6 MARCH 1852, Page 3

tht Vrunittrro.

The members of the new Administration have issued their addresses to the constituencies they represented, asking for reelection; and in some instances the reelections have already taken place. There seems no like- lihood of opposition anywhere in England. The election for Buckinghamshire, the "historical" county of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, is to be on Friday next.

Mr. Disraeli's Address to the Electors of Buckinghamshire.

"Gentlemen—Her Majesty having been graciously pleased to call me to her Majesty's Privy Council, and appoint me Chancellor of the Exchequer; I resign into your hands, according to the salutary principle of the conatitu- tion, that office which you intrusted to me as your representative in the House of Commons. But as I will not believe that the favour of our Sovereign can be any disqualification for the confidence of her Majesty's loyal aubjecta, I have the honour to state, that on the 12th instant, in our County-hall, I shall again venture to claim your suffrages for the high distinction of being your Member in the House of Commons.

"The late Administration fell to pieces from internal dissension, and not from the assault of their opponent.; and, notwithstanding the obvious diffi- culties of our position, we have felt that to shrink from encountering them would be to leave the country without a Government and her Majesty with- out servants. Our first duty will be to provide for the ordinary and current exigencies of the public service • but, at no distant period, we hope, with the concurrence of the country, to service; a policy in conformity with the princi- ples which in Opposition we have felt it our duty to maintain. "We shall endeavour to terminate that strife of classes which of late years has exercised so pernicious an influence over the welfare of this kingdom; to accomplish those remedial measures which great productive interests, suffering from unequal taxation, have a right to demand from a just Govern- ment; to cultivate friendly relations with all Foreign Powers, and secure honourable peace; to uphold in their spirit, as well as in their form, our Political institutions ; and to increase the efficiency, as well as maintain the rights, of our National and Protestant Church.

" An Administration formed with these objects, and favourable to Progressive improvement in every department of the state, is one which, we hope may obtain the support and command the confidence of the community; whose sympathies are the best foundation for a strong Ad- ministration' while they are the beat security for a mild Government.

"I have the honour to be, gentlemen, your obliged and faithful servant, "London, March 1, 1862. B. Disnastr."

The election for Oxfordshire is to be on Wednesday next. Mr. Hen- ley, President of the Board of Trade, addresses the constituents in these perfectly safe terms-

" The late Ministers, defeated upon a motion made by their former col- league, have, as you are aware, abandoned the Government of the country. In a House of Commons composed of a large majority of Liberal Members,

they have failed to secure the support requisite to enable them satisfactorily to conduct the public business. -The Prime Minister declared in his place

in Parliament, when announcing that the resignation of the Ministry had been accepted by her. Majesty, that there were such grave objec- tions to a dissolution, that the Government had declined recommending that course to the Crown. Under these circumstances, the Queen com- manded the Earl of Derby, the head of the Country party, to form a Go- vernment ; and his Lordship, despite the difficulties which presented them- selves, at once obeyed the command. In so doing, he acted loyally and rightly ; and for myself, I did not hesitate (notwithstanding my unwilling- ness to enter into official life) to accept the office in the present Government which I was requested to undertake. The honour thus conferred upon me vacates my seat as one of your representatives in the Commons House of Par- liament ; and in now asking you to exercise your constitutional privilege in my favour, and to reeled me, you have the opportunity of saying if I have hitherto done my duty."

The election for North Lincolnshire is to be on Friday next. Mr. Christopher, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, has leaned an ad- dress containing these passages—

"I seeept office under the Administration of the Earl of Derby, from a con- viction of his sincere desire to reverse that financial and commercial policy which has proved so injurious to native industry and capital. It is on this ground that I confidently rely on your support in again conferring on me the proud distinction of representing your interests in the House of Commons, and enabling me to give my humble but earnest aid to .a Government which will maintain the honour of the Queen, and the permanence of our sacred and civil institutions."

