Erlintr5 ner ►rfirttItiugn in Varlinmrut.

PRINCIPAL. BUSINESS OF THE WEEK. Hews or Roam ifonday,.. August 1. Royal Assent to the Consolidated Finial (7,000,00W.) Bill, Public Health Bill, and other bills—Divorce Court Bill considered as amended—Railway Companies Arbitration Bill read a second time—Admission of Salt to China ; Lord Stanley of Alderley's Question—Admiralty Court Bill, Trial by Jury (Scotland) Act Amendment Bill, Diplomatic -Peasions Bill, and tile Criminal Justice Middlesex (Assistant-Judge) Bill read a third time and passed- Thesday, August 2. The Builders' Strike ; Lord Brougham's Statement—Di- vorce Court Bill read a third time and passed—Railway Companies' Arbitration Bill committed.

Thursday, August 4. Militia; Lord Ellenborough's Remarks—Income-Mx Bill read a second time—Imprisonment for Small Debts Rill, read a second time. Friday, August 5. Church-rates; the Duke of Marlborough's Statement—Peace of Villafranca; Lord Normanby's Notice of Motion.

ROUSE or Commons. Monday, August 1. Supply; Civil Service Estimates— The. Indian Budget; Sir Charles Wood's Statement—Vexatious Indictments Bill read a third time and passed—Reserve Volunteer Force of Seamen Bill read are- cond thne—Customs and Stamp Duties Bill read a second time.

Tuesday, August 2. Income-tax Bill read a third time and passed—Police (Boroughs and Counties) Law Amendment Bill committed—Roman Catholic Cha- rities Bill withdrawn—Cruelties to Merchant Seamen ; Mr. Monckton

Motion.

Wednesday. August S. Supply; Civil Service Estimates—North-West Terri- tories (British America) Bill read a second time.

Thursday, August 4. Supply; Votes for New Offices, Cleansing the Serpentine, Coinage, Sc.—Dublin Police Bill committed—Divorce Court Bill read a second time—Endowed Schools Bill withdrawn—Army Reserve Bill read a first time.

Friday, August 5. Reserve Force of Seamen Bill committed—Bodmin Compro- mise; Dr. Michel's Explanation—National Defences ; Mr. Horsman's Remarks— Local European Force in India Bill read a first time.,

EAST INDIAN FINANCES.

The House of Commons went into Committee on Monday in order to hear a statement respecting the Indian Finances from the Indian Minister.

Sir Gammas Woo» began by dwelling on the vast importance of the subject both to India and to this country. The financial state of India demands the most anxious consideration. He must not be understood to say that the future prospects of India are very gloomy or hopeless. His statement referred entirely to the present. He saw no reason why- India should not be restored to the state in which she was when he last held the office of President of the Board of Control : then, universal confidence prevailed. We had a surplus revenue and had devised many means to develop the internal resources of the country. But since then, the whirlwind of mutiny has passed over the land, confidence is de- stroyed, public works are checked, financial difficulties of the most serious description have arisen. With this exordium, Sir Charles plunged into his financial statement; premising that many of his figures would be based on estimates, and are therefore not perfectly accurate. In 1867-8, the expenditure was 40,226,0001., the revenue was 31,706,0001., leaving a deficit of 8,520,0001. In 1868-9 the expenditure amounted to 48,507,0001., the revenue 33,800,000/., leaving a deficit of 14,701,0001., the de- ficit on two years being 23,221,500r. That large deficit has been met by loans borrowed in India to the amount of 10,556,0001., and in England to the amount of 11,562,000d., making 22,118,0001., the remainder being made up by diminution of the balance. The estimated expenditure for 1859-60 in- cluding 5,581,000/., for charging at home and stores ; 900,0001., for excess of interests over receipts from railways; and 1,000,0001., for compensation for losses during the mutiny, is 46,131,5001. The estimated revenue is 35,850,0001., leaving a deficit of 10,250,000/. The Indian debt which in 1857 was 59,462,000L, was in 1859, 81,580,0001. To make up the deficiency for 1869-60 loans will have to be raised. The Government of India will be able to raise 2,000,0001. Nearly 5,000,0001. have already been raised on railway debentures issued by Lord Stanley last year, and Sir Charles Wood proposes to issue the remaining 2,000,0001. of the last year's loan and take power to issue 6,000,000/. more. This new loan will raise the Indian debt by April 1860 to 95,836,000/. and the interest to nearly 3,900,0001. With regard to the future, Sir Charles Wood said that it is indispensable that the income and expenditure should be more nearly balanced, that must be effected by a reduction of the expenditure and by an increase of income. He does not think that any considerable reduction can be made in the Civil establishments. On the contrary, he thinks there will be a further demand for the superintendence of European officers in India. No large amount can be saved on the public works nor in the home expenditure ; the great item in which reduction can be made is that of military expenditure :- " The amount of troops in India before the mutiny was of Europeans, in- cluding the officers of native regiments, 45,522; of natives, 249,153 . making together 294,675. The amount of troops at this moment in India is, of Europeans, 110,320; of natives, 207,765 ; making together 318,085, to which must be added police militarily organized, 89,829, giving a total of 407,911. We also have in England depots of regiments of the Line in India 21,700, and depots of local corps about 2000, so that inoluding the force in India, the force on Indian pay at home, and the military police in India, the total force at the present moment is 431,600." A reduction has already been made in the strength of the native levies, but the Governor-General is of opinion that the expenditure on this head cannot be reduced to a greater extent than 2,000,0001. Sir Charles Wood quoted Sir John Lawrence to show that the mutiny was a military mutiny ; that we must maintain a larger European force and a smaller native force in India than we have hitherto done. He quoted Sir Bartle Frere, the Commissioner of Scinde, to show the necessity of bringing our expenditure within our income even in a military and political point of view. Sir Charles admitted that ten regiments would have been sent from India had not discontent exhibited itself amongst the local European troops. He could not say that the military expenditure could be reduced so low as it was before the mutiny, but there is a large margin on which a reduction can be made. With regard to revenue, the Indian Government propose to raise the salt duty, impose a stamp-duty, the payment of a licence hz traders, and if possible, a succession-duty. But when all is done there will be still a considerable deficiency to be provided by loans. As the organiza- tion of the financial part of the Indian Government is very unsound, the Home Government propose to send out a person in whom they have con- fidence, to take charge of the financial department and reduce it to order. He pointed out that in spite of recent circumstances the revenue has con- tinued to improve; that it has risen from 31,700,0901. in 1856-7, to

