THE MAGAZINES.

TINDER the heading "The War of Purification Dutch- man's View" in the Nineteenth Century, Mr. I. I. Brants con- tributes a striking paper on the " Germanization " of Holland, • Practical Modictain oLull. Book for Normal People. By Evelyn UnderhaL London: J. M. Dent and Bona.. [2.. 61, net.] its causes, dangers, and Cure. It begin at the Universities, and while fifty years ago French was equally favoured, the text-books now used are almost exclusively German; Dutch Professors often write their treatises in German, and foreign Professors—usually Germans—lecture at Dutch Universities "at the expense of the Dutch taxpayer, in Dutch lecture- rooms, to Dutch students—in German." Dutch learning has not become less, brit it has ceased to he distinctive :— "Leyden is a lesser Leipzig, Utrecht another Gottingen. . . Intellectually Holland, if not yet altogether, has very n-arly been annexed by Germany. Intellectually the Dutch are the bondsmen of the Germans, who gain credit at their expense. And such will be the fate of any other nation, be they Russians, be they Scandi- navians, be they Swiss, orbs they English, who 'do not, first and foremost of all things, fight that they may go on being them- selves."

As a result of this process Dutch literature has been infected with clumsiness and pedantry. Worse still, the Dutch "have begun to look at the world through German spectacles." And yet the bulk of the Dutch dislike the

Germane strongly. But this • racial antagonism has not stood so far in the way of Germanization. "The thoroughness and grandeur of German • Kultur ' has been accepted as an axiom by the modern Dutchman from the cradle onwards." And the prestige of 1870 and financial interests operate in the same direction. Yet Mr. Brants detects signs of reaction which, than& feeble, are "bright sparks that in favourable circumstances might be fanned into a roaring conflagration." There are Dutchmen, he declares, who trust that this emancipation may he brought about with the assistance of Great Britain. They do not want to be Anglicized any more than they desire to be Germanized. They wish to neutralize " Kultur," and they see in the effort of Europe to stem the overflowing tide of Germanization a holy war of purification. "For as long as Britain remains ' fighting that she may go on being herself' [the phrase used by Mr. Stephen Graham of Russia] the deadweight of 'Kultur ' will not subdue the world."—Sir Francis Piggott's article on "China and the War "gives some astonishing examples of the way in which Germany disseminated fettle news for Chinese consumption with a view to securing the sympathy of China. "The Chinese believe in success ; therefore Germany must be shown to be victorious." For the rest, Sir Francis Piggott is con- cerned to bring home the delicacy and difficulty of China's position, how the consequences of the war affect her at a hundred points, and how no settlement will be satin. factory which does not involve a reshaping of European policy in the Far East. The fall of Taing-tao, he notes, has broken for ever the solidarity of the nations which up to now has so hemmed China in.—Mt. J. 0. P. Bland utters some much-needed home truths on the "Self-Appointed Statesmen" who have used the war as a sounding-board for the diffusion of their views and the indulgence of their vanity. The whole article is worth reading, but we must content ourselves with tile admirable summary of Mr. Shaw's notorious pamphlet, Commonsense about the War, given by a writer in a New York paper "Bernard Shaw has written an elaborate thesis to maintain

1. That Great Britain was abundantly justified in making war with Germany.

2. That the explanation given by the British Government for making war against Germany was stupid, hypocritical, mendacious, and disgraceful.

3. That he alone is capable of interpreting the moral purpose of the British people in undertaking this necessary work of civilisa- tion.

4. That the reason the British Government's justification of the warts no inadequate is because no British Government is ever so clever as Bernard Shaw.

5. That even in the midst of the most horrible calamity known to human history it pays to advertise.

Various patriots have various ways of serving their country. Some go to the firing lino to be shot, and others stay at home to be a source of innocent merriment to the survivors."

