IRELAND.

The Dublin Corporation presented an address to the Lord-Lieutenant On Monday. Mr. O'Connell was present in his capacity of Alderman. The address was exceedingly complimentary-

" In the delegation of the high authority of chief governor of Ireland to your Excellency—deservedly endeared to us as you are, by birth, family, and residence —we recognize an act in conformity with the desire which has been uniformly expressed hy our beloved Sovereign towards this part of her kingdom; while your Excellency's reputation, wisdom, and attention to the affairs heretofore committed to your charge, afford us the best grounds of assurance that this instance of her Majesty's favour will prove not less conducive to the interests of her Irish people than it has been congenial to their wishes and gratifying to their feelings."

The Corporation express a hope that his Excellency's appointment " will prove the harbinger of measures which will place Ireland on a perfect equality with the more favoured parts of the empire."

In his reply, the Lord-Lieutenant alludes to the expressions of approval which the appointment of a " resident proprietor " to the office of Lord- Lieutenant has elicited from various quarters, and says- " The interest I have always felt in the prosperity of this immediately makes the appointment most gratifying, as it gives me the opportunity of more mmediately directing my attention to those measures of internal improvement which must tend to the tranquillity and welfare of the kingdom."

The reinstatement of the dismissed Repeal Magistrates has led to some curious correspondence; many of the gentlemen taking the opportunity to parade their Repeal opinions in rather an ostentatious manner. Mr. Pierse Somerset Butler is conspicuous among the epistle-writers. The Lord Chancellor offered to reinstate Mr. Butler in the commission of the peace; but Mr. Butler stipulated as the condition of his acceptance, that the com- mission should be antedated to the day of his dismissal. With the view of removing the objection, the Lord Chancellor intimated that Mr. Butler's name would stand in the commission in the place in which it was before his removal, and that the reinstatement would take place without fees; adding, however, that his Lordship had no power to antedate the commis- sion. Mr. Butler, in his reply, accepts the appointment, and speaks of the " handsome manner " in which his views have been met.

At the weekly Repeal meeting, on Monday Mr. O'Connell expatiated on three topics,—the potato failure-' the condemnation of the " Godless Colleges" by the Cardinals; and the law of treason as applied to the phy- sical force aspirations of the Nation newspaper—

By the law just passed, Government were authorized to give relief wherever it was wanted. That law was a little too extensive for the pleasure of the landlord: it was a labour-rate for the first time imposed upon Ireland; it was a labour-rate i

which they should pay to keep the poor in employment. The law was sometimes spoken of as being too severe on landlords; but he did not think so, although lie was a landlord himself. It was, in fact, an out-door relief under the Poor-law; and he would tell the gentry of Ireland, that they would have that law perpe- tuated unless they joined in seeking with him for the restoration of their domestic Legislature.

It was with feelings of the utmost delight that he had the glorious news that the Congregation of Cardinals, to whom the question of the Government scheme of education was referred, had unanimously condemned that measure. What a triumph to the faithful people of Ireland! The attempt to lead them astray- . the attempt to give the Government an undue control over the liberties and reli- gion of the peopleliad failed: the Infidel Colleges had been condemned at Rome, and the people would condemn them at home. At the next meeting he should move an address to the Queen, and a petition to Parliament, praying for the abolition of the system. Mr. O'Connell repeated his expressions of confidence in the Ministry; and as a practical proof, mentioned that lie had named two candidates for the choice of the Cloninel electors, but with this stipulation, that whoever was elected should pledge himself to support the Whig Government. Rent 1041.

Mr. Ray, the Repeal Association Secretary, has been troubled with letters from some of the Young Inlanders, wishing to know whether their names have been struck off the list of members, and if so, why? Among others who put the question was Mr. Mitchell, editor of the Nation; who declares himself to be an" advocate of the policy of moral force, and of moral force alone," but in a marked way omits to condemn the resort to physical force. The cau- tions Mr. Ray, however, did not commit himself by going into particulars. His reply was, "As you have ceased to be a member of the Association, the Committee cannot enter into any correspondence with you." Mr. Mitchell returns to the charge, demanding an explicit statement of reasons; but Mr. Ray again declines, alleging," I am not authorized to enter into further cor- respondence with you on the subject." Mr. Richard O'Gorman junior, in putting the same question, declares his non-concurrence in the policy of Mr. O'Connell as regards physical force and the Motion newspaper. Mr. Ray expresses his regret at the declaration, and states that it incapacitates him from continuing a member of the Association. The Nation declares that it receives several letters declaring sympathy and concurrence: the editor is making a collection of such documents.