35,850,000t. in 1859-60; that these accessions have not been caused by an increase of territory, but that they are bona fide improvements in revenue.

-Mr. Gnaw-man eoncurred in the sanguine view taken by Sir Charles of the prospects of Indian finance ; but doubted whether it would be possible to throw any more railway debentures on the market. Lord STANLEY gave a somewhat elaborate exposition of his views. The sources of difficulty are temporary, the deficit must be diminished by one of three modes—by taxation, or some measure to obtain relief be- yond the limits of India, or by a reduction in expenditure. He went over the various taxes which have been proposed for India, such as the succession-tax, and the tobacco-tax, and licences on trade, to show that we cannot expect much more than we obtain from taxation. The next question was, whether any relief can be obtained from any quarter be- yond India itself. ruder this head he treated of the expenditure of an Im- perial guarantee, set forth the arguments for and against it, and arrived at the opinion that something in the nature of imperial assistance will become before long a matter of absolute necessity. He did not look for a retrospective guarantee, but such assistance as would satisfy present exigencies and cease when those exigencies cease. He pointed out that whereas we pay nearly all the military expenditure of the colonies, we throw all the military expenditure upon India, and he thought that we should borrow something from the system we pursued with regard to the colonies. Then came the question of the reduction of Indian, ex- penditure. Lord Stanley is of opinion that little can be done in the way of reduction in the Civil expenditure, and if that little were done it would be a qiiestion whether the saving effected would compensate for the dis- content which would be created. He does not concur in the opinion: that the number of Europeans emlpeyed in the Civil Service should be increased, and thinks rather that a larger number of natives, especially educated natives, should be admitted, into the Indian Civil Service; and that the uncovenanted servants should be admitted to offices that may be held by the covenanted servants. Some saving might be effected by a reorganization of the Governor-General's Council if it were composed of persons who are actually heads of the principal departments. Looking to the future, he thinks that the railways will become self-supporting, and afford a larger amount than is sufficient to cover the guarantee. As regards the question of military expenditure, we shall not be able for some time to return to the old- standard of our military force in India. Looking to the whole question he does not see that it would be safe in any ease to reduce the European forge hereafter to be retained in India below 60,000 or 65,000,, and lie is of opinion that two-thirds of the European force maintained in. India should be troops exclusively for Indian service.