—Mr. William A. Brand writes a gloomy article on "Tile Passing of the Child," anticipating a further continuous fall in the birth-rate, accompanied, in time, by a steady rise in the death-rate, with the result that twenty years hence the popu- lation in this country may become stationary.—Mrs. Richardson, writing on "The Professional Classes, the War, and the Birth-Rate," contends that an increased birth.rats, while desirable in itself, is a counsel of perfection to the pro- fessional' classes, " ufilesa and pistil the burden of living lifted in some measure from their shoulders, as for the last fifty years it has in ever-increasing measure been lifted from the shoulders of the lower classes." What Mire. Richardson says of the sacrifices made by these classes in the war is not in the least exaggerated, and they are not merely made in the gift of husbands, sons, and brothers to the service of their country. A notable illustration is given in our corre- epondence columns of the magnificent work done by our doctors. We are not surprised at Mrs. Richardson's longing for the day" when a great statesman slay arise who will have the welfare of the middle classes at heart."

In the "Episodes of the Month" the editor of the National Review runs a tilt against the Spurious Optimist, "Optimism," be writes, "like pessimism, has its uses, if only in counter- acting pessimism. A definition which may not be new recently reached us from the front 'An optimist is a man who can cheerfully bear any amount of misfortunes to other people. A. pessimist is a man who has been living with an optimist.'" We do not go all lengths with the editor of the National Review in his views of this or any aspect of the war, but we entirely agree with him in his remarks on the absurdity of the picture which the Spurious Optimist gives of Germany as "a depressed, half-starved, maimed, and mutilated com- munity, long since disillusioned by the horrors of war, tired of waiting for victories that never come, and longing for the joyful moment to throw off the hated yoke of militarism." But the Radical newspapers are not the only offenders.— Under the beading of "The House of Commons and the War," a list is given of all the Members engaged in various capacities in active service. The figures are 43 Liberals out of 264 1 Labourite out of 37, 4 Nationalists out of 84, and 138 Unionists out of 288.—" Watchman" describes the 'various organizations at work in America whose object is to " Germanize" the United States—all testifying to the thorough- ness and indomitable energy of the German-Americans. The activity of the Publicity Bureau is unceasing and ubiquitous, and "there are over six hundred German publications in this country." He also contrasts the treatment of American news- paper correspondents by the Germans with that meted out to them by British generals and statesmen.—The editor's signed article takes the form of a study of "Little Men in a Great War." Their names can be easily guessed, and his inexhaustible fertility in the domain of ornamental obloquy May be illustrated by the new name he has coined for the Potsdam party—" the Pro-Bosch party." The article ends with a diverting squib called "The Unofficial Press Bureau," the nature of which may be gathered from the following extract :— "Unofficial Press Bureau, Covent Garden, Feb. 25, 1915, Hanes TO ma Passe (Private and Confidential).

, The Press are urgently warned against publishing any allusion to the fact that a certain measure of popularity has been gained, among the rank and file of the Army, by a song with the refrain, 'It's a long, long way to Tipperary.' The county of Tipperary has on many occasions, and quite innocently, been described as • the Heart of Ireland.' and references to the above-mentioned ballad are calculated unduly to encourage the enemy by pointing to the inference that that Union of Hearts, which His Majesty's Government have so strenuously laboured to promote, is still distant."