In South Lincolnshire, Sir John Trollopo, as Chief Poor-law Com- missioner, refers to the "great difficulties" which the Ministry will have to overcome "in the present position of the House of Commons". ; and says—

"It is obvious that the present Parliament must be dissolved very shortly, and than the policy of the Ministry will be fairly brought before the coun- try; and upon the decision then arrived at, its future continuance in power will be ascertained."

The election for North Essex is fixed for next Tuesday. Major Beres- ford, Secretary at War, does little more than "boldly affirm' that he has "never wilfully neglected the advantage, or carelessly overlooked the interests of this great agricultural county " ; and therefore he trusts that the electors will not consider him "less worthy of confidence now than they did three years ago."

The borough of Wenlock returned Mr. Cecil Forester, Comptroller of her Majesty's Household, on Wednesday. The Reverend Mr. Wayne, Rector of the parish, put written questions to him on the subjects of rescinding the Maynooth grant, of the proposed admission of Jews to Par- liament, of the inspection of monasteries and nunneries, and of the pro- posed alteration of the mortmain laws to facilitate religious endowments. Mr. Forester answered satisfactorily, against Maynooth and the Jews, in favour of inspecting the monasteries, and against the deathbed machina- tions of Jesuits for the extortion of endowment gifts and bequests.

Droitwich reelected Sir John Pakington, Secretary of State for the Co- lonies, on Thursday. Sir John's address on "having thought it his duty to accept office in the Conservative Ministry" contained this paragraph, and few words besides-

" I should exceed the usual limits of a written address, If I were now to enter into explanation, either of my conduct upon the many important sub- jects which have occupied the attention of the Legislature since you last elected me, or of the considerations which have determined me, at a moment of great public difficulty, not to refuse my assistance in the formation of Lord Derby's Government. I trust that the former has not forfeited your confidence, and that in the latter you will believe me to have been guided by an honest and imperative sense of public duty." In his speech after reelection—said to have been an hour and a half

long—he handled the distress and suffering of our West Indian Colonies, the grant to Maynooth, the Russell Reform Bill, and our commercial

policy. The first topic he expressly separated from the topic of Protection— mixed up as it is with that of Slavery. On the second, after saying that if a grant to Maynooth were now for the first time proposed be should re,. verse his former vote in its favour, he observed that the position of things is different now, for the grant rests on statute law instead of an annual vote : he therefore would not pledge himself. In reference to the Reform Bill he said, he is no advocate of finality ; in these days the doctrine of

finality is unworthy of England—the truest policy for Conservatives to adopt is not finality, but enlightened progress; let that be their watch-

word. On our commercial policy "he could only say, that it would be the anxious desire of the Government to conserve the interests of all classes in the kingdom, and to bow to the decision of the country, whatever it might be, as expressed at the general election, which could not, under existing circumstances, be very far distant."

Midhurst reilected Mr. Walpole, as Secretary of State for the Home Department, on Thursday. His address pledged him generally "to main- tain the principles of a true and just Conservative policy, which would improve our institutions without destroying them, and which would ex- tend their usefulness without altering their character" : and he added this particular reference—" The necessities of the state must first be at-

tended to ; but there are great reforms and improvements in the law, cs- ecially with reerence to the administration of justice in the Court of ?haneery, which ought not, we think, to be any longer delayed." Chichester returned Lord Henry Lennox again,. as a Junior Lord of the Treasury, on Thursday. In his address, relying on his family in- fluence, he was satisfied to tell the electors, that "it shall be his constant endeavour to support such measures as arc calculated to promote the sta- bility of the constitution the welfare of the Established Church, and the prosperity of all claw; of her Majesty's subjects." In his speech of thanks, he said in reference to commercial policy, "he trusted measures might be devised, and an amicable settlement come to, which might ef- fectually put an end to that fatal class-warfare which has raged so long in this countay " ; and in reference to education, "he trusted that in any scheme that might be finally determined upon, the interests of all congregations, as well as of the Established Church, might be carefully attended to."

