5 AUGUST 1837, Page 2

The King of Hanover, it is now said, does not

intend to abolish the constitution given to his subjects by WILLIAM the Fourth : he only wishes to modify it, and to modify it with the advice of the Chambers, and in such a manner as to give satisfaction to the people. If his intentions are so conciliatory, it is a pity that he did not adopt a different form of proceeding from that which has startled even the absolute Governments on the Continent.

This Hanoverian question branches out into three divisions,- first, the form of the late proceeding ; secondly, the legal rizlit of the Sovereign ; and thirdly, the real value and popularity of King WILLIAM'S constitution, with the practical consequences of its suspension.

The first point is that most easily disposed of ; and upon which we expressed an opinion two weeks ago, that the act of King ERNEST, suspending the actual constitution which he found in being at the date of his accession, was, on the face of it, most arbitrary.

The second point:is more difficult ; for a question has been raised whether there was not an informality in the manner of establishing the constitution of WILLIAM the Fourth, which gave the present King a legal title to set it aside. An apologist of King ERNEST, in the Swabian Mercury, asserts that the constitution was not binding upon him- 4, It is well known that this constitution was FO created as not to be binding on the heir to the Throne ; and the act of assent, which ought to have been given by him, in order to render it binding, has never had existence. In the event of the King refusing to accept the new constitution, the old will come as a matter of course into force again. The composition of the States will not, however, be altered ; RinCe it remains the same, with only a few changes of no importance, since the new constitution was granted, as it existed in 1819. To this Assembly of the States it is understood that the King wishes to make pro- positions for changes to be introduced into the constitution of 1819. If the States accede to these propositions, we shall have a new constitution ; if not, we shall retain that of 1819."

here it is assumed, for no proof is offered, (and we cannot of our own knowledge affirm or deny the fact,) that the constitution of W ILLIAM the Fourth was so framed as not to be binding on the successor to the Throne : in that case, there was no violation of the law in refusing to sanction the constitution. On the other hand, the assailants of King ERNEST maintain, that an acknow- ledgment of the constitution is one of the conditions on which he holds the throne, and that having refused that sanction he is not legally King of Hanover. Neither, however, has this point been clearly made out ; and it seems to us that this Hanoverian con- troversy, both on the Continent and in England, has ;nen carried

on without much accurate knowledge of the subject in dispute, and the:actual provisions of the Hanoverian constitutions of 1819 and 1833.

In estimating the practical consequences of the suspension of the constitution, it must be borne in mind, that although in this country a Sovereign who attempted to set aside a fundamental law on the ground that he had formerly protested against it,- and that in strictness his assent was required to make it binding, would be thought scarcely better than a madman,-the state of public feeling in Hanover, in regard to this matter, appears to be very different. We learn from an intelligent correspondent

of the Courier, that there is little if any popular dissatisfaction with the conduct of the King ; and the First Chamber, or

, Hanoverian House of Lords, is as well disposed as he can

idesire to succumb to the most despotic measures. When WIL- LIAM the Fourth was supposed to be in extrernis, the Second, or Representative Chamber, wished to prolong the debate on the budget, in order to retain some hold on the new King ; bait, says the correspondent of the Courier- ., This proceeding was not sanctioned by the majority of the Second Cham• her ; and the voting on the budget was almost finished when the news of the lamentoble death of the late King reached Hanover. As to the First Chamber, formed nearly by the same rules as the House of Lords in England, it was so far from promising any assistance to the Second in the case of any conflict, that, at *debate on no address to King Ernest Augustus from that aristocratic body, an amendment, in which the constitution of Hanover was called . the greatest

calamity of the country, was only rejected by a majority of a single voice - rianiel■., 17 to 16. No the Second Chamber stood quite alone, though assisted by the Ministry; and they stood so much the more alone, as there was by no means a feeling of attachment and gratitude towards them in the hearts of the Hanoveriaus: the causes of which were manifold,-firstly, general constitutional sentiments were nut yet familiar to a country in which a regular and efficient representation of the people has its date only from a few years hack; then, the most beneficial effects of the proceedings of the Chantlx.rs could not yet be in existence-as, for instance, the benefit of a great many abolished salaries would not be realized until the death of the holders ; thirdly, through the bad management as well of the Chambers as of the Ministry, every law hail heeti debated so much in the most minute details as to deprive the de- hates of all interest. Thus the Chamber was tegarded by many persons as a superfluous body ; while some members of the Ministry, whose influence was more visible, especially Herr Rose, the leader of the Second Chamber, had become in the highest degree popular."

King, ERNEST lost no time in gaining over the army; so that 4 wou'd really seem that the aristocracy, the military, and the re„ulace, weie on his Side. The Second Chamber, probably re- I r:s.etits the more 'intelligent and intlependLnt [onion of the Hanoverians ; but there is little chance of their protesting with any effect against the despotism of their Sovereign : indeed, asserted by the Courier's correspondent, that though feeling it ti be a heavy blow, "not a single person thought of revolutitts and we are inclined to attribute any modification of his origisil intentions on the part of King ERNEST to the interference of cautious King of Prussia, who is said to have represented imprudence of such a hasty course. The conclusion, however, that the Hanoverians will submit, some reluctantly, others with indifference, but all will bow to a power too strong to be resistei