A Naval Correspondent" discusses "The War at Sea," deprecating the secrecy practised by the Admiralty. "The war is a secret war. It is being conducted in secrecy by the Government and the bureaucracy." He condemns the refusal to hold Courts of Inquiry and Courts-Martial, and asserts that the nation has a right to be informed whether Sir Christopher Cradoek asked for reinforcements, and if so, why they were not despatched. He sums up:— " The paramount issue upon which the nation must decide to-day is whether the Royal Navy shall be administered justly, and whether it shall be permitted to exercise its full powers and be properly supported in that exercise. Let not the nation be deceived ; for it is ultimately by the Navy alone that victory can be achieved and the safety of the Empire established and con- firmed. For the war cannot be finally ended so long as either the British Fleet or the German Fleet remains undefeated. That Germany can never obtain victory so long as the British Navy, controlling sea communications, prevents the importation into Germany of supplies and stops all German trade, is sufficiently dear. Not -so obvious, yet eqtrdly true, is it that Great Britain cannot achieve an enduring peace so long as the German Navy remains in existence. And what is true of Great Britain is true of France, and true of Russia. The Imperial German navy is tho standing menace to civilisation and to the peace of Europe." In the Contemporary Mr. George Trevelyan summarizes the impressions derived from a recent tour in Serbia. As for the people, "the Serbians are not good at self-advertisement, and seldom send their best to foreign countries. Their strength lies in the peasantry, and peasantry do not travel, neither are the doings of peasants recorded in foreign newspapers." Our ignorance has, however, been a good deal enlightened of late, and the events of the last few months have laid the founda- tions for a closer friendship between Serbia and England after the war. Meanwhile the South Slav State is not yet born, and Serbia herself is still in danger. Mr. Trevelyan gives a brief but graphic account of the retreat and the valour ofensif of the Serbians, and of the demoralization of the Austrian Army, which, he observes, "is not a national army, but a chance congeries of a dozen different races and languages, held together by nothing but militat7 discipline and fear." He notes that, in spite of the barbarous excesses committed by the Austrians in their advance, the Serbians have treated their sixty thousand prisoners humanely. But it is the refugee problem that principally interests kir. Trevelyan. In Central Serbia there is no shortage of food, but there is a shortage of nearly everything else, above all of lodging and clothes for the prisoners and the refugee popula- tion from the North-West. The problem of assisting the refugees to return to the ravaged districts is also acute. Mr. Trevelyan visited the Shabatz-Losnitza region, and gives a terrible account of the destruction wrought, chiefly by the Magyar troops, in August "I hope Europe and America will understand that as between the Balkan peoples and the 'civilised' peoples of Europe the tables have been completely turned in this war in the matter of atrocities. Let Mr. Carnegie send his next International Commission to the North-West of Serbia. The evidence of those atrocities is over- whelming. What I should most of all like a Commission to enquire into impartially is whether or not the Serbians took any reprisals for these horrors committed on their women and children. I have come across no evidence of any such reprisals, and I have seen thousands of Austro.Hungarian prisoners roaming about in Serbia practically unguarded, on the best of terms with inhabitants, and with no complaints to make when questioned by me. The Serbians feel most deeply about these atrocities, and talk con- stantly about them. But they have not, so far as I am aware, revenged them upon their prisoners. They take their sufferings, their danger, and their victory in a spirit truly admirable, with- out reprisals, lamentations, or boasting."

—Sir Edwin Pears writes on "Turkey, Germany, and the War." The dream of Germany's dominance in Turkey dates from Moltke. Bismarck opposed it, but Sir Edwin Pears accumulates a mass of evidence to show that it appealed to the Kaiser from the outset, and that Germany, in view of her large interests in Asia Minor, anticipated that she would have to fight for Turkey, thought it worth fighting for, and had carefully prepared for the struggle. He estimates the number of German soldiers alone in Turkey at twenty thousand. "Anatolia is not merely Germany's chosen place in the sun, but the place where she hopes to find her priacipal field in the future for her commerce and industry." He cautions his readers not to underestimate Turkey's strength in the field, but observes that the condition and moral of the Turkish Army are unknown factors. In regard to the question of the Caliphate, be advocates a policy of strict non-intervention on the part of Great Britain. Dealing with the Balkan States, he considers the position of Bulgaria as of primary importance, and believes that an expression of opinion by Great Britain mid France that they recognize that she is entitled to the conditions of the original Serbo.Bulgarian Treaty of February, 1912—violated by the Greco-Serbian agreement of May, 1912 —which guaranteed her Southern Macedonia, would probably overcome Bulgaria's reluctance to declare herself. With regard to Constantinople, Sir Edwin Pears favours the creation of a new internationalized State, in preference to its retention by Russia.—Dr. Dillon at the close of his article on the finance of the war is less optimistic about Bulgaria, in view of her bitter feeling towards Serbia and her cordial and intimate relations with Germany, financial as well as dynastic. —Professor Edwin Cannan discusses "The Good Side of High Prices" in an interesting paper, in which the writer emphasizes the limited utility of maximum prices fixed by the State.—Professor A. F. Pollard in "Rumour and Historical Science in Time of War" contrasts the foresight which historical training can induce in isolated eases; with the portentous vogue of false but circumstantial rumours, and ably dissects two notable examples of the latter. The secret of

