NEWS OF THE WEEK.
4‘ FORE-WARNED is fore-armed." At the last sitting of the Peace Conference, Mr. Cobden gave notice that he will " do his utmost to turn out any Government that takes another step towards the in- crease of our armaments." The exact measure of Mr. Cobden's " utmost " in this field of enterprise remains to be proved ; but we already know, upon his own showing, the character of his patriot- ism, and the spirit in which he means to meddle with public af- fairs. Richard Cobden is to be in England what Louis Napoleon is in France—only without an army. He is to give the law ; to remodel history ; to abolish nationality ; to reveal a new gospel of political ethics ; to be himself " the great sublime "—the perfect standard and infallible judge of right and wrong. Mr. Cobden' the English autocrat, is not only to turn out any Government thatpre- sumes to move a step further towards completing the defences which public opinion has called for, but he threatens " organi- zations" for "resentment at the poll" against "any Member of the present House of Commons " who shall vote as he prohibits. Well, the Members must decide for themselves whether it is better to succumb to such a threat, or to vote independently according to the reasonableness of what the Ministers propose. Assuredly, any Government which heeded bullying more than the dictates of duty, and abated one jot of what it conscientiously deemed fitting for the nation's security, would deserve to be " turned out." The pretence for the Manchester eruption of spiteful insolence is about the falsest that ever was employed to lead a mob by the ears. The English nation loves peace, and cultivates peace. Every section of political influence in our country deprecates war. All the tendencies of our defensive armaments are pacific, for they remove the temptations which notorious defencelessness offers to hostilession. Nothing we have done, are doing, or intend to do, has aer:emotest connexion with aggressive hostilities on our part. Newspaper criticisms however unfavourable, newspaper invectives however violent, are unauthorized writings—not public acts; if they trespass beyond the limits of English law and custom, they may be prosecuted in the courts—the de facto ruler of France, be he Consul, President, or Emperor, will receive the same vindi- cation as our Queen's Ministers and subjects or the Queen herself. If writings and speeches are to come within the category of warlike provocatives, Mr. Cobden will have originated no small portion of the peccant matter, by his envenomed aspersions and im- putations, leading. to reprisals in the press ; and by the more dan- gerous controversies and international exposures to be apprehended from the necessary resistance to his tactics in Parliament. This question of military protection for an open coast and an unarmed people is not new, though it derives a fresh significance from the course of events in neighbouring countries. The first note of warning—before a word of alarm, miscalled " panic," was heard in England—proceeded from the French side of the Channel. There was method in the madness of the Prince de Joinville : he paid court to a national feeling, and though his father frowned the people applauded. From that time it began to be publicly recog- nized in this country that danger to our peaceful coasts was not impossible. Years afterwards, when the immediate danger was past, Sir Robert Peel startled the House of Commons by confess- ing, that at one period of his administration—our present Premier being then Minister for Foreign Affairs—the conviction of inse- curity became so strong, that he, prudent Sir Robert Peel, took upon himself the responsibility of ordering an increase of our means of defence. The Duke of Wellington's professional opinion is not forgotten—nor-quite disregarded by the country, though Mr. Cobden contemns it. And, in spite of Cobden's contempt, the concurrent opinion of naval and military authorities—provokingly corroborated by military writers in France itself—is received as that of the most competent judges. We are bound to believe that
something—we hope, much—has been done within the last twelve- month to better our defensive position. If enough has been done for perfect defence, no more will be required. A satisfactory as- surance to that effect is the present desideratum. It is greatly to the discredit of past Administrations and Parliaments that there should be any such question—that, until very lately, with a vast expenditure, we had no security whatever.
The bearing of recent events in neighbouring countries on this British question is obvious to every man who keeps his eyes open. All Europe is in arms, moving to uncertain destinies. lYe lie apart, having no controversies, nor any disposition to take part in the conflicts, internal or external, which agitate other nations. But we may become involved in spite of our determination to avoid aggression. We shall keep out of quarrel if we can • but, though Mr. Milner Gibson says, "Cherbourg will not come can; us," other mischief may come to us, and if it do, we must repel it. The increased feeling of insecurity that has undoubtedly pre- vailed in England since the coup d'etat of December 1851 in France, most naturally resulted from the incidents of that revolu- tion, and from what we knew of the man who planned the con- spiracy, and through its means raised himself to absolute irrespon- sible dominion. Distrusting the man, we also distrusted his posi- tion and his instruments. We marked his progress, in avowed imitation of England's great enemy. We noted his military equipments and naval preparations—the warlike allusions in his speeches, " the Mediterranean a French lake," and the like. We had heard of his fatalism, and his " mission to avenge Waterloo." He was seen to be false, cunning, inscrutable, selfish, regardless of ordinary obligations. France was at his feet. What ho might deem it for his pleasure, profit, or fame to attempt, none could hinder. But what he would do, none could foretell. Therefore, the unsophisticated common sense of the English public said, Make good your defences by sea and land ; make invasion impos- sible. Then let the man of destiny settle accounts with the French people—that is not our affair. It will not be his " destiny " to quarter in Buckingham Palace, and Waterloo must remain un- avenged.
