Mr. ChamLrlain made another long speech on Saturday, this time
to his own constituents. It was specially noteworthy for two points. He declares in the strongest way that he actually has a plan for the settlement of the Irish agrarian question which will abolish dual ownership, yet not plunder the landlords, and not burden the British taxpayer, and that he intends for the present to keep it secret. That shows, of course, that he actually has one in which he himself con- fides ; but it does not prove that it is practicable. To no, he seems to be insisting on mutually destructive conditions. Then Mr. Chamberlain goes much too far in his concessions. He desires to give Ireland a limited and subordinate Legisla- ture. and says truly it must have an Executive; and he does not greatly care if the Irish choose to call the Legislature a Parlia- ment, and the Executive a Ministry. We do. Words are things- sometimes, and a Council and a Parliament are as different in their power of expanding their claims as a congregation and a. Church. We must add that Mr. Chamberlain plainly con- demned the Irish leaders and the " Plan of Campaign," and delivered a singularly eloquent, and, indeed, noble defence of Law as the grand protection for the common folk. He might, he said, refuse to obey a law,—he should refuse if Church.rates were re-enacted. "I should allow my goods to be taken in execution. But, gentlemen, I should not barricade my house ; I should not throw hot water over the police ; I should not shoot the parson from behind the hedge ; and I should not denounce the ministers of the law who are honestly doing their duty in endeavouring to carry it into effect; and I should not hold them up to vengeance if ever I came into power."
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