this vogue, he observes, is that such rumours me the ont- come of desire, which is the enemy of truth.

In the Fortnightly Dr. J. Holland Rose contrasts German and English ideals of policy. He shows how the present predatory tendencies of Germany are nothing but a survival of Prussian aims

Is August, 1815, Hardenberg, Prussian Secretary of State, startled the Congress of Vienna by a proposal to partition France by the acquisition of Metz, Thionvills, Toni, Verdun, and Sedan. On August 4th he wrote: 'The hand of Providence haa visibly offered us this opportunity. If we let it slip, streams of blood will flow to attain this object, and. the cry of unhappy victims will call to us to give an account of our actions.'" Austria was a willing accomplice; but Russia and England saw that by such a scheme France would become a prey to the next military adventurer, in her desire to regain her lost territories. How little the Prussian, with his thieving instincts and cant, has changed. The words of Hardenberg have quite a familiar ring, and might have come from any German Professor or General to-day. The phrase about "the cry of unhappy victims" is worthy of the Kaiser.—It is impossible to have the work done for us by the Navy described too often. Mr. Archibald Hurd does it here, and sets out categorically the things already accomplished. And what a list it is ! The German battle fleet shut up in a canal; our country saved from invasion; our trade protected, while that of our enemy bas been annihilated ; our armies transported; and the enemy's advance down the coast of Belgium impeded. All this, too, without a battle having been fought on a large scale. Could not the Fleet have its "Eyewitness "as well as the Army ?—Mr. Davenport Whelpley appeals to the neulral nations to assume their responsibility and by joining the Allies put an end to the intolerable condition produced by the war. America now speaks with a double voice, and consequently has no influence on events. Her people, inspired by humanity, are doing what they can to save Belgium from the ravages of the Germans; but the American Government do nothing in aid of international good faith or humanity, and only act on what appear to he motives of fear and greed. Which line of action represents the true feeling of the country? Mr. Whelpley thinks that "a single act of unprovoked violence against America will quickly disclose what already exists, but which has not yet found adequate expression by reason of the political temporizing of those in power, a willingness on the part of the American people to assume their share of the responsibility which civilization imposes upon communities which claim its possession."

—Mr. Spencer Campbell in a letter from Cape Town tells curious stories of the abortive rebellion. He gives an account of the death of General de la Rey which impli- cates him in the plot, though he was always considered one of the most chivalrous of our opponents in the Boer War. A gang of motor bandits had been run to earth and had taken shelter in a cave, and the police, fearing others might come to their rescue, ordered that any car refusing to stop was to be fired on. At midnight a car coining along the road refused to stop, though challenged twice.

he sentry fired, and it was then found that the occu- pants of the ear were Beyer-a and de la Rey, the latter having been killed. Why should they have been there at that time ? Mr. Campbell says that at Potchefstroom near by a force was in training under disloyal officers, and they were awaiting the arrival of Beyers. Why was de la Rey there? His sudden death naturally caused a veil to be drawn over his action at the time. Mr. Campbell's inference is that de la Rey knew what was taking place. Moritz, we are told, is a mere soldier of fortune who would do anything for money. Beyers was a rich man, and great must have been the bribe held out to Lim in Berlin when he was received by the Kaiser. Probably he was offered the Presidency of the new Republic to be started under German protection.

