THE SPIRIT OF FASCISM.
THE message to the people of England which Signor Mussolini has entrusted the Spectator to deliver is well worth their close attention. Accustomed as English- men are to the diffuse writings and orations of their own statesmen, they must not think that the message is unimportant, or conventional, because it is concise almost to the point of dryness. In truth, it is in this conciseness and reticence of language that the weight and significance of the message is to be found. Like the edicts and state papers of sovereigns and great statesmen, Signor Mussolini's message does not " frisk it in tropes " or indulge in rhetoric or any kind Qf literary ornament. His language, though there is no conscious imitation, is as plain as that of Caesar's letters or General Orders. His phrases are frank almost to the point of baldness, as were those of the Roman. If, however, the English people will penetrate beyond this baldness and consider the essential meaning of the message, they will realize that they have been given an interpretation by lightning flash of the meaning of the Fascist revolution. That revolution has never been fully understood in this country. Yet, whether we agree or not with its aims, and whether we condemn or excuse the methods by which it was carried out, it was one of the most singular and also one of the most notable events in the social and political history of the modern world. It shows us that the inhabitants of the Italian peninsula are as they were in the days of the Romans—men with a keen instinct for government and for the maintenance of the State.
The most marvellous thing about the Fascist counter- revolution is that it represents a reaction to the violent breaking-up of the morale of the nation, which was almost instantaneous and was as strong and as able to maintain itself as it was rapid. In all times of social violence reaction comes—and may itself also be violent though its intentions are different—but as a rule only after long periods of misery in which civilization for a time perishes. The protest against disorder and the dissolution of the foundations of society comes too late to prevent the follies and the agonies of destruction. What happened two years ago it Italy may be told in a very few words. The movement against the fabric of the State, based half on that ardent particularism which has marked Italy ever since the breaking up of the Roman Empire, joined with State Socialism, and also Communism and Anarchy as a creed fused into a welter of antinomianism, was shaking the whole social structure into ruin. One by one the bonds that held Italy together as a country, and the Italians as a people, were breaking or loosening, and there seemed no remedy. The old system of Parliamentary govern- ment, which had never had a very strong hold upon Italy, was bankrupt. The King was unable to act since he had no instruments to act through. The so-called statesmen and the parties who followed them were rightly or wrongly the scorn of the people. The Army and the Navy were distracted and apparently shared the odium which appeared to attach to all the functions of rule. Add to all this that owing to strikes in industry and in agriculture throughout Italy, and to the con- fiscating of property on a large scale, the wheels of production had almost ceased to revolve. It was clear that to the other miseries of Italy would soon be added those of famine and universal unemployment. And then a miracle happened. Throughout Italy the men of good intent of all classes and in all places, though the lead was in the North, got together and determined that Italy should be saved. The Italy which had seemed full of local patriotism, but utterly without true national patriotism, was found to be a homogeneous nation. While the politicians had been prating and waiting timidly for the orders of the master whom they had so ong cajoled, Italy had been uniting at the base. The effect of that unity became at once apparent. The first great impulse that ran through Italy was represented in the cry : " We will not have the country divided. We have got together and we will keep together. Italy shall remain Italy and one of the great States of the world. It shall show mankind that a national State cannot be overthrown by the anarchists within it and that the forces of unity are stronger than those of disunity."
At the same time another impulse seized the people. Not only would they remain a country, and a great country, one and indivisible, but internal law and order should be maintained. The State must be supreme, the social structure be maintained. In fine, the people of the peninsula said : " We Italians have got something worth preserving, and we mean to preserve it," and sporadically there grew up a physical force movement intended to prevent national and social dissolution. But this was not enough. Fascismo might have produced civil war, and possibly successful civil war, or rather civil tumult, but nothing could have been done without a leader. Then a Socialist leader arose. He was young, but his youth had died first in a hard struggle for life and then in the anguish of war. From that agony he had come back with a vision clear and definite and with a determination of will as hard as steel. He gave to the revolution of good intent the very leader which it needed. Italy found in Mussolini the Chatham of Labour.
Amid the distraction and squabbles of a selfish and incompetent oligarchy, William Pitt stood forth and told his countrymen that they needed a man to save them and that he could and would be the man. In that very way Mussolini has saved his country. He had daring enough and enough belief in himself and, above all, enough belief in his cause, to put himself at the head of the Italian nation. He won almost in an instant the confi- dence of the Array, of the men of intelligence, of the pro- fessional classes, of the larger half of the peasants and of the labouring men, and of the employers. All men who honestly wanted to save and serve the Italian State flocked to him and put themselves under his banner. Like all great and successful movements, Mussolini's revolution was soon nicked with the lucky word. Pro- verbial history throughout the world knows the metaphor of the bundle of sticks. It is stronger, tougher and more safe in use than the strongest and thickest timber. If you are forced to cross a quaking morass the only way is to throw in fascines or bundles. They will not only make you a foundation, but will make you a wall of defence. Rome handed down the bundle of rods bound together with cords and crowned by the axe of power as her symbol and inspiration.