Mr. BRIGHT took a gloomy view of the prospects of India. To him the peril increases in magnitude every year; and having paid some at- tention to the subject, he desired to,dolieshare to confront the evil. Sir Charles Wood said that everything was satisfactory iu 1855. Well, in that year it did happen that the deficit was 143,0001. only. But it gives a better idea of the case to note that in the three years preceding the mutiny, the deficit was 2,823,0001: It must be a bad.Govenment that does not de- fray its expense& out of thetaaes. rot in India• millions are levied on the sale and transit of opium • by a process which is not taxation. That is in danger of being- impaired or suddenly cut off altogether. Next year the debt will be 100,000,000/. That the money can be borrowed at all, even at a.high rate of interest, only arises from. the fact that England contrives to scramble through her difficulties and keep good faith. As to an Imperial guarantee, he does not oppose it from sympathy with the English tax- - payers, but because if we let " the service of India" put its hand into the pockets of the English people,, it is impossible to foresee to what lengths of unimagined extravagance it would go. At this moment the military ex- penditure absorbs the net revenue, and not a farthing-is left to pay the public creditor. Either the Government of India must come to an end, or England must become tributary to-India. Mr. Bright went on to denounce the policy of annexation with groat emphasis;. to declare thatthe Civilfiervice is over ;. that it does not deserve the loud praises heaped' upon. it; to propose that the income of the Civil Service should. be reduced by one half ; and to , argue against an-European. and a Native force larger than is required. If we are to have one body of troops to watch another„ there can be no hope of any diminution of expenditure. The mutiny was suppressed by 45,000 men ; the people of Oude have been disarmed. There is no power in India ibr armed resistance except the Native army, which has been built up of late to a greater- extent than ever. He decried the authority of military men on the question of the force that should be maintained, and showed that if so large an European force is kept, the supremacy ofthe conquering race will be displayed' in an offensive manner. That was not so when the English were weak in India. Then the natives were treated with respect. "A Govern- ment, then, with this vast army, must always be in a difficulty. Lord Canning nor Lord anybody else can turn his attention to anything but this wearing, exasperating question of how money is to be got to pay this army. Ha can't turn his attention imam, way to reforms, and I am convinced that this House must insist upon the Government reducing the large amount of its army, whatever be the risk. A large army will render it impossible for you to hold the country; for you will have a constantly increasing debt, and anarchy must inevitably overwhelm you in the end. A small army, a moderate, conciliatory, and just Government, with the finances in a pros- perous oondition, and I know not but for generations and centuries this country may possess a share, and a large share, in the government of those vast territories which it has conquered." Mr. Bright maintained that there is no government in India. There is no independent English opinion ' • the Civil Service is privileged, arrogant, tyrannous. The Governor-General is the creature of the services. Procrastination is the very nature of the Go- vernment. Lord Stanley had condemned the annexation of Dhar. No notice has been taken of his letter. Sir Charles Trevelyan at Madras has shown a virit above that of a passive instrument, and has sought to introduce bene- Mai changes. He has therefbre raised a hornet's nest about him. Mr. Bright drew a sarcastic picture of the helpless position of' a Governor-

• General condemned' to-breathe official air, and live in an official circle, over- whelmed by his duties ; and dwelt on the perpetual changes going on in the

appointments of Magistrates, mentioning cases where one man filled twenty- 'four situations in thirteen years; another twenty-one offices in twenty-one ears, and soon. Finally, he expatiated at great length on his remedy for In- -the decentcalization of the Government2 pointing to Ceylon, where there is some kind of representation of public opinion, and recommending electoral councils for Bombay and Madras. At present al the governors of provinces

are in fetters, and Sir Charles Trevelyan has been blamed for attempting to break through them. "I am convinced that you will not make a single step towards the improvement of India unless you change your whole system

of government—unless you give to each Presidency a government with more independent powers than are now possessed by them. What would' be

thought if the whole of Europe was under one governor, who knew only the language of the Feejee Islands, and that his subordinates were like himself,

only more intelligent than the inhabitants of the Feejee Islands are supposed to, be ? Yon set a governor over nearly 200,000,000 of human beings, in a climate where the European cannot do the work he has to do so well as here —where neither the moral nor physical strength of the individual is equal to what it is at home—and you do not even always furnish the most power- ful men for the office ; you seem to think that the atmosphere will be always calm and the sea always smooth—and so the Government of India goes on ; there are promises without number of beneficial changes, but we never hear that India is much better or worse than before. Now, that is not the way to do justice to a great empire like India. What is now going on in India among our own troops ? Notwithstanding what we have heard, that the Government is not disposed to take a gloomy view of things, who can tell what intelligence another mail may bring us ? Let us not forget the con- dition in which India now is. Her native governments have been cast to the ground, and the princes who reigned there are wanderers on the soil they once called their own, pensioners on the bounty of the strangers by whom their fortunes have been overturned. Thousands of the people help- less and friendless, deprived. of their natural leaders and their chiefs, are spread over the land, looking still, I trust, with hope to the justice and cle- mency of their conquerors. I appeal to your mercy and justice on behalf of that people. For years past I have never spoken but with the same earnest- ness as now in their behalf; and I ask if it is not possible to touch a chord in the hearts of Englishmen that will raise them to a sense of the duty they owe to the people of India? If this state of things exists in India it must ere long become a serious burden to the people of this country. You will show to the world. that, though you can conquer, you have not the ability to govern. You had better disencumber yourselves of the fatal gift of empire if Meads you as conquerors to neglect the duties you owe as governors. I hope it will never be said that the time had come when the arms of England were irresistible in India, but that India was avenged, inasmuch as she broke the power of England by the intolerable evils she imposed upon her, the vast amount of men and money required to keep India in subjection being a burden she was unable to bear." (Loud cheers.) Here the debate fell off somewhat Mr. T, G. BARING grave some de- tailed supplementary official explanation. Mr. DANBY SEYMOUR sup- ported the decentralizing views of Mr. Bright, and advocated the admission. of natives to the Civil Service. Mr. VaNsrrraar desired to see more civil functionaries, the settlement of more Europeans in India. Mr. CRIMSON spoke against, and Mr. KosNeran and Mr. CONINGHAM in favour, of an Imperial guarantee. Mr. HANKEY deprecated the middle course taken by the Government.

The formal resolution submitted to the House was agreed to.

THE Minima.

