t3rbatt# an Vrtirrelin0 in ParTianunt.

1. IRELAND. Last night, the Marquis of WESTMF.ATII moved for a copy of the address of the magistrates of Westmeath to the Marquis of Anglesey; and in doing so, took occasion to dwell at considerable length on the state of that part of the empire. He mentioned several facts indicative of the disturbances that prevailed. "A man who acci- dentally observed in a public-house, that the country was in a dangerous state, was murdered within ten minutes after." The Marquis did not say where this happened. "A manufactory of gunpowder was discovered in Westmeath, and the fact was communicated to Govern- ment; but no inducement would prevail on any witness to come for- ward, so much were the consequences dreaded." "Lord Westmeath holds the itnpropriate tithes of a small parish. The house of his agent was attacked, his books burnt, and a notice stuck up that no tithe was to be paid until the second reading of the Reform Bill. Lord Westmeath sent to the tenants to know the amount of their tithes ; but not one of them— they were all Catholics—would tell him, and the tithe was in conse- quence lost." The Marquis proceeded to notice a story of a gentleman who had restored order among the people by "quartering a dead cow into several halves," and distributing it ; and asked, if disturbances so serious as those he had mentioned were to be replied to in so light a way. He adverted to O'Connell's description of the 314 Saxons of the House of Commons, who were always agreed when the oppression of Ireland was the subject of their deliberations. He finished by com- menting with severity on Lord Anglesey's answer to the Westmeath address ; which, for a man who had "the essence of Jesuitism on his right hand," he said, was equally judicious and modest.

It was very well to call the ruling power of Ireland a Government. It was an Administration, but he wished to know where the Government was? He had a deep stake in the country, and he would not be deterred from speaking his sentiments like an honest man. Ought not something to be conceded to the public opinion of the Protestants of Ireland? Suppose it were determined to put down the Protestant ascendancy in that country, ought not some tenderness to be shown in the manner of doing this ?"

Lord PLUNKETT said, the documents moved for were public ones ; but still, unless some ulterior measure were intended, it was not usual to move for the production of such documents. He did not feel him- self called on to defend Mr. O'Connell, who occupied so large a share of the Marquis's speech. As to the case of the murdered man where no evidence was to be procured, did Lord Westmeath wish for some system of convicting without evidence? Lord Plunkett admitted, that a system of intimidation prevailed in Ireland; and he believed, at the same time, that it was too much yielded to. If the Magistrates did not stand forward and do their duty, what could Government do ? Lord • Plunkett noticed the case of Clare and Limerick, to show what an energetic application of. the existing law could effect. The Marquis had described Westmeath as in a state of open rebellion; Lord Plun- kett knew no more effectual way of producing rebellion than such attacks on the Government as had been made by the Lord Lieutenant and Magistrates of that county. Did the Marquis of Westmeath ima- gine he was adding to the chances of peace, by arraigning Ministers, at the moment they were earnestly occupied in plans for putting an end to the resistance to tithes, the only specific evil he had dwelt upon? If Government was not opposed by an unnatural coalition of parties

i agreeing n nothing but their hatred of it, Lord Plunkett entertained good hopes that tranquillity would soon be restored to the country. Lord BERESFORD said, there was war in Ireland, but it was a war

on one side. The peasantry did not approve of it; it Ivas the work of base agitators and sub-agitators.

The Earl of LONGFORD strenuously urged the necessity of conferring enlarged powers on Government, in order to put down the disturbances complained of. These powers need not be used unless in extreme eases. He denied any coalition with O'Connell's party—he hated and despised them.

The Earl of WINCHELSEA alluded to Captain Graham's ease ; which was also commented on by Lord RODEN. Lord 11 oden said, Captain Graham had Ikea subjected to a loss of 4001. in defending himself against the several charges brought against him. He concluded by noticing the inconsistency of Ministers in complaining of agitators, after encouraging them by offering a situation to 0' Council the arch- agitator.

Earl GREY said, it was tiresome to have to answer the same allega- tion for the hundredth time.

He would repeat what he had before asserted in the 'House, when the same charge was brought against the Government—that if Ale. O'Connell followed, • a course more consistent than that in which he had chosen to persist, with the conduct becoming a good subject, there was no legal situation under the Clovern-,, - ment for which his talents and knowledge did cot lit him. For his part, he would have le,en glad if any forbearance on the part of the Government, or any efforts towards conciliation, could contribute to the tt.tnquillity of the •country. And surely no man who knew Ireland, and the influence width Mr. O'Connell possessed there, would deny the advantage of bringing him over to the cause of good order.