The saving of society by co-operative action was a great achievement, and a mere politician might have rested upon it. But it was not enough for Mussolini. He divined with something which can only be called inspira- tion that there were spiritual and religious forces at work in Fascismo, or, as he calls them, " the sacred principles of Religion, of Patriotism, and of the Family."
But he did much more than diagnose a spiritual revolt. He saw that as the victory of Fascism had been won in the spirit, Fascism -must be maintained by the spirit which had created it. This is the ideal which he has kept before him, and which he expresses with such dearness in his message to the people of England. Here are his actual words :- " As a spiritual revolt, therefore, Fascismo was a direct expression of the people of Italy. Soldiers back from the trenches, middle- class folk and work-people were among the first Fascist', and this original character of the movement has never been lost sight of —and never shall be."
The Italian President of the Ministerial Council goes on to declare that in the work of reconstruction and the restoration of a great national society the aim of Fascismo is to strengthen the Italian people in the virtues of devotion and discipline. This they will accomplish with a soul of iron. From that it derived its first strength, and in that sign it will conquer.
Signor Mussolini ends his message with a very noble reflection. He tells us in effect that those only who understand the true inwardness of the Italian story will be able to understand and appreciate Fascismo. Those who do not know Italy or her history, " and who remain untouched by the purity and greatness of spiritual things, will never understand." Those are proud and daring words, but we believe them to be absolutely sincere.
And now we want to be as frank and candid as is Signor Mussolini. Though we love Italy, and though we believe we have the full sympathy of comprehension for what is the spiritual inspiration and intent of Fascismo and applaud it, we feel the matter is of far too great import to allow any risk of misunderstanding through compliment. A Democratic Dictatorship such as Mussolini has set up and desires to maintain may very likely suit the nature and instincts of the Italian people. In any case, that is their affair and not ours. We only know that Dictatorship would not suit the English people. In our opinion it is a danger because, even when it is founded on noble things, it may rapidly degenerate into evil. But so, no doubt, may every other form of government. It is for the people of Italy to choose what suits them, and apparently they have chosen well for themselves. Far be it from us to pretend to know their interests better than they do themselves. Though in certain cases Fascismo may have had harsh and oppressive manifesta- tions, it is evident that it is maintained, not by military or any other force, but by the general will of the Italian people.
_ And now we come to what is the essential point of Signor Mussolini's message, or, at any rate, the point that is essential for us. In effect he says : " Why should not Britain and Italy understand each other and work together 2 " As we understand his message, he goes on to assert that there is no obstacle except that the English people misunderstand the spiritual significance of Fascism. We agree. There is no obstacle, or, if there is any, we desire, and we believe the British people desire, to • see it at once removed. We think that probably Signor Mussolini has a good deal exaggerated the want of under- standing of Fascismo that he attributes to this country.
Still, no doubt, Fascismo ought to be studied more closely than it hitherto has been, and its spiritual significance made more clear. If it is it will make converts, for.
Englishmen are by nature idealists. That there is the necessary good will to understand we do not doubt for a moment.
So much for generalities. We shall on a later occasion return to a discussion in detail as to h9w Britain and Italy might co-operate in foreign affairs, and especially in a reasonable and fair adjustment of all Mediterranean problems. Here we shall say only that we desire a real rapprochement with Italy, in which there shall be good will on both sides and in which everything shall be done that can be done by Britain to give emphasis to what we already fully recognise—i.e., the greatness of the Italian nation. Here Italians often make a great mistake. They think that Britain occupies a patronising position towards Italy. That is an entire mistake. A country in which public opinion is as free as, thank heaven, it is in England will always be critical ; but that criticism is not a proof that we think the criticized people are our inferiors, but a rroof that we think them our equals. When we are sentimental, as we often are towards small countries, we are rather untactfully patronising. When we criticise we consciously, as well as actually, acknowledge equality with ourselves.
Of one thing Signor Mussolini may be certain. Now, as throughout our history, England has been Italian in her sympathies, and when we say England, we do not mean merely the rich classes and the more cultivated. Strange as it may seem, the people of England as a whole have always been touched by the wrongs and misfortunes of Italy and delighted by her good fortunes. It was not for nothing that when Garibaldi came to London not merely the Italianate upper classes but the whole people received him as no King or Emperor had ever been received. Again, it is surely not without significance that for the best and most thoughtful part of our working classes Mazzini has always been a household word. He was the democratic hero of the 'fifties, 'sixties and 'seventies.
Signor Mussolini will find no difficulty in working with our Government, and the British people will find none in understanding the spiritual significance of his message
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