On the motion fur the second reading- of the Militia Ballots Suspen- sion Bill, the Earl of ELLENBOROUGII took occasion to express his grati- tude to the Commissioners who have inquired into and reported on the Militia, and to state his own views. He concurs with the Commis- sioners in thinking that the Militia should be locally recruited, and the period of training- extended—individually, he would prefer to see the period extended to fifty-six days. He thinks it imprudent, except in extreme emergencies, to recruit the Line from the Militia. The Militia ought to be the foundation of our military defence and Ieft in its in- tegrity. At present some regiments are embodied and trained' to a degree of efficiency equal to that of the regular army. That is a change from the old system, and destroys the character of the Militia. Ho hoped that it would not be adopted as a principle. Looking at the changes in military institutions of all great States he feels " perfectly confident that, unless we alter very materially our military institutions, we shall gra- dually decline from the station we have hitherto occupied, and shall no longer be considered one of the five great Powers of Europe." The Duke of CLEVELAND thought it impossible to keep up the Militia without the ballot. The county of Durham should furnish 1760 men, but-in 1858, out of a strength of 700, he only mustered 320 men, and in 1859 only 206. Lord CKuasroN gave similar evidence. When his regi- ment was ordered to Ireland, out of a strength of 900 men 400 had to be left behind. " because they could not be found." Lord AVELAND said that his regiment should be 1000 strong, but he could only muster 400.

The Duke of CAMBRIDGE thought that it would be unwise to make the Militia inefficient for the sake of the Line. It is of the greatest import- ance that the Line should be kept up by the aid of the Militia, but not at its expense. Whatever force we have it should be real. Nominally we have 120,000 men, but when they are wanted one half are absent. The new system has never been tested till now, and he hoped the matter would be very seriously considered by the Government. The Earl of Briars said that it is true that disembodied regiments am 40 per cent below their proper quota, and- that the strength of the em- bodied Militia is not satisfactory. The Secretary for War will take the whole subject into consideration during the recess, and he has already determined to adopt the recommendation of the Militia Commission and extend the period of training from twenty-one to twenty-eight days.

BREACH OF PRIVILEGE.

Mr. ROEBUCK called attention on Thursday to a matter of privilege. A petition had been presented' against the return of one of the members for Bodmin on the grounds of bribery and treating ; that petition. had been withdrawn, and it had come to his knowledge that the Member for Bodmin, being charged with bribery and corruption, had agreed to a compromise, that at the end of the session he would retire from the re- presentation by accepting the stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds. Mr. Roebuck considers this a corrupt compromise materially affecting the character of the House, and he moved :- "That, in the opinion of this House, any Minister would be guilty of a breach of the privileges of this House who should advise the Crown to confer the office of Steward of the Chiltern Hundreds upon any person charged with corrupt practices at an election, and who, for the purpose of evading the jurisdiction of this House, has entered into an agreement to vacate his seat upon the withdrawal of the petition charging him with such corrupt practices."

Mr. )FIELD seconded the resolution.

Colonel TAYLOR wished to know whether notice had been given to the honourable Member for Bodmin ; and Mr. ROEBUCK answered that it had. Lord PALMERSTON expressed an opinion that Mr. Roebuck had

not shown sufficient ground for calling on the House to adopt a general resolutien. The Member for Bodmin should have attended in his place,

and then the House could have dealt with the matter according to the answer be returned to the charge. He suggested that Mr. Roebuck should request the honourable Member to appear in his place the meat

day. Mr. DISRAELI said he should touch upon the motion in a temper " independent of party feeling ;" and then he said-

" Perhaps, however, I shall not be thought to go out of my way if I remind the House of the accusations made by the noble lord on a former occasion against the late Government. The noble lord then said that we might soon have cause to regret the proceedings which had been resorted to at some of the late elections, and that I should soon change my tone on that subject. I can only say that what has happened since then in the Election Committees need cause, at all events, no humiliation to honourable gentle- men on this side of the House." (Loud cheers.) He thought those questions should not be evaded, and that no petition of a serious nature should escape investigation. Some resolution of the kind ought to be adopted. Mr. GLADSTONE, after reminding Mr. Disraeli that he had not quite avoided party feeling, said the privilege of conferring the Chiltern Hundreds was the only patronage in his hands, and, in conformity with a precedent in 1842, it would be his duty in the case of any corrupt compromise of the kind mentioned brought to his knowledge to refuse the grant. Mr. ROEBUCK said the Member re- ferred to, Dr. Michel, had been charged with bribery, corruption, and treating ; the petition against his return had been withdrawn, in con- sequence, he had reason to believe, of a corrupt compromise between him and the petitioner. If application was made to the Chancellor of the Exchequer for the Chiltern Hundreds, the nail would be driven home. Ought not the House to interpose an obstacle in the way of such a compromise? Sir GEORGE GREY said all that was wanted was that the facts should be first established, but the resolution assumed the yihole ease. Dr. Michell should be present before the House came to any de- cision, and he should move that the debate be adjourned. Sir ;Ryon CAIRNS observed that the three facts—the petition against the return of the Member, the withdrawal of the petition, and the application for the Chiltern Hundreds—would make a sufficient primi facie case.

After a further discussion the debate was adjourned, and Dr. Michell was ordered to appear in his place this day.

RELATIONS WITH CHINA.