With respect to new powers, Earl Grey said he would apply for none, as long as the old powers seemed sufficient. Wherever military force or police had beep required, it had been furnished ; but he must regret that there was a disposition on the part of Magistrates—and this was not confined to Ireland—to call for military assistance. With re- spect to Captain Graham, there was a motion on the books, and there- fore it was unnecessary to enter into the merits of that case.

The Duke of Wc.i.r.ixnrox said, the Magistracy in many parts of Ireland were not only unable to execute the laws, but they had no con- fidence in the Government. He believed no set of men were more anxious to maintain the laws than the Irish Magistrates were— Still he would entreat his noble friends near him to remember that the ho- nour, the property, and the lives of those gentlemen depended upon their con- curring with the Government to preserve the tranquillity of their country. He would recommend them to unite in every possible way to promote peace, and to set an example to all those who were in the same situation to induce them to support the Government in its endeavours to protect their property and lives.

The Duke observed at the same time, that the confidence must be mutual— There must be no cavilling about trifles, when gentlemen have done their duty efficiently for the preservatim of pram and good order. Gentlemen must not be punished for any trifling mistake which they might commit in the honest execution of their duties ; neither must they be punished because they happened to be odious to one party or another. As to the case of Captain Graham, he would go so far as to say that he himself had looked into that case and although the Lord Lieutenant disapproved of the Yeomanry having been called for on the occasion in which Captain Graham was concerned, he did not think it was at all wrong.

The Duke having gone into a lengthened comment on the Newtown- bury massacre, Lord PLUNKETT, after an apology for addressing the House twice upon the same question, was about to reply to this when he was called to order by the Marquis of LONDONDERRY; the Marquis argued with great vehemence against the irregularity of so strenuous an asserter of' order's setting such an example of breaking it. The House seemed to wish that Lord Plunkett should proceed, and there were se- veral calls for him, but he did not yield to them.

The Earl of GLENGALL noticed, in proof of the disorderly state of Ireland, the stoning to death of a clergyman at mid-day, and within two hundred yards of his own house. He attributed this atrocity to the leniency of Government to the rioters at Thomastown.

Lord MELBOURNE said, in the opinion of the Irish Attorney-General, the rioters, as they were called, at Thomastown, had committed no breach of the peace.

The motion of the Earl of Westmeath was agreed to.

2. Lusn TITHES. On the bringing up of the report on Mr. Stan- ley's resolutions, on Monday, MjNVALLACE offered as an amendment, a string of resolutions, which Sir CHARLES WETHERELL declared to contain about one thousand propositions, to none of which any person conversant with the laws and constitution of the country could agree.

Lord SANDON protested against that passive resistance to the law which had been offered in Ireland in the case of tithes— It would be vain for the members of that House to sit there as a supreme legislative assembly, if their constituents had the power and right to sit in judgment on the laws which they passed, and offer a passive resistance to them if they pleased.

Mr. STANLEY corrected a mistaken notion of the measure contem- plated by Ministers— No double demand would be made on the tithe-payers. The plan of the bill which he should have to introduce was this,—the clergyman was to give over to the Government the tithes for the year, receiving for them a certain amount ; and the Government would enforce, either to the whole extent or in part, as it should think fit, the payment of those tithes. He hoped in the course of the session to be able to ray before the House the measure which his Majesty's Go- vernment intended to propose for the final settlement of this question, by the substitution of some other mode in lieu of tithes for the support of the Protes- tant Church in Ireland.

The bill to be founded on the resolutions, was, after some further conversation, permitted to be brought in.

The bill was read a second time last night. The Irish members pleaded strongly for delay; and were joined in the entreaty by Mr. HUME and Colonel TORRENS. In answer to a question of the former, Lord ALTHORP said, he could not tell when the measure of conciliation promised by Government would be ready. The Committee was still sitting ; and he could not say when its labours might be finished. In the course of the conversation, Mr. STANLEY' in allusion to a threatened motion for a return of the number of days he had been attending to his duties in Ireland, observed, that he had in no case been fourteen days

absent from them. The House at length divided for the second reading, 119; against it, 21.

3. Iarsii JURIES BILL. On Tuesday, the Duke of WELLINGTON op- posed the committal of this bill, on the ground that the opinion of the Irish Judges should be taken upon it.