At Colchester alone was there any show of opposition. On Thursday, Lord John Manners, as Cabinet Minister and First Commissioner of Works, was met by Mr. Wingrove Cooke,. a candidate at the election some two years since. But Mr. Cooke only made a speech with the object of drawing from the candidate some specific declaration of the policy of his party : he went to a show of hands, and then withdrew his pretensions. Lord John Manners returned thanks in a veiled oration—" Mr. Cooke must not expect to goad the successful candidate into premature dis- closures." The Stamford electors have been addressed by Mr. Hurries, President of the Board of Control, with apologies for the fact that "the duties con- nected with his recent appointment urgently require his presence in Lon- don" for the present; and with these references to his " principles"— " If I should have the honour of being again returned by you to serve in Parliament, you may be assured that I shall steadfastly persevere in uphold- ing those political principles which received your approbation when I last appeared as a candidate for your suffrages, which are the sure foundations of all our most valued institutions, and the best safeguards of the highest in- terest, religious, agricultural, and commercial, of this great country. You may also fully rely upon my vigilant attention to all local and special objects of your solicitude as affecting the interests of the borough of Stamford and the welfare of its inhabitants."

Buckingham borough yesterday elected the Marquis of Chandos, as a Junior Lord of the Treasury. His address made only these promises- " To render my best though humble services in maintaining those princi- ples in Church and State which have hitherto proved the security of this great empire, and in supporting those measures of just policy which I believe will be most calculated permanently to promote the interests of agriculture, of commerce, and of industry, to maintain the peace and security of the realm, and to increase the internal prosperity of our free, loyal, and inde- pendent nation." Through some oversight, the writ for East Retford was not moved for along with the others last week ; so that the return of Viscount Galway, Lord in Waiting, cannot take place till after the reassembling of Parlia- ment.

The Anti-Corn-Law League is reconstituted at Manchester, with a bouncing subscription ; and, through Mr. Cobden, it has put a choice of "three courses" to the Protectionist Administration.

We stated last week, that the meeting of the old members of the Coun- cil of the late League adjourned to the 2d instant, in order that Lord Derby's explanations might be heard before the adoption of any active steps of policy ; power being reserved to the Executive to reassemble the Council sooner if necessary. Before the end of the week a circular was issued, expressly assuming that "the question which the country and the Parliament of 1846 decided is to be reopened, and the verdict of the English people is again to be demanded "; declaring that "the struggle is now inevitable "; and therefore summoning "a meeting of all those who were members of the Council of the Anti-Corn-Law League, and of others who may be disposed to join them, with a view to such steps as may be necessary to defeat the mad and wicked attempt to reimpose a tax upon corn, and thus to limit the supply of food to the population of the United Kingdom." The summons was obeyed ; and the assembled Council met the public at large in the picture-room at Newell's Buildings, on Tuesday. Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, Mr. Milner Gibson, Mr. Henry, Mr. J. Heywood, Mr. Brotherton, Mr. Kershaw, Mr. Charles Hindley, and Mr. R. Milligan, were the Members of Parliament who stood in front of the local Free-trade leaders on the platform.

Mr. George Wilson resumed his familiar duties as chairman ; and opened business with a brief statement, which showed that he recedes from the policy which last week he intimated his personal desire to follow out, of going now for general reform, and for a wider basis of settlement than the one of Free-trade only. Mr. Wilson declared that "the Coun- cil repudiates the slightest allusion to party politics, whoever holds the reins of office." He read the resolutions that had been agreed to by the Executive Council, and which were afterwards unanimously adopted by the meeting.

"That an Administration having been formed committed by every pledge that can bind the honour of public men to attempt to reimpose a duty on corn, it is resolved that the Anti-Corn-Law League be reconstituted, under the rules and regulations by which that body was formerly organized. " That the Council of the League be requested to put themselves into immediate communication with their friends in all parts of the kingdom, urging them to im- mediate action to prevent the return to Parliament of candidates in favour of re- enactment, under whatever pretence or form, of any duty upon the importation of foreign corn. • . That, considering how essential it is to the welfare of the agricultural. manu- facturing, colonial, and shipping interests, as well as to the peace and prosperity of the great body of the people, that the Free-trade question should be permanently settled by an appeal to the country—resolved, that a memorial to the Queen, praying for an immediate dissolution of Parliament, be signed by the Chairman on behalf of this meeting, and transmittted for presentation to her Majesty. . That, in order to carry out the above resolutions, a subscription be forthwith commenced ; and that a call of 10 per cent upon all subscriptions of 101. and up- wards be made; subscriptions under that amount to be paid in full."