Lord STANLEY of ALDEILLEY called the attention of the House to the question of the admission of British salt into China, now prohibited. Salt is a monopoly in China held by the Government. It would be un- just to ask the Government to allow salt to be imported without securing them a sum equal to the loss they would incur by the change. The im- portation of salt into India, thereby breaking up the monopoly, has been very beneficial to the natives, the British manufacturers, and the Indian revenue. It would be desirable to come to an arrangement whereby salt could be introduced into India.

Touching the relations of Russia with China, ho hoped that if the Russians established a permanent resident at Pekin we should do the same.

The Earl of ELGIN said he was precluded, by the non-publication of the papers—withheld for sufficient reasons—from entering into a full account of his mission. He was instructed to bring matters to a close as soon as possible. He had to consider the convenience of his colleagues and the interests of the Chinese Government, whose resources it is not desirable to cripple, since the value of British exports and imports rise and fall with the fortunes of the Chinese Government. As to salt, though it is an ancient monopoly, said by the Chinese to be 3000 years old, and is very productive, it will only be necessary to show the Government that the revenue will not suffer, to obtain a change. For this purpose he desired to improve the custom-house system in China, as that would facilitate the object in view. It will be for Mr. Bruce to do all he can to break down the salt monopoly.

As to the Russian treaty, he remarked that the only treaty which secures the right of a permanent residence at Pekin is the English treaty. Other nations obtain the right under the most favoured nation clause. We have the right of direct communication with the high offi- cials, but it may not be desirable to press at first our rights on the Chinese Government.

Lord WODEHOUSE confirmed these views, and said that, although we _shall not forego our right of permanent residence at Pekin, the Govern- ment will defer to the opinion of Lord Elgin, and consider how often and for how long a period it shall be exercised.

Divonen COURT.

On the report of the amendments made in this bill, words were in- serted in clause 2 to provide for a full court at every sitting. The Judges are to make provision for a full court by rota or such other means as -shall seem to them expedient.

On clause 4 the Lone CHANCELLOR moved the omission of the words extending the operation of the Act to the colonies and dependencies of the Crown ; because as the clause stood it extended the matrimonial law of England to all the inhabitants of India and of our colonies ! Motion agreed to.

Lord REDESDALE proposed an amendment on clause 5, limiting the power of the Court to act with closed doors to suits for nullity of mar- liege. The clause and the amendment gave rise to great diversity of opinion. Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY, the Duke of Itiermolun, the Earl of DONOUGHMORE, and the Earl of DERBY were opposed to the clause as it gives a dangerous power to the Courts. On the other hand Lord DUNGANNON, Lord CRANWORTH, and the LORD CHANCELLOR sup- ported the clause as it stood. The amendment was negatived by 24 to 11, and the clause was agreed to.

When the bill came before the House of Commons on the second reading, Mr. HENNESSEY moved that it should be read a second time that day three months. The Act it has to amend is one of the worst ever passed into law, and the amended bill contains a clause which affects Ireland. Colonel DUNNE seconded the amendment.

Mr. CARDWELL hoped the presence of the clause, which the Govern- ment would not insist upon, would not stop the second reading. In spite of this assurance, the Irish Members persisted in their opposition ; and the consequence was that Mr. Hennessey's amendment was negatived, by 118 to 13 ; and the bill was read a second time.

THE STATUTE LAW COMMISSION.

When the vote of 26,275/. for salaries and expenses of Commissions was proposed in Committee of Supply, Mr. James said that one item was 23611. for the Statute Law Commission, a commission which has done nothing towards the consolidation of the law, and is only an in- cubus on all attempts at amendment. Nothing can come of the efforts at consolidation so long as there is a Commissioner with 10001. a year nursing the old statutes. Mr. WHITESIDE said the House ought to determine whether it is worth while to continue a Commission which cannot improve, but only copy out the criminal law and put it in a smaller compass. Sir GEORGE LEWIS, in the absence of the law officers, said he would give the Committee 11 the information in his power. It is not intended to fill up the office of the paid commissioner. The plan of consolidating the statute law and the common law has been given up, and efforts have been directed to the simple consolidation of the statute law.

To this object the labours of the Commission have been directed for some time past, and they have made a most elaborate register, containing a com- plete index to the different enactments without which it would be impossible to proceed safely in the work of consolidation. That work has, to a great extent, been accomplished ; the subject has been mapped out into a num- ber of divisions, and considerable progress has been made in the consolida- tion of the statutes. About ninety consolidating statutes have been pre- pared, and it is reckoned that the whole statute law of England might be distributed in 300 statutes. The desire of the Government is that the pro- cess of consolidation should be carried on under the authority of the Lord Chancellor, the Attorney-General, and those eminent law lords and mem- bers of the legal profession who now constitute the Statute Law Commission. At the same time he thought it was evident that work of this description, requiring minute research, great labour, and accurate professional know- ledge, could not be carried on without adequate payment'; and although it is far from the desire of the Government to convert the Commission into a source of patronage, or to employ any persons whose services are not re- quired, it is obvious that reasonable remuneration must be given, while care is taken that the public have full value for their expenditure.

Mr. WISE said the best thing to do would be to make a fresh start. He moved the rejection of the item.

