RUSSIAN PROPAGANDA IN POLAND.
WEAK, culpable, and abortive as was the late Polish insurrection, it seems likely nevertheless to be followed by strange and im- portant results affecting the three great despotic Powers of Eu- rope, and for one of them at least—Austria—replete with the most formidable perils. It was with painful incredulity that Western statesmen at first received the reports of the deeds done with the sanction or connivance of the Government in Gallicia ; and even now they can hardly shake off the stupor of amazement into which they have been cast by the monstrous guilt and folly of the Imperial policy in that province. To find the most an- cient, the most methodic, cautious, and timorously conservative throne in Europe, suddenly adopting the counsels of Asiatic bar- barism, and plunging with deliberate purpose into fierce, deso- lating anarchy, was something which philosophy might explain, but for which our modern experience had not prepared us. Equally novel and unexpected is the retribution which is follow- ing fast on the heels of the crime. A little while ago, who would have thought to see the Polish patriots throw themselves into the fraternal embraces of Russia, and hail the Emperor Nicholas as the destined saviour of their race and nation, the avenger of the blood of their brethren shed by Austria ? Yet so it is. A reac- tion of this kind is setting in rapidly and intensely : Russia is meeting it with prompt, skilful, and energetic encouragements : Austria and Prussia are acutely sensible of the danger, but know not how to guard against it. Such are the fruits of Prince Met- ternich's vaunted statecraft.
A pamphlet lately published in France, and purporting to be A
Letter addressed by a Nobleman of Galicia to Prince Metternich respecting his Circular Despatch of 7th March 1846, may be con- sidered as the official manifesto of the new school of Polish poli- tics. It is known to be regarded in that light in the diplomatic circles of Berlin and Vienna. The author calls upon his country- men to break for ever with the juggling statesmanship and the delusive popular sympathies of Western Europe, and cast them- selves without reserve upon the ruler of the great Sclavonic empire. Thus, he tells them, if they cannot command their own destiny as a political body', they may find a new one as indivi- duals of the same race, and have their share in the greatness of that union of all the Sclaves which the atrocities of the stranger will have served to expedite. " Let us begin," he says, a to choose freely what we have hitherto endured. As soon as we shall have ceased to bear ourselves as slaves, our master will, in spite of himself, be our brother." Nothing can be more welcome to the Czar than sentiments such as these. To say nothing of the prospects of territorial aggrandizement which they encourage, (a temptation to which Russia was never indifferent,) they offer Nicholas a means of effacing the Gallicizing tendencies of his Polish subjects, and of setting up on his Western frontier an effectual barrier against the inroads of the Constitutional con- tagion.
It is only just now they have begun even in Germany to reflect on the peculiar attitude assumed by the Russian Government during the massacre of Gallicia. When the Russian soldiers en- tered Cracow, they were received with delight by the towns- people, because they delivered them from the detested Austrians. Several of the persecuted Gallician nobles obtained refuge in the Russian territory; and the peasants who ventured to pursue them over the frontier were all sent to the mines or executed. The same just policy was observed in the kingdom of Poland; where certain peasants, having attempted, in imitation of their neigh- bours, to lay hands on some of the landowners whom they chose to consider rebels, were almost instantly put to death by the au- thorities. All this has produced an impression in Austrian Po- land highly favourable to Russia ; the Czar is now exceedingly popular in Gallicia. Availing himself of these propitious circumstances, Nicholas
has taken some bold steps to conciliate his own Polish subjects likewise. The German papers were full lately of his visit to Warsaw, where they say he walked about the streets without an escort. This may be a court fiction ; but it has had its effect in the quarters for which it was intended. Certain significant phrases were also seasonably set afloat: the Czar is reported to have said, that his people of Poland were beginning to put con- fidence in him, and that he would make them a great people. The police were enjoined to relax their severity,—though it was found necessary at the same time to enlarge the pri- sons, as there was not room in them for the numbers arrested. Above all, certain very desirable reforms were taken into consideration, and seem likely to be accomplished. Among these are the abolition of the line of customhouses between Poland and Russia; a measure which would be highly benefi- cial to the people, and useful in many ways to the Govern- ment; and a scheme for improving the relations between the landlord and the peasant. It is the Austrian policy to sow enmity between the Gallician peasant and his lord, by retaining and augmenting every means by which the latter can be made to ap- pear to the former in the character of a harsh taskmaster and public functionary. Russia is eager to establish the broadest con- trast in this respect between her own conduct and that of Austria. The Augsburg Gazette of the 27th August announces, that Prince Paskewitch bas brought back from St. Petersburg a matured and
settled plan for the redemption of corvees and all other rents and services in kind, and that it will be speedily put in operation.
Posen is perhaps even more full of the Russianizing, ferment than any other part of Poland. Nicholas thinks he acts the part of a good brother-in-law in preventing Frederick William, by fair means or by foul, from entangling himself in constitutional engagements; and therefore he is glad to alarm and busy him on the side of Posen. The Emperor's agents were extremely numer-, ous and active there, (on behalf of the common interests of the Three Great Powers, as they alleged,) until the Cabinet of Berlin took umbrage at their presence and obliged them to withdraw. From that moment, the country began to be agitated with ru- mours favourable to the desi"ns of Russia. "The Poles ought to look to Nicholas as their deliverer and leader : Nicholas was a Sclave, and none but a Sclave could regenerate all Poland ; Nicholas Emperor of the Sclaves would be quite a different person- age from Nicholas Emperor of Russia." It was stoutly asserted the other day that the Czar would soon abdicate in favour of his son, and that he intended to erect for himself an independent kingdom. including Poland, and extending from the Bug to the Oder. Ridiculous as was the story, its effect was such that the Prussian Ministry thought it necessary to refute it formally in their official journal.
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