6 FEBRUARY 1864, Page 6

view of the matter, except in the last resort, and

inquire im- much wilful blindness that their traditional way is broad and Patiently if our interests are always to be postponed to a the few gates in it wide—like another way of which we have fanciful chivalry. Then, again, there is another section of the heard, which was, doubtless, also in the strictest sense Con- Liberals, which is not very enthusiastic about mere practical self-government, and weighing the Danes, who have it, against servative—and so offers comparatively few opportunities for the Germans who have it not, but who write very good books missing the way. On the other hand, the Liberals are always light, cannot converse with polished Russians about Poland, constantly beholding the painful sight of some Liberal members turning off down this defile, and others filing up or with learned Germans about Schleswig-Holstein, without that narrow and difficult ascent, in the exercise of an individual immediately gravitating towards the side of so much culture discrimination which it is part of their duty as Liberals to and so much research. If a German professor told him that make, but which too often disintegrates the party, and may in the in-itself-forward-moving and never-fore-moment-eivi-- some conjunctures almost grind it to powder. required the incorporation of Schleswig as a not-to-be-in-any- is clear enough how the question of our duty to that free and way-dispensed-with condition of her further progress and courageous little State will act upon the Conservative ranks; unification," we are sure Mr. Grant Duff would think twice before he ventured to plead that Denmark had any rights it is by no means so clear how it will act upon the Liberal ranks ; but it is pretty certain that while its tendency will be over Schleswig at all. Certainly, it must have been on some s to cement the former, its tendency will equally be to scatter such a priori principle of thought that he contended that the and sow dissension among the latter. Towards the side Duke of Augustenburg was as thoroughly entitled to rule, of Denmark all politicians will naturally be drawn—first, " probably even as to Schleswig," as any sovereign in Europe.. who take pride in England's standing and influence abroad ; For even the more moderate of the German party have not denied that the union between Schleswig and Denmark has next, who value a practical constitutional liberty, such as Denmark possesses, more than the mere intellectual raw o. material,—the professorial enlightenment and indifference ton the accident of a particular occupant of the throne, but following the rule, whatever it be, of the Danish succession. popular government,— which pervades the German States ; finally, who value positive contracts and distinct engagements, even when they are not all we could wish, more than, •the concerned to show why a certain section of advanced Liberals,. vaguer " natural rights" of race. Now all these preferences valuing education and civilization more than practical self- are clearly and specifically Conservative preferences, though government and a working constitution, naturally incline all of them may be claimed, and especially one of them may towards the German rather than the Danish side. Finally, be claimed even with more right, as principles dear to the there are many among the Liberals who attach not only great- Liberal party. The country party has always striven to hold but exclusive importance to the principle of nationality high the power and influence of England abroad, though never (everywhere but in Ireland), and who are, or affect to be, to involve it in needless quarrels. The Conservatives have persuaded that the Germans in Schleswig eager for inter- always contrasted, with something even of insular self- vention as much outnumber the Danes, as the Italians righteousness, the constitutional self-government of England— in Italy eager for the French intervention outnum- and in this respect Denmark is like England—with the bered the adherents of the old Governments. To these- mere soft, unmanufactured fibre of educated thought in Ger- three sections of Liberals, naturally averse to aid Den- many . The Conservatives, lastly, have always professed mark, we must add a fourth not inconsiderable section, themselves wholly unable to understand those a priori represented by Mr. Kinglake, whose one idea is fear of France, "natural rights" of race which the Liberal party have and who are always obtaining "private information" about. often endeavoured to preach,—and have taken a con- some secret treaty or " Confederation of the Rhine," which stant pride in insisting on the clear duty of performing induces them to sacrifice every minor consideration of interest intelligible contracts, and on the danger of searching for or honour in order to prepare for the great contest which unintelligible principles why we should evade them. On they think they see looming in the distance. all these grounds, therefore, the natural drift of the Con- By all these paths—three of them at least fairly open to- servative party is towards the Danish side of the quarrel. Liberals as Liberals—small knots of the party may now be England's engagements are all on that side, and England's seen diverging from the view which we venture to think protest against their violation has been put aside by Austria not only the straightforward national view, but also, in