On a division the motion was carried by 91 to 80, and the item was struck out.

OUR PICTURE GALLERIES.

The main business of the Wednesday sitting was the voting of Esti- mates in Committee of Supply. On the vote of 20001. for the British Historical Portrait Gallery, Mr. SPOONER moved that it be disallowed, on the ground that it is not right to expend money in buying pictures. He was supported by Mr. ATnroN, who thinks that the front benches on both sides favour the gallery under the delusion that their portraits will one day hang in it. Nobody cares a straw about nine-tenths of the pictures purchased. Mr. DERDEs thought that the vote should be disallowed because it is for an object of luxury in which just now we cannot afford to indulge. Lord PALMERSTON, in answer to Mr. Ayrton, speaking for himself and his colleagues, said that he would willingly compdund with him by a resolution that "none of our portraits should be placed in the gallery." The vote is not proposed for the first time. It is not to form a school of art, but to purchase portraits of persons who have figured most in our country, and to enable the readers of history to realize the man whose career they are studying by seeing his portrait. He hoped the Com- mittee would not reverse the decision given deliberately more than once in favour of the gallery. Mr. CONINGHAM supported the amendment, because he thinks that the machinery of the National Gallery should be used for the purpose of the Portrait Gallery. This suggestion found favour with Mr. GLADSTONE, who said that there is something anomalous in having a separate es- tablishment, and that the disassociation of the Portrait Gallery from the National Gallery ought to be regarded as only provisional. On a di- vision, the vote was agreed to by 141 to 35.

A graver discussion arose on the vote of 20001. for the purchase of. Sir George Hayter's picture of "The Reformed Parliament." This picture was purchased by the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, and paid for by him out of the fund for civil contingencies. Mr. SPOONER took fire at this. The proceeding was unconstitutional, and the expense incurred to no purpose ; for there is no room in which to put the picture. Reminded by Colonel FRENCH that he must not forget that his own political friends were most deeply implicated, Mr. SPOONER called out, "That does not matter."

Mr. GLans.roars said he believed that a number of Members of the House of Commons signed a requisition for the purchase of the picture, but he frankly owned that the receipt of such a document should not have influenced the late Chancellor of the Exchequer. Mr. Gladstone thought the picture worth the money. The vote is open to the objection that it was ex post facto. Besides Mr. AYRTON and Mr. Wring, two Conservatives, Mr. DERBY Gairrrrn and Mr. FARRAR objected to the vote. On a division the numbers were equal 82 to 82, but Mr. MASSEY, the chairman, gave his vote fur the grant, and thus "the Ayes had it." A third discussion arose on the vote of 99881. to build fire-proof rooms at South Kensington to receive certain pictures now in the National Gallery. Mr. CONHiGHAM, desired to know the intentions of the Govern- ment. The removal of some of the pictures from Trafalgar Square gave rise to suspicions. Lord PALMERSTON said there was no intention to transfer permanently to Kensington any portion of the pictures now in the National Gallery. Not satisfied with this answer, Mr. AlarroN pro- tested against the erection of these buildings at the West-end of London. By whose intrigue is it done ? What electric currents pass through the Government ! The feelings of the people should be respected. it is a monstrous and insolent proceeding. Lord JOHN MANNERS did not know to what influence Mr. Ayrton. ;al- luded. No influence had animated the late Government. If the tera- porary buildings were built at the back of Burlington House, they would have to be pulled down to make way for the permanent edifice. It is a settled point that the national collection is permanently established in Trafalgar Square. Many Members remained unsatisfied: Mr. DANBY SEYMOUR wished

to see the connexion between the Government and the Royal Academy severed. He would rather give them money than a site. Mr. CONING- HAM suggested that the Royal Academy should erect a temporary building and vacate the National Gallery at once. Mr. STIRLLNG thought that a house might be hired for a small sum for the exhibition of the pictures.

Mr. GLADSTONE, in explanation, declined to discuss the relations be- tween the Royal Aoademy and the Government: it would be incon- venient. That body will be accommodated on some part of the ground at Burlington House, but the disposal of that site is a great question. It cannot be done piece by piece. The present ease is one of urgency. The reason why-the Government do not make use of the rooms belonging to the Royal Academy is, that it would compel that body to suspend its teaching. To place the temporary buildings at Burlington House would only be to aggravate the difficulty, because they would have to be re- moved. If Kensington is far from the Tower Hamlets, it is accessible to a large part of the population of Linden. The Kensington establish- ment is young and growing—(Hear hear ! and laughter)—and extremely popular. Mr. ular Mr Gladstone said that the intrigues referred to by Mr. Ayrton are quite imaginary. The vote was carried by 116 to 73.

TEE NEW FOREIGN OFFICE.