Mr. Cobden then set forth the policy of the League, in a speech on the first resolution.

In the outset, he disavowed partisan objects. Any influence they had acquired in the former struggle, and which was instrumental in placing a Government in power, they never sought to use for the promotion of any personal or selfish ends. So again, now, they have no object to serve any party of politicians. "I do not come here with the view of taking any steps which would be likely to displace one body of men as politicians and to place in their situations men of another complexion in politics. I disavow any such intention whatever. I appear here merely to advocate a cause which I believe experience has shown to be worthy of a single effort." To justify this restriction of aim, he parenthetically described the results al- ready obtained by free trade. "Since the day we laid down our arms, there has been imported into this country in grain and flour of all kinds an amount of human subsistence equal to upwards of 60,000,000 quarters of grain —a larger quantity than had been imported from foreign countries during the thirty-one years preceding 1846—that is, from the peace of 1815 down to the time at which we brought our labours to a close. And now, gentlemen, in that one fact is comprised our case. You have had, at the very lowest coin- ,000 of your countrymen, or countrywomen, or country chil- g upon the corn that has been brought from foreign countries : that. fact say for the comfort you have brought to the home- families? What does it say of the peace, and prosperity, and siiodic life, in those homes into which 50,000,0N quarters of n introduced, and whose occupants, but for your exertions, e been left in penury or must have subsisted on potatoes?" He met in detail the objections to pursuing the restricted policy. It is asked, "Why don't you go for a large measure of Parliamentary reform, which would not only enable you to carry free trade in corn but a great many other measures?" But this is founded on a fallacious assumption. " We do not say that because gentlemen join in the movement of the Anti. Corn-Law League again, they are to abandon other principles or neglect other movements ; but what we do say is this—that, having shown you the vast social benefits that have arisen from the establishment of the principle of free trade in food, and the advantages that have resulted to the great masa of the people from that measure, we do not feel justified—while we are mo. rally certain that in a few months we can put this question for ever out of the category of controversial questions—in placing ourselves backwards, by taking up other questions upon which the public is not so well informed or so completely united : we, the men who have had the responsible duty of taking an active part in this agitation before, do not think it justifiable that we should change our position in the House of Commons from that of a ma- jority to a minority, and so retard the definite settlement of this question from a period of three or four months to .probably as many years." Explaining clearly, in order to anticipate cavil against asking the Queen for an "immediate dissolution" of Parliament, that such a prayer of course supposes that certain necessary things must be done when Parliament meets, a fortnight hence—a certain amount of supplies voted, and the Mutiny Act passed —he proceeded to urge his strong belief, that after these necessary forms are gone through,. we are "safe from everything but delay, and the tricks of politicians which will be practised during that delay." The blending of other questions with this question [of preventing the repeal of free trade in corn] is the only chance of our enemies. Leave this question open during another session, and popular enthusiasm may decline from its high and fervid state, and the arts of deception and misrepresentation may succeed in putting forward other questions along with or before this. "Already I see the enemy hoisting a flag, trying to raise up again the banner of religious intolerance in this country. You may have Protestantism and Popery thrust before the clues. tion of the bread-tax." He would not wonder to see raised even the issue of the Monarchy itself. "You in Manchester and Lancashire who showed not many months ago, by a demonstration which only Lancashire and Man- chester men can make—which astonished Royalty, and those attendant on Royalty who had witnessed the great pageants of Europe for thirty years— your loyalty and devotion to the institutions of the country,—ay, you will be denounced by these bread-taxers as being enemies of the Monarchy and pro- moters of revolution! (Laughter and cheers.) You need not be surprised at any charge that may be brought against you with a view to divert atten- tion from this question, if you will only give your enemies time. Now, I say, give them no time. (Loud cheers.) Let this question of the Corn-laws occupy the front rank, and let it be the only question to those who think that it can be settled by one effort and in the course of the next three months. Let this question take precedence of all others that can possibly be brought to baffle or confuse you, and then we shall bring it to a successful issue."