Blackwood contains a very intereeting paper by Mr. C. Underwood, who acted as interpreter to the Staff of the list Infantry Brigade of the 7th Division in Belgium at the end of last September. The division was delayed in the Channel owing to the dangerof mines, and arrived at Zeebrugge justtoo late for the purpose for which it had. been sent—the relief of Antwerp. So little has been told of the doings of the English troops in Belgium at the beginning of the war that this account is of particular interest. The force seems to have fallen back upon Ghent and Bruges, and finally reached Ypres, where it

was joined by the rest of the English Army moved across from the Aisne. The retreat through Belgium was accom- panied by desperate fighting, of whit+ Mr. Underwood gives many vivid pictures. Indeed, the force of thirty thousand men commanded by General Rawlineon had to keep the German Army at bay while this transference of our main army was accomplished. When their end was gained they took up their final stand at Ypres. Well might the General say, "What that stand has meant to England will one day be recognized. What it coat these troops and how they fought will be recorded in the proudest annals of their regic ments." The defence of Ypres was so determined that a German officer afterwards admitted that it was believed thakt the Germans were being opposed by fonr army corps ineteadef one. But the cost of this heroic defence was terrible. Out 4 400 officers only 44 were left, and of the 12,000 men oily 2,33d. Most touching is the account of the inspeotion of the division after it had been relieved. Regiments of a thoueand bad been reduced to seventy men with a fair, curly-headed junior subaltern in command. But there was about this wonderful remnant " a ' Never-say-die ' look which made the heart ;well with pride at being connected with such splendid specimen* of manhood."—From this record lighted by burning village* and accompanied by the thunder of bursting shells it is curious to turn to "The Junior Sob's" account of the training of "The First Hundred Thousand." The characters we have learnt to know reappear, and we watch the preparation for the real thing with deep interest and with a feeling that they will be worthy of their predecessors. In the present Melange some of the officers are discussing the change that has come over their lives since they left eivilian employments. One, a Parliamentary candidate, rejoices that now his opponent, the sitting Member, is obliged to notice his existence. Although an anti-militarist, the Member is forced to go to recruiting meetings, and his opponent makes a point of Bending bias telegrams to be read out from the platform. One after another the officers talk of the reasons which made them became soldiers. The prime incentive, "the Dream of Honour and the Hope of Glory," ia the only motive not spoken The "Diary of a Subaltern" describes the great transfer of the English Army from the Aisne to Flanders. The narrative deals with packed railway trains and billeting in French towns. There seems to have been only one house in which the English were not well received, and this was the how e of the Moire in one small town, who was disturbed at his dinner; but he appears to have repented later, and to have treated well the officers in his house. As a rule the kindness of the people was great, most of them going out of their way to make our soldiers comfortable. The paper ends with the return to England of the writer with a knee injured by a. strain. Let us hope he soon returned cured to continue bis vivacious narrative.

The United Service Magazine for March reaches us so late this month that we are unable to do much more than chronicle its appearance. In interesting article is "Naval Prize in War," by Vice-Admiral Johnstone, showing the tremendous sums secured by officers and men as prize money in the wars of the eighteenth century. For example, in 1762 the 'AoJiiv frigate and 'Favourite' sloop captured off Cadiz the Spaniela register ship ' Hermione,' containing a great deal of treasure, worth in all considerably over half a million of money. The Admiral and Captains concerned seem to have got 265,000 each of the prize money, each Lieutenant £18,000, eacols warrant officer £4,330, each petty officer nearly £2,000, and every seaman nearly £500. Very amusing is the account taken from the Annual Beyister of the way in which the treasure was brought into London in procession. This account ends with the words: "The whole cavalcade was saluted by the people with acclamations of joy. On first opening some of the chests at the Bank they were agreeably surprised to find a bag full of gold instead of silver."