Lord MELBOURNE did not think the reference at all necessary ; and Lord PLUNKETT observed, that only one Judge had offered any objec- tion to the bill,—which merely assimilated the practice of Ireland to that of England.

After some conversation, Lord RODEN observed, that if the bill was carried, there \vas a valuable class in Ireland that would be wholly debarred from justice.

Earl GREY said, the reasons urged against the bill were political rather than legal. He saw no reason fonts being delayed. Ultimately, however, on the suggestion of Lord ELLENBottorui, he consented to refer the bill to a committee upstairs—another name for indefinite post- poilement.

4. TirE INSURRECTION ACT. The presentation of a petition from Queen's County respecting tithes, led, on Saturday, to a con- versation of some length on the state of the county, and of Ireland generally. Sir HENRY Paammr. said, the state of Queen's County was such, that it Was impossible to obtain a conviction of the greatest criminals. Houses were attacked in the open day, and even murders committed : yet such was the reign of terror there, that even peaceable persons were compelled to give these proceedings an involuntary sanc- tion. He thought Government and the Magistrates ought to be in- vested with extraordinary powers in order to put them down.

My. STANLEY remarked on the zeal which the gentry of Queen's County had displayed in the repression of the disorders of which they so loudly complained—

In a conference which he held with Sir Henry and some other gentlemen of that county, he had stated the readiness of Government to furnish arms to the resident gentry and inhabitants, if they would join with the police in forming daily and nightly patrols for the protection of property and for the apprehension of the disturbers of the peace. That offer was received with satisfaction at the time ; but would the House believe, that from that hour to the present, not a single patrol had been formed, nor a single application made to the Government for arms?

The Insurrection Act applied only to offences committed between sunset and sunrise ; and the disturbances of Queen's County, accord- ing to Sir Henry Palmas account, had chiefly taken place during the day.

Mr. G. DAWSON said that Irish Magistrates had small encourage- ment to act with vigour, with the example of Captain Graham before their eyes : he had been condemned for merely resisting with courage and firmness one of these combinations. Mr. Dawson went on to comment on the answer of Lord Anglesey to the Queen's County Ma- gistrates, and the conduct of the Marquis generally—

In his opinion, Lord Anglesey was of all men the most unfit to be at the head of the Government of Ireland. The way in which he appeared on St. Patrick's Day—the manner in which he flattered and conversed with the lowest rabble— was derogatory to himself and to the Government which be represented. The ridiculous displays which he had made before the mob, had caused him to be- come a laughing-stock to every well-thinking man in the country. •

Mr. SPRING RICE thought that the strong measures which were so often called for in the case of Ireland, would increase instead of allaying the irritation that existed there. The censures heaped by Mr. Dawson on Lord Anglesey refuted themselves, by their intrinsic absurdity.

In the conversation that followed, Mr. H. GRATTAN observed, that there was a parallel to the atrocity of Lord Anglesey's wearing the shamrock on St. Patrick's Day--the late King, when he entered - Dublin, wore one as big as his hat.

5. PLURALITIES. On the third reading of the Pluralities Bill, onllon- day, the Bishop of DURHAM entered into an explanation respecting certain pluralities, a list of which had appeared in the Times. The Bishop de- scribed the list in question as "a mendacious and infamous publication." It appears that the newspaper correspondent estimated the Deanery of Durham, held by the Bishop of St. David's, at 12,0001.—it amounts only to 8,0001. The Bishop of Exeter gave up a living for his prebend. The Bishop of Bristol also gave up a living for his pre- bend. Dr. Wellesley, whose name appeared in the list, had given up the living of Chelsea, and would soon be able to discharge the duties of rector of Monk Wearmouth and of his prebend. As for Mr. Thorpe"; who appeared in the list as holding eight offices, one of them was an office whose duties were gratuitously discharged. There were, it seems, other misstatements respecting Mr. Thorpe, which, however, the Bishop noticed in so low a tone of voice, that the reporters were unable to catch their import.

Lord KING observed, as a valuation was promised, he hoped the country would soon learn what was die real amount of these golden stalls. He was of opinion that, the curates once suitably remunerated

• for their labours, the surplus, which was so much money paid without necessity for services that were not required or rendered, should either be devoted to the purposes of the state, or restored to the pockets of the people.

Earl GREY said he was glad that the Bishop of Durham had taken an opportunity of exposing one of" those shameful exaggerations by which the public mind was abused."