He disposed of (a suggestion that the Protectionists now in power should be allowed time to turn round and betray their friends. He said, "I am more afraid they will cheat us." What morality, indeed, is this ? "What! will the men who hunted an illustrious statesman almost to his grave for having abolished the Corn-laws—the men whose sole political capital from that time to this has been the sarcasm and the obloquy with which they have covered his name and fame, and the abuse and denunciation with which they have loaded 'the gentlemen of the Manchester school '—will these men do, not what Sir Robert Peel did, but ten times worse? . . . . believe the Ministry to be sincere in their professions : I believe they came into office with the view of carrying out those professions. But are you going to allow them to remain in office, and to he sharpening their swords in order that they may stab you when they find you off your guard ? " The course to pursue is clear : the question must be raised in the House of Commons, and must not rest till it be disposed of. "You know that Mr. Villiers, our old and trusty representative in the House of Commons, has given notice of a motion that will test the opinion of that House on this sub- ject Now, as it has been said that Mr. Villiers is the brother of Lord Cla- rendon, and that he may have a Whig object in bringing forward the ques- tion, I may as well state, once for all, that it was at our instance—at the in- stance of those with whom you are associated—that Mr. Villiers gave his notice of motion. I can state from my own knowledge, that he at once fore- saw what would be said as to his wishing to reinstate the fallen Ministry. He even said to me, 'You might bring forward this motion probably with more propriety yourself.' My answer was, that it was due to him, who had so nobly maintained our principles in the House of Commons, that nobody else should be allowed to intervene upon that question while he remained in that House. I will go further in explanation of this matter. It was suggested to Mr. Villiers, and the terms of the motion were given to him in writing, that it should go to the extent of declaring that the House of Com- mons would have no confidence in any Government that did not maintain inviolate the principle of free trade in corn. Mr. Villiers himself proposed to leave out all reference to the Administration, because he did not wish to give it even the semblance of a party attack upon the existing Govern- ment. (Cheers.) But if there be any difficulty in bringing this question to an issue by the terms of the motion of which Mr. Villiers has given notice, I do hope and trust—and I am sure he will be the first to yield to my wishes upon this subject—that if it be necessary to bring forward a motion of want of confidence in the Ministry, we shall do so rather than allow this question to remain undecided. If you memorialize the Queen, and communicate with Members of Parliament, expressing your desire that in April or May this question should be settled—if members of the House of Commons know that this is the determination of the Free-trade party in the country, then, when a motion is brought forward to suspend the voting of the Supplies, and merely to grant sums on account, or a direct motion of want of confidence in the Government—I believe that a majority of the House of Commons would pluck up courage and face a dissolution, rather than incur the risk of your displeasure in another way."