theand Prussia like so much waste-paper. Denmark has a prat- strictest sense, the broad Liberal view. But there still tical self-governmentthe German Confederation only remains a large party fairly represented by Mr. Goschen's • one in theory at best. Finally, all the positive law is against able speech, which earnestly maintains that the policy of this shameless invasion of Schleswig, and against both utter isolation on foreign affairs cannot but weaken the Austria and Prussia for never having fulfilled their union- Liberal feeling at home as much as it alienates the ditional engagement under the Treaty of 1852, by acknow- respect of nations abroad, and that the only way by ledging King Christian as Duke of Schleswig and of which we can reconcile a popular feeling with the proper Holstein. Though isolated members of the Conservative reserve of a nation which does not love to meddle, is party, therefore, may fall off, there can be little doubt that by supporting, even by force, where we must, the principle that the normal political currents will take over the bulk of the as between a people and its own rulers no foreign Power shall party to the Danish side. intervene. It is because Germany is violating that principle On the other hand, there is no such prospect of unity for in Denmark, as she had so often violated it before in Italy, the Liberals, and unless there be in that party more of that and Hungary, and Po,—and violating it, too, when it has statesmanlike instinct which found on Thursday night such been in an especial manner taken under the protection of masterly expression from Mr. Goschen, we fear for them a England, that the wiser Liberals will, we think, see that it is term of paralyzed existence. In the first place, the Liberals, their duty to unite in a cause which both represents the true being thinkers, are apt to go off on side winds, and not to Liberal foreign policy of a long future, and, at the present look at "a plain question in a plain way," as the English- moment, vindicates the good faith and the influence of man loves to term it ; while the Conservatives, by making a England. We earnestly trust that the Liberal party will principle, as it were, of the humdrum, jog-trot way of looking rally round this policy ; otherwise they may expose the at things, escape this danger. Thus it happens that nation,—which on such a question as this will care less for though we do not believe a single genuine Liberal— Parties than for the particular policy at stake,—to the greatest not even Mr. Bright himself—really ever ceased to care of all minor evils, if it be not, indeed, a first-rate political for the honour and greatness of his nation, a good many active calamity, the danger of a Coalition Government. thinkers get into a habit of taking a brief for the foreign view against England, and will not believe that she can be seriously NAPOLEON'S CONFIDANT. injured by this humiliation or that defeat. They pooh- THE echo of the cannon on the Eider has drowned the the "plain" view as a superficial view, and rather take 1 reverberation which ought to have followed the Duke satisfaction in proving England wrong in matters of foreign de Moray's last speech to the Legislative Body of France. Policy, though there is not one of them who would not fight Rarely has even a Bonapartist—though every Bonapartist for her to the last. There are not a few Liberals, therefore— is for certain ends a Jacobin—uttered anything so dange- TWE STATE AND PROSPECTS OF PARTIES. Mr. Forster, the member for Bradford, is the ablest tliem- IT is ono of the great advantages which the Conservative decline to look at the "English honour and influence who decline to look at the " English honour and influence party secure at the price of many needless errors and view of the matter, except in the last resort, and inquire im- much wilful blindness that their traditional way is broad and Patiently if our interests are always to be postponed to a the few gates in it wide—like another way of which we have fanciful chivalry. Then, again, there is another section of the L heard, which was, doubtless, also in the strictest sense Con- Liberals, which is not very enthusiastic about mere practical self-government, and weighing the Danes, who have it, against servative—and so offers comparatively few opportunities for the Germans who have it not, but who write very good books missing the way. On the other hand, the Liberals are always having, as it were, an embarrassing choice of turnings, all of about it, incline to think "the cause of civilization" is the them, possibly, without deserting a policy which, in some true German cause. With this section we incline to rank Mr. sense at all events, may be called Liberal; and thus we are Grant Duff, who, always eloquent in the cause of intellectual light, cannot converse with polished Russians about Poland, constantly beholding the painful sight of some Liberal members turning off down this defile, and others filing up or with learned Germans about Schleswig-Holstein, without that narrow and difficult ascent, in the exercise of an individual immediately gravitating towards the side of so much culture discrimination which it is part of their duty as Liberals to and so much research. If a German professor told him that make, but which too often disintegrates the party, and may in the in-itself-forward-moving and never-fore-moment-eivi-- some conjunctures almost grind it to powder. lization-betraying