MB. COBDEN'S FALSIFICATIONS.
2d February 1853.
Bra—It is needless to call:your attention to the instances of disingenuous- ness, and, I am compelled to say, falsehood, which are so deplorably nume- rous in Mr. Cobden's recent appearances. You have shown with what wea- pons he carries on his present contest. Mr. Cobden assumes to be the only man in England who knows anything about France and the French. There are, however, persona who have lived in France more years than he has months, and who have mixed on terms of perfect intimacy with men of all parties and classes, including many of those who have enlightened, instructed, and graced their country, whose expe- rience is utterly at variance with Mr. Cobden's, and who see in his asser- tions nothing but the greatest ignorance of facts, joined to the arrogant pre- sumption which not unfrequently accompanies ignorance. The only satis- factory way of deciding disputed assertions is by a reference to authority. Let Mr. Cobden furnish us with authentic statements of the opinions of Frenchmen whose reputation is known to us, (only not exactly in the same way as that of M. Emile de Girardin's,) and those who know France and the relative value of French opinions will have a test by which to try the truth of Mr. Cobden's assertions. But here comes in the bad faith with -which he is chargeable. Mr. Cobden knows that he cannot be confuted. Narrow and partial as is his acquaintance with France, unknown as he is to the greater number of the men whose opinion is worth quoting, and, from Lis im- perfect mastery of the language, limited as his-power of acquiring information must be, he is not so ignorant of what is passing in France as nottmknow that it is impossible for an Englishman to quote any opinions or statements on the authority of Frenchmen which may be disagreeable to the sovereign with whom Mr. Cobden's sympathies are -engaged. I have seen numerous letters to intimate Mends, from men of the greatest eminence and the highest reputation in France, Legitimists), Orleanists, and Republicans, all concurring in one exhortation—"Let England be on her guard, in spite of Louis Napoleon's,professions ; nay, the snore on that account" They know what security France has for peace ; what security is afforded by the in- terests of theTrench people. Was it the interest of the nation to overthrow the government of Louis Philippe? Were all the desperate expedients of the Provisional Government dictated by a regard to the national interests ? Is it the interest of the French nation to oppose free trade ? Yet all these things have been and are. None know so well how reckless the French people are of their best interests as those who have laboured, how vainly ! to promote them. Well do I remember the despairing language of M. &stint, whose authority even Mr. Cobden will not dispute, to this effect. Mr. Cobden's nonsense about the social equality of France may be put among the decies repetita which will always please those who are, or fancy themselves, humiliated by social inequalities. The main objection to it, however, is that it is utterly false. In what sense does Mr. Cobden mean that Frenchmen are equal? Does he mean that persons of all degrees and conditions (one cannot even speak of the component elements of society -without words at variance with any notion of equality) mix on equal terms ? Nowhere, I -venture to assert, is this less true. No- where, except perhaps at Vienna, are certain classes more unapproachable to certain other classes. It is true that the deference formerly shown by the working or serving classes is exchanged for insolence ; and on the other hand, that the kindly courtesy of the higher is laid aside for a far more overbearing tone ; the natural result of the irritation caused by disobedience and impertinence. It is not easy to see what approach to equality there is here, unless to equality of bad manners. Where the relations are of a kindlier and more agreeable sort, the old cordialdeferenee on the one aide, and somewhat familiar condescension on the other, are still to be found ; rare and delightful exceptions ! But French good society guards its entrance just as jealously, if not more so, than English, against all who havemot some social or personal claim to admittance. Nor can Mr. Cobden point out any avenue to distinction, (except, perhaps, in the army,) which is not as open to industry and merit in England as in France. With regard to inequality in wealth, or in the ostentation of wealth, what is to be said for a country where a lady's pocket-handkerchief is sold (as I have seen) for 1000 or 1200- francs, and silks for ladies' dresses at 40 or 50 franca a yard. Mr. Cobden knows the power of a word. But let him descend to the details of daily life, and show us wherein the equality he talks of consists. Nor are his assertions and assumptions with regard to his own countrymen a. whit less false or less disingenuous. Mr. Cobden always talks as if everybody who did not enrol himself in a Peace society, or who desired to see the coun- try. reasonably protected against possible danger, •wishes/ for war. lilr. Cob- den knows this to be false. He knows that thousands of men as averse to war, or incitements to war, as he can be, are opposed to him on these points. It suits him to misrepresent their opinions, and he does se ; for never was there a more unscrupulous opponent. But these artifices are become too transparent. We all know that we do not wish for war ; that we deprecate it above all earthly calamities.; that we regard provocations to it as among the worst of crimes. And when Mr. Cobden tells the world, that all who de- sire to see the country placed beyond the reach of alarms—even groundless ones—are abettors of war, we know what -value to set anon his other as- sertions.
It is fortunate for the country that he has taken such effectual means to diminish an authority so mischievous, and has furnished a test by which to try pretensions put forward with such unparalleled arrogance.
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