"The greatest of all evils from which this country can suffer would be from all its important interests being kept in suspense upon that vital ques- tion. You cannot prevent the country from being at this moment in a state of suspense on the subject. Every newspaper now contains columns of electioneering proceedings. Ever.ybody is looking to his seat, or beginning to show great attention and civility to his constituents. But, besides this, your merchants, your manufacturers, your shipowners, your colonists, all require to know how this thing is to be finally settled; for they want to enter into transactions extending over a year or two. The whole wages and pro- fits of this empire are bound up in this question. Talk not to me, then, of some intrigues between the diplomatists of Vienna and of Paris ; talk not to me of some new chicanery or atrocity, if you will of the President of the French Republic' talk not to me of those distant shadowy evils, in eom- parison with the disturbance and unsettlement of the whole industry and commerce of this country. I say there can be no evil so great to this country as to leave the question of the Corn-laws unsettled." He disposed of the objection of factiousness—that "these men" are making it impossible for any Government to go on. This objection presumes that you cannot govern except b.y Protectionists or Whigs; it overlooks the fact that "when this question is settled the Protectionist party will diseP- wr." "You only have one dissolution on the question, and you will never tad another politician who will tie the tin kettle of Protection to his tail afterwards. They are all anxious to get rid of it, no doubt ; and when you have abolished the Protection party, you may probably find it will not be so difficult to carry on the government in the House of Commons. I, who have been a looker-on, and have neither avowed myself politically a partisan of the Whigs or of the Conservatives, have seen that the whole difficulty of carrying on business in the House of Commons cm addition to the difficulties occasioned by the inherent weakness of the Whig party, from causes which I do not mean to go into here) arose from the fact that you had 200 or 230 reetlemen banded together apparently with the most intense feeling of self- riaterest, and with the most determined resolution to oppose any Government that did not consult that interest. I have seen this party led on by a gentle- man who I think has at all times shown himself at least a tactician willing to take all advantages. I have seen this party constantly upsetting the whigs ; and why ? Because they believed that upsetting the Whigs was a necessary preliminary to bringing the Protection party into power. They had their whipper-in ; they had their regular organization ; and they have seized hold of this question and of that. They have been willing to take up Lord Palmerston or any person who would secede from the Whig ranks and help them in trying to trip up the Whig Ministry ; and the great difficulty in carrying on business has arisen from the existence of this firm compact party in the House of Commons, led on by their chief, the new Chancellor of the Exchequer. I say, have a dissolution, abolish this protectionist party, and you will no longer suffer inconvenience from this compact body tripping up Ministers as before. Put the question of Protec- tion out of the way upon a dissolution, and I answer for it you will never have a party in Parliament founded on that question. You will have all parties moving on fresh ground. None will be able to claim merit as Free- traders when all are Free-traders; and those politicians who now pride themselves upon their support of the Free-trade question will have to shake out a reef, and throw out their sails to catch the gale in some other direc- tion. I have confidence enough in the patriotism of the Protectionists to believe that they will find something else to engage their attention, quite as much to our interest as to their own. Get rid of this difficulty, and you will get rid of the objection that we are going to render government im- possible." He concluded with a brief sketch of the course now open. "I am not sur- prised that, taking that course upon a great question which involved the in- terests of the whole community, the effect should have been the breaking-up of parties and of Governments. I have always said, and said seven years ago, that We should destroy two or three Governments before this question was settled ; and now I say, without caring for consequences—not dreading consequences—feeling certain that the consequences will be useful to the country—let all classes unite, the humblest as well as the richest, and let us put the Government to one of three courses : either they must recant fully and completely their principle of Protection, or they must resign their seats in the Government, or they shall dissolve Parliament. One of those three courses we will compel them to take • and when you have accomplished either of these objects, you will have effected all that I have in view. Do not doubt but that the government of the country will be carried on. I do not see any necessity that we should despair of finding other men as good as the present Ministry in every other respect, even if they are not as good Protectionists. But let every man, woman, and child, join together in forcing the Govern- ment to one of the courses I have mentioned. Do not let us be alarmed by any bugbears, or thrown upon any false scents ; and if we pursue a straight- forward course, in less than three or four months you will be relieved from all the labour in which we have now engaged."

Mr. Milner Gibson, in the course of a brief speech on the second reso- lution, mentioned, as a thing "said and believed," that "at a private meet- ing of the supporters of the present Prime Minister a promise was given that his Administration was to stand or fall by the reenactment of Pro-

tection, and that on no other ground could it secure the support of that party!,

Heywood warned the small boroughs of the kingdom that they are "now on their trial " ; "for he was satisfied that, if they swerved on this question, whenever another Reform Bill should be introduced, very serious alterations would be made with regard to the smaller boroughs.' Mr. Bright, in moving the third resolution, said that he ought to treat the present Government as if its members intended to do that, now they arc in office, which they had a thousand times said they would do when they were in Opposition.

