. Enraged at his failure, and by hurts he received from the window-glass he maliciously broke to pieces a large clock and two candlesticks, and departed with the meagre booty of two surplices.