political self-consciousness of Germany Such a crisis is, we fear, the present one in Denmark. It required the incorporation of Schleswig as a not-to-be-in-any- is clear enough how the question of our duty to that free and way-dispensed-with condition of her further progress and courageous little State will act upon the Conservative ranks; unification," we are sure Mr. Grant Duff would think twice before he ventured to plead that Denmark had any rights it is by no means so clear how it will act upon the Liberal ranks ; but it is pretty certain that while its tendency will be over Schleswig at all. Certainly, it must have been on some s to cement the former, its tendency will equally be to scatter such a priori principle of thought that he contended that the and sow dissension among the latter. Towards the side Duke of Augustenburg was as thoroughly entitled to rule, of Denmark all politicians will naturally be drawn—first, " probably even as to Schleswig," as any sovereign in Europe.. who take pride in England's standing and influence abroad ; For even the more moderate of the German party have not denied that the union between Schleswig and Denmark has next, who value a practical constitutional liberty, such as been, since 1720, " real," not " personal, not depending o. material,—the professorial enlightenment and indifference ton the accident of a particular occupant of the throne, but following the rule, whatever it be, of the Danish succession. popular government,— which pervades the German States ; However, with this matter we are not now concerned, but only even when they are not all we could wish, more than, •the concerned to show why a certain section of advanced Liberals,. vaguer " natural rights" of race. Now all these preferences valuing education and civilization more than practical self- are clearly and specifically Conservative preferences, though government and a working constitution, naturally incline all of them may be claimed, and especially one of them may towards the German rather than the Danish side. Finally, be claimed even with more right, as principles dear to the there are many among the Liberals who attach not only great- Liberal party. The country party has always striven to hold but exclusive importance to the principle of nationality high the power and influence of England abroad, though never (everywhere but in Ireland), and who are, or affect to be, to involve it in needless quarrels. The Conservatives have persuaded that the Germans in Schleswig eager for inter- always contrasted, with something even of insular self- vention as much outnumber the Danes, as the Italians righteousness, the constitutional self-government of England— in Italy eager for the French intervention outnum- and in this respect Denmark is like England—with the bered the adherents of the old Governments. To these- mere soft, unmanufactured fibre of educated thought in Ger- three sections of Liberals, naturally averse to aid Den- many . The Conservatives, lastly, have always professed mark, we must add a fourth not inconsiderable section, themselves wholly unable to understand those a priori represented by Mr. Kinglake, whose one idea is fear of France, "natural rights" of race which the Liberal party have and who are always obtaining "private information" about. often endeavoured to preach,—and have taken a con- some secret treaty or " Confederation of the Rhine," which stant pride in insisting on the clear duty of performing induces them to sacrifice every minor consideration of interest intelligible contracts, and on the danger of searching for or honour in order to prepare for the great contest which unintelligible principles why we should evade them. On they think they see looming in the distance. all these grounds, therefore, the natural drift of the Con- By all these paths—three of them at least fairly open to- servative party is towards the Danish side of the quarrel. Liberals as Liberals—small knots of the party may now be England's engagements are all on that side, and England's seen diverging from the view which we venture to think protest against their violation has been put aside by Austria not only the straightforward national view, but also, in theand Prussia like so much waste-paper. Denmark has a prat- strictest sense, the broad Liberal view. But there still tical self-governmentthe German Confederation only remains a large party fairly represented by Mr. Goschen's • one in theory at best. Finally, all the positive law is against able speech, which earnestly maintains that the policy of this shameless invasion of Schleswig, and against both utter isolation on foreign affairs cannot but weaken the Austria and Prussia for never having fulfilled their union- Liberal feeling at home as much as it alienates the ditional engagement under the Treaty of 1852, by acknow- respect of nations abroad, and that the only way by ledging King Christian as Duke of Schleswig and of which we can reconcile a popular feeling with the proper Holstein. Though isolated members of the Conservative reserve of a nation which does not love to meddle, is party, therefore, may fall off, there can be little doubt that by supporting, even by force, where we must, the principle that the normal political currents will take over the bulk of the as between a people and its own rulers no foreign Power shall party to the Danish side. intervene. It is because Germany is violating that principle