So long as the Ministry remained connected with the question of the Corn- laws, so long would it be the first and bounden duty of the people to drive them from the offices which, in accordance with the public opinion of the country, they had no right whatever to occupy. He objected to give them what 113 called a fair trial. The Government have a policy that they be- lieve to be beneficial to the country; let it not be brought forward under a mask, and, faulty as is the representation, a large majority of the people will ratify and adopt, and seal for ever, the policy of 1846.

The memorial referred to in the resolution is as follows.


" May it please your Majesty—We, your Majesty's loyal and devoted subjects, conscious of the earnest solicitude which your Majesty feels for the welfare and hap- piness of your people, and impressed with a deep sense of the danger which now threatens the security of those great measures of commercial policy which during the last four years have conduced so greatly to the prosperity and social content- ment of all classes of your Majesty's subjects, have seen with distrust and appre- hension the accession to power of a Government pledged by all the obliFations of personal honour and public duty to attempt the restoration of odious restrictions on the trade and industry of this country. "That your memorialists, while recording their solemn and emphatic protest against any and every attempt to reimpose, in whatever shape, taxes on the food of the people, are firmly persuaded that an overwhelming majority of the British people are by every constitutional means prepared to resist and defeat such a policy as an nojust and dangerous aggression on the rights and industry, the freedom of trade and commerce, and the social welfare and domestic happiness of the great mass of your Majesty's subjects.

" That your memorialists believe that doubt and uncertainty on this subject are calculated to disturb and jeopardize all trading and industrial operations; to keep alive a spirit of agitation and restlessness throughout your Majesty's dornioions; to foment false hopes, and foster injurious apprehensions; and that very sound reasons of state policy demand an immediate and decisive settlement of a question fraught With such manifest elements of disunion and disquietude to all the great interests of the nation.

"Your memorialists, therefore, would loyally and respectfully beseech your Ma- jesty not to suffer the interests of your subjects to be postponed to the exigencies of a temporizing Administration, or any party difficulties that may conflict with sound maxims of constitutional policy; but that your Majesty, in the just exercise of your Royal prerogative, will cause the great issue now pending between the responsible advisers of the Crown and the people at large to be forthwith and finally determined by a speedy dissolution of Parliament.

- "And your memorialists will ever pray."

In moving the last resolution, recommending a subscription, Mr. Ash- Worth said that overflowing support had been offered-

" Some gentlemen had such confidence in the Council of the league that he believed they would almost trust them with all they had. It was thought

advisable that large subscriptions should be put down, but they should not exceed 1000 guineas each."

The subscription-list was then handed round. In about twenty-five minutes there had been put down fifteen subscriptions of 10004 each, fifteen of 5001. each, two of 3001., six of 2501., five of 2001., one of 1501., and eighteen of 1001.; a total of 27,7001.

The Chairman communicated that the town of Sheffield has offered ita enthusiastic support to the cause. The meeting separated with hearty cheers for the reconstruction of the League.

The Town-Clerk of Folkstone has received an intimation from the Lords of the Treasury that the port is to be raised to the fourth class. The im- ports have of late so considerably increased, that the Customhouse is now being made one-third larger to afford accommodation.—South-eastern Ga- zette.

On the Norfolk Circuit this week, an incident of religio-political signifi- cance varied the legal routine. At Aylesbury, the Judges were received by Mr. Scott Murray, a Roman Catholic Sheriff. Mr. Murray was attended by a Roman Catholic chaplain ; the Sheriff and his chaplain drove the Judges to the Established church, deposited them there, went themselves to the service in their own Roman Catholic chapel, then returned and took up the Judges, and drove them to the Assize Court. Lord Campbell was scandalized at this. After charging the Grand Jury, he referred to it, in order to rebuke the Sheriff; mildly. He said that the High Sheriff is personally an honour to his county, and Lord Campbell rejoiced to think that his faith is no impediment to his performing the duties of his high office : Mr. Mur- ray had sent a message to the Judges respecting the attendance at church, and Lord Campbell communicated to him that he was by no means expected to do anything in the slightest degree contrary to his conscience or hurtful to his feelings ; but he brought his chaplain, in the vestments of his own religion, to accompany her Majesty's Judges. Lord Campbell lately had the honour of an interview with the head of that reli- gion at Rome, and has every reason to think him a most excellent and praiseworthy person ; so his Lordship would not now be misinterpreted. The chaplain of the Sheriff is to appear as the chaplain of the Judges ; he is expected to take his seat in their carriage, and to sit by them in court ; he therefore becomes the chaplain of the Judges: but the Protestant religion is the religion of the Judges of this country. Lord Campbell hoped such a thing would not happen in future. The Grand Jury expressed their grate- ful thanks for Lord Campbell's observations, and their entire concurrence in his sentiments.