He [Earl Greyj was somewhat implicated in the charge brought against the .Bishop of Exeter in the publication referred to. At the time that prelate was appointed to his present see, he held a very valuable living. As that living was for the cure of souls, it. was not thought fitting that a bishop should hold it in eommendam ; and therefore the right reverendprelate exchanged it for a prebend of Durham, which was much less valuable. He was a party to that arrange- ment, which. he thought was perfectly blameless. The right reVerend prelate had given a most satisfactory answer to the charge which had been brought against the Reverend Mr. Thorpe. It appeared that that gentleman held only two preferments, instead of eight as had been asserted in the newspapers; and no one who knew his high deserts, and the exemplary manner in Winch he dis- charged his duties, could think that he was overpaid.

6. CommirrartoN or PENSIONS. A conversation, took place on

• this subject on Monday night, on the question of the House going into

Committee on the Mutiny Bill. Sir HENRY HARDINGE complained, that in consequence of the system acted on, of allowing soldiers to sell their pensions at four years' purchase, there were at present not less than five thousand of them left destitute.

Mr. HUME was of opinion, that every inducement ought to be given to soldiers to settle in the Colonies, by which a reduction in the Pension- List could alone be brought about. He thought a distinction should be drawn between a time of war and a time of peace in granting pensions.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, soldiers returning from the Colonies during peace were quite as proper objects for pensions as men maimed or disabled during war.

Sir GEORGE MURRAY thought the power of allocating pensioners in the provinces ought to remain with Government. Ile advised placing them in Upper Canada, on the borders of Lake Ontario ; where, in case of foreign invasion, their military experience would be useful. Colonel MABERLEY thought it full time that some plan were resorted to for the reduction of military pensions.

If they were permitted to proceed as at present, they would become a dead weight on the country, whose resources the Army woula almost entirely engross. It would also be almost impossible to maintain an effective standing army at all; for at present, it would be seen, on reference to the returns, that the Pension-List exceeded in number and amount those actually serving in arms. He therefore concurred in the plan adopted at the War-Office of commuting pensions.

In the Committee on the Mutiny Bill, which followed, Mr. Hum. moved an amendment, omitting the clause which gives to courts-martial the right of ordering the punishment of flogging. The amendment was opposed, on the usual grounds,—that flogging was essential to the dis- cipline of the Army ; that it was so rarely had recourse to as to render the amendment unnecessary. The amendment was not pressed to a division.

7. ARMY ESTIMATES. The following items were voted in Com- mittee of Supply, on Wednesday.

X117,274 19 10 for Staff Officers, excluding India.

103,014 15

7

Expenses of Public Departments.

12,000 0 0 Medicines.

33,670 16 2 Garrisons, Home and Foreign.

2,638 11 1 Royal Military College.

22,885 16 8 Ditto Asylum and Hibernian Military School.

99,601 12 4 Volunteer Corps.

17,300 0 0 Exchequer Fees.

125,000 0

0

General Officers not being Colonels.

90,000 0 0 Full-pay of Reduced and Retired Officers.

666,500

0 0

Hall-pay and Allowances to ditto.

88,900 0 0 Ditto to Foreign Troops.

26,324 0 0 Reduced Officers of Local Militia and Yeomanry.

147,423 0 0 Officers' Widows.

175,041 0 0 Compassionate List.

1,305,503 6 8 Chelsea and Kilmainham.

50,750 16 10 Superannuations and Retired Allowances.

14,500 0 0 Exchequer Fees, second item.

There was hardly any discussion in the Committee that voted these numerous items : on the contrary, the interchange of courtesies between Sir JOHN HOBHOUSE and Sir HENRY HARDINGE, who had nearly all the conversation to themselves, was very remarkable. The Times re- ports the vote for Chelsea and Kilmainham in the following terms- " Agreed to after mutual compliments (the fourth time during the discussion) between Sir H. Hardiuge and Sir J. Hobhouse, on the excellence of their re- spective administrations in the War-office."

8. NAVAL BOARDS' CONSOLIDATION. OR the House going into committee, last night, on Sir James Graham's Bill for Consolidating the different Naval Boards, Sir GEORGE CLERK opposed the whole plan, as tending to remove that responsibility, without which the va- rious departments of the service could not be usefully carried on. He moved an amendment, to the effect- " That an adequate number of persons be appointed to superintend the re- spective departments' in place of the board now existing; and that these beads -of the departments should forma board, to exercise all such powers of revision as the Commissioners for executing the powers of the Lord High Admiral may think fit, subject alivays to such restriction as the Commissioners may think proper from time to time to establish."