In Committee of Supply, on Thuriday, a vote of 80,000/. was proposed towards defraying the expense of the new Foreign Office. Mr. GLAD.. STONE explained that the vote was for the preparation of the ground, in- cluding the laying of a bed of concrete as a foundation for the building. The real and outside cost of the building, when finished, will be 310,0001. The Government are prepared to give a pledge that no steps will be taken during the recess to prejudge or foreclose the question of the design and style of architecture. A long and architeetival conversation ensued, in the course of which the merits of Mr. Scott's design, the merits of the Italian and the Gothic style of architecture were discussed with great vigour, and in great detail. Among those who favour the Gothic, are Lord ELCHO, Mr. BRUCE, Sir T. COLEBROOK, Mr. STIRLING, Mr. BUXTON, and of course Lord JOHN MANNERS. On the other side were Mr CONINGHAM, Mr. TITS, and Lord PALMERSTON. The result was that the vote was agreed to on the understanding that nothing should be done either to the Foreign Office or the Indian Office until Parliament reassembles.

CRUELTY TO MERCHANT SEAMEN.

Mr. MoNocres MILNES moved that an address should be presented

to the Queen praying that she would take steps to prevent assaults and cruelties committed on merchant seamen. Many outrages, sometimes murders, are perpetrated, in ships engaged in the merchant traffic between England and America. Under the present law an offence committed on the high seas in an American ship cannot be punished by our magistrates when the ship comes into port, because the offence was committed beyond English jurisdiction, and thus numbers of criminals escape with impunity. The remedy must lie in one of two directions—either in giving addi- tional powers to American consuls or by convention with the United States, enabling u te) bring the offenders to justice as if the offence had been committed on English soil. Mr. Milnes seemed to favour the grant of jurisdiction to the consuls, but he hoped that by some means the matter would be settled in a manner satisfactory to justice.

Sir GEORGE LEWIS also took a favourable view of the proposal to give the consuls jurisdiction : but he pointed out a third remedy—reci- procal jurisdiction to be granted by each country over the sailors of the other. Mr. HENLEY said that if we give reciprocal jurisdiction to the United States we shall find it difficult to refuse Austria, Russia, or Spain. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL strenuously objecting to the investing of consuls with criminal jurisdiction, stoutly contended that the best remedy is the grant of reciprocal jurisdiction. The system of consular jurisdiction has been tried in the case of France, and has been found to lead to abuse.

. The motion was agreed to.

THE BUILDERS' STRIKE.

Lord BROUGHAM wished to know whether the attention of the Govern- ment had been called to the combination of the workmen in the building trade. Always a steady supporter of the workmen when they are right, he disapproves of their attempt to obtain ten hours' wages for nine hours' work. Workmen are entitled to combine for proper objects. But they should leave others free to work for what hours and what wages they think proper. He had heard that improper influences are exerted on those who refuse to join the combination ; if so, those who violate the law ought to be severely punished. Out of these calamities a great boon would be obtained were they to result in the establishment of courts of conciliation, which he strongly recommended. In 1850, out of 28,000 cases that came before the Conseils des Prud'hommes, 26,800 were settled without litigation, and of the 1200 that stood over for six weeks, a great number of parties accepted terms.

Earl GRANVILLE said the attention of the Government has been

drawn to the strike, but they can only interfere to maintain order. This is a case in which speaking and writing :do more good than the action of the Government, and no one could speak with more effect than Lord Brougham. Admitting the right of the men to combine and strike, he said the justification of a strike depends on many circumstances, and so far as he is acquainted with the present strike, he feared it was one of the most unjustifiable that could be imagined. With respect to the pro- posed courts of conciliation he was afraid they would be inapplicable to cases like the present, inasmuch as their greatest use is to determine dis- putes relating to past contracts. But it is a question whether it would not be desirable to legalize such courts of arbitration.

The Earl of DONOUGHMORE and Lord BROUGHAM said that these de- plorable strikes are referable to the ignorance of the workmen. The Loan CHANCELLOR stated a curious fact reported to -him by the late Daniel O'Connell. That gentleman told him confidentially, but in a melancholy tone, that strikes had been the ruin of Ireland ; that in con- sequence of trade combinations manufactures could not flourish in that country ; that manufactures had been going on prosperously till those trade combinations put them down, causing the ruin first of the em- ployers and then of the people.

ENDOWED ScHooLs. The Endowed Schools Bill has come out of the Select Committee very much changed. And when the order that the House should go into Committee on the bill was read, Mr. DILLWYN moved that the order should be discharged on the ground that the bill as it came from the Select Committee invalidates the rights of Dissenters. Mr. Lows said the House ought to know what it was Mr. Dillwyn repudiated with so much scorn. What the Committee proposed was this—that in all Church of Eng- land schools, where the contrary intention was not expressly manifested in the deed of settlement, the children of Dissenters should be admitted with- out being obliged to learn the Catechism or attend the services of the Church of England. The Committee recommended that where twenty-five years' usage could be shown on the appointment of Dissenters they should be named as trustees, notwithstanding any doubt as to the construction of the original instrument. Mr. HOPE regretted the course Mr. Dillwyn had taken. The opinion of the Committee was that the Dissenters derived more benefit from the bill as amended than they would have done from the mea- sure as originally introduced. The bill, as it first stood, would not at all have remedied the evil complained of as to the appointment of trustees. The order was then discharged.