At Oxford Assizes, Jones and Hanks, both young men, have been convicted of burglary at Cornwell, and of assaulting Mr. Checkley, whose house they robbed, with intent to murder him. Mr. Checkley was so cruelly beaten with a "life-preserver" that his life was for some time in danger : the rob- bers were armed with revolving pistols. They were subsequently arrested at Leominster, after a fierce resistance, in the course of which they wounded one of the constables and fired at another. Hanks was wounded in the thigh by a gun-shot discharged in self-defence by the Leominster Inspector. The crime of which they were convicted is capital; but as Mr. Checkley was not actually killed, Mr. Justice Wightman announced that the sentence of death, which he passed, would be commuted to transportation for life.

Mr. Dowling, the Head Constable of Liverpool, was accused of having ab- stracted from a report-book a report reflecting on the conduct of the Police at a disturbance in a Roman Catholic chapel, and of having procured a more fa- vourable statement to be inserted. While the Magistrates had the matter under consideration, the Town-Council accepted Mr. Dowling's resignation, and granted him a pension of 2001. a year. Mr. Dowling had been Head Constable for twenty- years; latterly he had suffered much from a painful disease, to relieve which he took opium ; and he pleaded that the affair of the report occurred while he was under the influence of the narcotic. An in- dictment by the Magistrates for conspiracy is talked of.

After the delivery of the verdict at Holmfirth, Captain Moody, the Govern- ment Inspector, offered some remarks on the insecure state of the Holm Styes reservoir. Describing the construction and the defects of the reservoir, he made this startling statement—" You remember how strongly I impressed upon you the importance of the wade or flood-waters being able to escape freely ; and that I recommended a by-wash in preference to a waste-pit. There was a by-wash designed and constructed at this reservoir ; but when I went up to see it, I found that a wall had been built across it and firmly puddled, so that the water falling into this reservoir must have poured over the top ; and had it risen a few feet more on the night of the 4th, the time of this catastrophe, you would have had a flood down that valley, meeting the flood from the Bilberry Dam reser- voir at right angles, and the destruction would have been most awful. I as- sure you, that when I saw this wall built across the by-wash, my expression was, 'These people are insane.' I could not believe it possible that sensible men—millowners, knowing the operations of water—could suffer such a thing to exist. But so it was ; I saw it with my own eyes, or I would not have believed it. By the instructions of the Magistrates, I took upon myself instantly to order the removal of this wall." In conclusion, he referred to the miserable pay of the man in charge of each reservoir-51. a year : intel- ligent and careful management could not be expected for that sum.

Mr. Thomas Newsome, for many years a reporter at Leeds, has been killed on his return from the Holmfirth inquest. At Huddersfield he had to change carriages on the railway ; he got into a wrong train ; when it moved he dis- covered his error, and in attempting to leave the carriage ho slipped between the wheels and the platform : he died a few days after.

By a fire at a homestead at Bmmptoo, near Huntingdon, two cows, three heifers, six calves, twenty-two pigs, and fifty sheep, were burnt to death. The fire is said to have been wilful.

Mr. Bathers, a cotton-manufacturer of Oldham, has committed suicide, by leaping down a mine-shaft 435 feet deep. When he leapt from the bank he clutched the shaft-rope for a few moments, and then fell. At the bottom he struck the iron cage ; one of his legs was snapped clean off and flew to a dis- tance of several yards; he was quite dead when picked up. Mr. Suthers was in good circumstances, but had recently suffered much from rheumatism and a depression of spirits.