Mr. Smith O'Brien had a great ovation, at his own door at Cahermoyle, on Sunday. The Repeaters of Rathkeale, with the Reverend Mr. Spasm the Roman Catholic curate, at their head, proceeded thither with an ad- dress; and on their way they met a multitude from Newcastle, headed also by a priest, bent on the same errand. On meeting, the two bodies set up a deafening cheer: the aggregate number of both parties is estimated by Irish authorities at from 7,000 to 8,000. In his speech, Mr. O'Brien gave an explanation of the causes which led to his retirement from Conciliation Hall- " Until a Whig Ministry was about to be formed, no difference arose in that as- aembly of such a nature as to separate those who had been cooperating in that Association like brothers; but, unfortunately, recent events, commencing perhaps as early as last December, but developing themselves more fully during the period of my imprisonment by the English House of Commons, have brought into anta- gonism persons who previously laboured together for the welfare of this country. A considerable portion, I believe a majority of the Committee of the Association, were of opinion that the Repeal Association, as a body, should pronounce an opin- ion in support of me in my straggle with the House of Commons. Another portion of the Committee of that assembly, (I believe the minority,) thought it would not be safe for the Repeal Association to pronounce an opinion on the sub- ject. Those who supported my cause gave up their opinion with respect to the creation being disposed of by the Association as a body; but still, on every befit- tang occasion they took the opportunity of declaring that they thought I was right m my collision with the House of Commons. (Cheers, and cries of "So you were.") When there was a prospect of the Whigs coming into power and re- placing the Tories, a considerable number of the most able, the most talented, and most disinterested members of the Committee of the Association, proclaimed it as their opinion that it was not desirable that the Repeaters of Ireland should make any sort so of concession to the Whigs, but that we ought to keep ourselves independent ndependent of any English faction whatsoever; and with that view, that it was desirable that the Repeal Representatives should abstain from getting places, or asking for places for themselves or for others, or from having any con- nexion whatever with the Government. That was my opinion. (Loud cheers, and cries of "It is our opinion also.") [Here some disapprobation was ex- pressed with reference to the Pilot newspaper, which Mr. O'Brien instantly checked.] Then came the election for Dungarvan. Now, Dungarvan is one of the places in which the Repeaters of Ireland believed, and I be- lieve still, that the Repeaters possessed a great majority in the consti- tuency; and that had the Repeaters of Dungarvan been called on to do their duty to their country, they would have been able to elect a Repealer as their representative, instead of a Whig placeman. I don't mean to disparage Mr. Shell in any manner whatsoever; but I do say, that it was a most unfortunate circumstance that a Repealer was not elected for Dungarvan. (Cries of "No doubt of it.") Well, a portion of the Committee of the Association took upon themselves to express their opinions strongly, and perhaps indiscreetly, on this subject. When n befitting opportunity arose, they said that the principle of re- turning a Repealer wherever practicable ought to be carried out In referents to my imprisonment, they said that I ought to be upheld. (Cries of "So you ought.") They said that no place should be solicited by a Repealer from the Government. They said that the men of Dungarvan had betrayed their duty in not returning a Repealer. .(Loud cries of "IVe say the same.") This is the difference which has arisen in the Repeal Association. The members of the Re- peal Association were called on to declare that there were no circumstances, that there was no position of any kind, or at any time whatsoever, in which they could be placed, when it would be advisable to recover freedom by arms; and there was a certain portion of the Repeal Association who said that they would not subscribe to that pledge. (Loud cheers.) They said, and I say it with them, that it was not their intention to invite their countrymen to settle the question by an appeal to arms. ("Hear, hear!" and cheers.) For my part, I have always endea- voured to impress on the people, whenever I have addressed them, that such an appeal to arms would be disastrous to Repeal, and, perhaps, throw it back for half a century. But, at the same time, I will say, that if the whole of the people of Ireland are unanimous in their demand for the repeal of the Union, and if England, in reply to that demand, should proceed to extremities, and endeavour by force to put down the expression of public opinion—I say in that case resist- ance would be not only lawful but necessary. I told Mr. Macaulay, when he talked to me of resorting to arms to put down the expression of public opinion in Ireland—I said I could tell him that the Irish people had arms too. (Tremendoist cheering, and cries of "Ay, and we could use them.") I said, that if the Eng- lish people were determined to listen to no reason, to no argument, but to resort to the use of the bayonet for the purpose of crushing the people of this country, it was possible they might find that the English people would come off the worst in the struggle. And now, gentlemen, I, who have been all my life an advocate for peace—I, who have nothing to gain but everything to lose by a social revul- sion or struggle of the kind I have alluded to—because I cannot subscribe to that test, I am arraigned as a rebel chief. (Loud cheers and laughter.) And the men who are not prepared to pronounce that Washington committed a sin against his God in liberating America, these are arraigned as fellow conspirators of mine.