Row..." CATHOLIC CHARITIES BILL. This bill, brought in by Sir GEORGE LEWIS, had been carried through a second reading, and was withdrawn on the threshold of Committee, on account of the lateness of the session. Sir GEORGE Lzwis said that the Roman Catholic Charities have from time to time been exempted from the operation of the Charities Commission, be- cause a bill was required to meet their case. His bill has received the sanc- tion of a large part of the Roman Catholics of England. The principle on which it is founded is to prevent any Roman Catholic endowment being, if he might use the expression, tainted or rendered invalid by the doctrine of superstitious uses, and to give to the Court of Chancery or the Charity Commissioners power to convert such a trust not recognized by the law into a legal trust, preserving the existing charities for the Roman Oatholic body, but in certain cases altering their destination. He had hoped that this measure might have been passed before the close of the session, but from cemmunications which be had received he found that that hope was not likely to be fulfilled. He understood that there existed no exact agreement even as to the state of the law, and also that there was a great discordance of opinion as to what would be the effect of a measure like the present giving great powers to the Court of Chancery and the Charity Commissioners. Under these circumstances he did not feel disposed, unless he found more unanimity in the House on the subject than he believed to exist, to press the bill forward during the remaining fragment of the existing session. Mr. ESTCOURT approved of the withdrawal of the bill. Mr. BowTER called it a most objectionable and mischievous bill. Mr. Hurr, Mr. SPOONER, and Mr. NEWDEGATE approved of the bill ; and Mr. BnAusioNT said that the English Roman Catholics entirely approve of it. The opposi- tion comes from Irish Roman Catholics whose interests it will not affect. The order for the Committee was disharged.

JAVELIN MEN. A bill to amend the Police (Boroughs and Counties), Act is before Parliament. Last week Mr. DARBY GauFrrfis was defeated in an attempt to abolish those attendants of the sheriffs called javelin men; and he took the opportunity afforded by the passage of this amending bill to more a clause permitting any county to employ constables in lieu of javelin men. Mr. HENLEY and Sir GEORGE LEWIS supported the clause, and on a division it was carried by 95 to 53.

THE SERPENTINE. In Committee of Supply a sum of 17,0001. was voted for cleansing the Serpentine River in Hyde Park , but not without a divi- sion. The plan for the work is designed by Mr. Hawksley and approved by Sir Morton Peto and Mr. Stephenson. It is proposed to establish a . gigantic filter at the upper end of the lake, and to draw from the lower end, by steam power, 2,000,000 gallons of water daily, which, after passing through the filter, will fall in a cascade into the lake. By these means the whole of the water would pass through the apparatus once a month. Every- body desired to cleanse this mass of betid water, but Sir Joins SHELLEY thought the vote ought to be postponed because he doubted the feasibility of Mr. Hawksley's plans. The committee carried the vote by 97 to 12.

• COPPER COINAGE. Mr. GLADSTONE took a vote in Committee of Supply of 50,000/. for the purpose of recoining our copper money. He anticipates, from the adoption of bronze metal similar to that adopted in France and British North America, to obtain a large profit on the operation. The new metal will contain 4 parts of tin, 1 part of zinc, to 95 parts of copper. The new coins will be lighter and harder, and their intrinsic value will not be more than half that of the present value. But they will be very convenient, very nice in appearance, and a very agreeable coin to handle. The vote was agreed to.

DARTMOUTH WRIT. When Mr. PALK moved that a new writ should jssue for the election of a member for Dartmouth, an attempt was made to 'stay it, on the ground that there had been bribery in the borough ; but it was shown that the Committee had not reported that corrupt practices ex- tensively prevailed, and that there was no evidence of general corruption/ The new writ was therefore 'jawed.

ELECrION PETITIONS. Several Election Committees are still pro- ceeding with their work, and some have arrived at a decision. Mr. Frede- rick Peel has been confirmed in his election for Bury ; no charge of bribery could be brought home, though it was rather remarkable what a sudden increase of custom arose when any shopkeeper promised to " vote for Peel "- a hatter giving such promise was astonished a few minutes after by nine- teen supporters of Mr. Peel coming in and buying new hats. The two Conservative Members, Messrs. Smith and Bernard, have been declared duly elected for Aylesbury, and Mr. Wentworth, the Liberal Member, also returned, has been unseated, and declared guilty, by his agents, of bribery, but without his knowledge. The two Liberal Members for Maidstone (Lee and Buxton) have been declared duly elected ; no bribery could be proved, and it was shown that they both did everything to discourage corruption.. The two Tory Members for North Leicestershire (Lord John Manners and Mr. Hartopp) have been declared duly elected—there was no legal proof of " treating," though there can be no moral doubt that the viands so liberally given to the Conservative voters will be paid for by " somebody " but not probably until now that the committee has given in its de- cision. Major Gavin, the Liberal Member for Limerick City, has been de- clared duly elected—he was not proved to have instigated the rioting and intimidation. The Huddersfield Committee has declared that Mr. E. A. Leatham is not guilty of bribery, treating, or undue influence either by him- self or his agents—but Mr. Akroyd, the opposing candidate, claims the seat on the poll, and a scrutiny is proceeding.

ARREST or A MEMBER. Colonel Greville has been arrested by the Sergeant-at-Arms because he did not attend on a Committee appointed to try the Hull election petition.