Sir THOMAS BYAM MARTIN seconded the amendment ; and in doing so, entered into a vindication of the Navy Board from the charges brought against it by Sir James Graham. The Store-ledger, described to be in a state of complete 'confusion, with the accounts so far in arrear as to render the task of posting them hopeless, did not now con- tain one account that was not fully brought up. The non-compliance with Lord Melville's letter, ordering a reduction of 6,000 men in the dock-yards, Sir Thomas attributed solely to the ambiguous wordily, of the letter. The abstraction of the five tons of copper from Chatham- yard arose entirely from the adoption of an Admiralty order, contrary to the advice of the Navy Board.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM admitted, that in stating that the arrear of the Store-ledger was irrecoverable, he was wrong; but he must repeat, that when he visited the Navy Office in October, the arrear was so consi- dered. With no assistance but the usual clerks, the accounts had been brought up ; but of that fact, when he made his statement, he had not been informed. It proved sufficiently that the arrear was a most im- proper one. Lord Melville's letter, Sir James insisted, contained no such ambiguity as Sir Thomas had attributed to it. The abstraction of the copper, the first notice of which came from Birmingham, was sufficient proof of the defective state of the Store-ledger.

After some further conversation,—in which Admiral ADAM stated that the new arrangements had the approbation of the whole Naval service,—the House divided : for the amendment, 50; against it, 118; Ministerial majority, 68.

The Consolidation Bill then went through Committee, and the report being brought up, was ordered to be considered on Monday.

9. GLOVE TRADE. On Tuesday, Colonel DAVIES brought forward his motion for referring the state of the glove trade to a committee. Colonel Davies dwelt on the inability of the English glovemakers to compete with the gloveipakers of Grenoble ; he admitted, that with those of Paris they could compete. He mentioned one case of smuggling, which, he contended, was sufficient to justify the call for inquiry—the

offer of no fewer than 3,000 pairs of smuggled gloves at one time to a single dealer.

Mr. R. GORDON seconded the motion.

Mr. P. THOMSON denied that between the glove trade and the silk trade there was any such analogy as would justify the appointment of a committee. He showed the uncertainty which must always attach to the declarations of dealers. He had received a rude letter calling in question some statements he had made on this subject, which he an- swered by a return of the number of skins imported during the past year—it was 4,300,000. He was then told that many of the skins had been again exported—a second return showed the exportation to be no more than 44,000. He did not believe that smuggling to any extent was practised in the case of gloves. The duty, which was only 22i per cent., would not pay the risk. The real cause of the diminution in the demand for the stronger varieties, was to be found in the increased use of Berlin gloves ; of which 300,000 dozens were calculated to have been sold during the last year.

Mr. Moanisox (of Ipswich) ridiculed the notion of the distress in the glove trade being caused by the importation of French gloves; the whole importation not amounting to more than 6 or 7 per cent, of the entire consumption. He perfectly agreed with Mr. Thomson, that gloves were not an article for smuggling,—for the plain reason, that silk was less bulky and paid better. Ile advised, as the proper way of en- couraging the English glovemakers, the repeal of the import-duty on French kid skins.

The House divided on the motion for a committee : for it, 26; against it, 44; majority against the motion, 18.

10. REFORM. On Tuesday, Earl BATHURST presented a petition from the Chancellor, Fellows, 8.:e. of the House of Convocation, Ox- ford, against the Reform Bill. Earl Bathurst dwelt at some length on the petition. It concluded by stating that—.

The petitioners had no wish to embarrass the measures of Government ; that it was contrary to their habit i to mix themselves actively up with passing political measures ; but that the vast importance of the measure in question, with reference to themselves and the whole community, had induced them on this occasion to break through their habitual seclusion, in order to lay before their Lordships their views as to the measure which, in their opinion, com- promised, in a most objectionable manner, the interests of all classes.

Earl GREY said, when the subjects commented on in the petition came to be regularly discussed, it would be time enough to show that the objections stated in the petition were groundless. He was happy to find, that,. however indisposed to the plan of reform before the House, the petitioners admitted the propriety of some reform.

11. BANK CHARTER. On Wednesday, Lord ALTHORP gave notice that he would, on Tuesday the 17th, move for a Committee to inquire into the expediency of renewing the Bank Charter.