" Though I was not certain that my constituents who inhabit this great county approved of the course I have adopted, I determined to lay before them my resolu- tion. (Loud cries of " We approve of it.") If I had not been assured by this meeting that you approve of it, I should have had no alternative but that of re-

signing the trust you have placed in my hands. (Cries of " You must never resign.") And, as far as I am concerned, I wish it to be made known that the bridge is cut off behind me—that I have left myself no retreat to Whiggery: I must advance with the Irish people. (Tremendous applause.) I am and to tell you, that the course of proceeding at Conciliation Hall is not that which, in my opinion, would tend to the furtherance of Repeal; and, therefore, I propose to remain here a quiet and humble spectator of political events for the present. Circumstances must arise before long which will indicate what is to be the policy of those who lead the Repeal cause. If that policy be such as will allow the re- turn of those men who have been driven almost with ignominy from the Associa- tion, I shall return. I don't know whether I sun a member of the Repeal Asso- ciation or not; but I am told that some of the most talented and disinterested members have been driven from it; and as long as this is the case I cannot at- tend at Conciliation Hall."

The Reverend Daniel Synan chimed in approvingly- " If Conciliation Hall policy be persisted in, we shall shortly have Conciliation Hall turned into a Royal Repeal Hospital, where all the duty will be done by paid pensioners. Mr. Smith O'Brien has told nothing but the truth; and although two Bishops and some clergymen have already decided on the other side, the opin- ions of the great majority of the clergy yet remain to be revealed."

With the view of preventing abuse in the administration of relief under the act for providing employment for the poor, the Lords of the Treasury make the following recommendations- " No person should be employed on any relief works who can obtain employ- ment on other public works, or in farming or other private operations in the neighbourhood. The wages given to persons employed on relief works should in every case be at least 2d. a day less than the average rate of wages in the dis- trict. And the persons employed on the relief works should to the utmost pos- sible extent be paid in proportion to the work actually done by them."

A decision of some importance under existing circumstances, from its bearing on the relations between farmer and labourer, has just been given. A number of labourers were sued, at the Fernley Petty Sessions, under the 48d Geo. III. chap. 86, sec. 6, for refusing to work for the period they wore engaged. For this offence six months' imprisonment, or three months of hard labour, may be inflicted. The hirings were for a period of twelve months from the 25th of March last. The labourers had in each case got possession of a dwelling-house and a plot of ground for a crop of potatoes, for which it was agreed that the farmer was to charge a certain rent, which the labourer was to pay by his work at a certain rate per day. It appears that this description of contract is general throughout a great part of Ireland; and a labourer entering into it is said to be "working against the rent of his hoax and garden." The defendants' potato- gardens having failed, and they being without food, they had refused to work unless their wages were paid in cash; and the summonses were issued to compel them to work according to their agreements. Mr. Carroll, who conducted the defence, contended that the agreement operated only as a civil contract; under which the farmer, if not paid the rent of the house and garden when due, might proceed for recovery of it against the labourer by civil bill before the assistant- barrister. After some consultation with the other members of the Bench, the Chairman announced that four of the Magistrates were for dismissing the cases, while three were of opinion that the Bench had the power of committing the de- fendants to prison under the act. Under these circumstances, they had agreed to postpone their decision until they obtained the opinion of the Law Adviser of the Crown on the subject. That opinion was obtained on the 24th August, through the instrumentality of Mr. Redington, the Under-Secretary; and it coincided with "the opinion of the four Magistrates." " The ease," says Mr. Redington, "is not one for the summary jurisdiction of the Justices within the 48d Geo. III. The farmer mint sue his tenant for his rent; or, if wages be actually due by the farmer, and that the labourer sues him, he may set off the rent as a debt due to

Mm: but if the labourer refuses to work out the contract, or to work unless paid his wages in cash, the Magistrates have no power to send him to prison."

The Newry Examiner says that two hundred and fifty vessels have been chartered to proceed to the Black Sea, Mediterranean, Portugal, Azores, United States, and even to Patagonia, for cargoes of Indian corn.

Daring the night of August the 25th, some monsters set fire to the cabin of Darby Cain, bailiff to a gentleman near Borrisokane; fastening the door outside, that Cain, his wife, and five children, might be consumed. The man, however, foreed open the door with a crow-bar, and the family escaped. The cottage was stroy • deed.