7 AUGUST 1830, Page 1

NEWS OF THE WEEK.

FRANCE.

COMPLETE VICTORY OF THE PEOPLE. ABDICATION OF CHARLES THE TENTH. THE DUKE OF ORLEANS CALLED TO THE GOVERN- MENT. MEETING OF THE CHAMBERS.

THE extraordinary drama which has been exhibiting in Paris within the last twelve days, continues to occupy the public mind, not strongly, but we may say exclusively. The progresses of the most popular King that England has for centuries known, have sunk in interest. Even the septennial mania of the elections has ceased to at- tract attention. Every feeling of scorn, of indignation, of affection, respect, wonder, has been absorbed by the unparalleled baseness of the Government and the magnanimous bearing of the people of France.

Last week, we gave some imperfect hints—all that had then reached England—of the strange and eventful history of THE GLORIOUS THREE DAYS. We can now trace the particulars with more clearness and connexion. And little apology need we make for occasional repetitions, while placing on record an account of one of the most splendid monuments that ever natiOnal virtue erected to fame and liberty. Our account is compiled from all sources that have been open to us—from the FrenchPapers, from the Cor- respondents of the Morning Papers, of the Evening Papers, from our OWD.

"It may be premised, that although the exact type of the villany of the displaced King of France was not foreseen by the people, there was in every part of the kingdom a feeling, which its owners, perhaps, could neither define nor justify, that some dark and des- perate enterprise against the liberties of the nation was meditated. The Liberal journals had repeatedly alluded to What the French call coups d'itat ; and the Drapeau Blanc, the champion of the Emigrants, the Quotidienne, the organ of the Jesuits, and the Ga- zette de France, the mouthpiece of the Villelists, had advised the Ministers to have recourse to them. It was universally believed on this side of the water, that the fears of the one party were simu- lated, and that the counsels of the other were no more than the ravings of faction in despair. We rather think that in France the same sentiments to a certain degree prevailed—that the most timid did not dream that CHARLES or his Cabinet were capable of entertaining the designs imputed to them. But "coming events cast their shadows before"—the people knew not precisely what they had to fear, but they feared notwithstanding ; and in conse- quence, in many of the provincial towns, meetings—not speechify- ing meetings, to fill the newspapers, but calm, resolute reunions, pregnant with deeds, not din—had taken place, and a determina- tion had been come to, that if the King or his Ministers should attempt to violate the Charter or the law, they should be resisted. The surprise, therefore, that prevailed when the ordinances were first published, was excited by the degree rather than by the na- ture of the atrocity which the King attempted to perpetrate. Now for the chronicle. On Saturday the 24th of July, one of the Liberal journals, which had probably obtained its information from some of the proteges of POLIGNAC, announced the nature of the ordinances then about to be issued ; and was disbelieved, as had previously been the case in similar announcements. The ordinances were at that time drawn up. On Sunday' after mass, CHARLES held a Court, which Lord STUART, our Ambassador, attended. At that court the documents which stamp eternal infamy on CHARLES the Tenth, and which may lead to the downfall of more monarchs than one, were signed ; and in the Moniteur next day they were published. The Moniteur, we may observe, for the benefit of those who are not much acquainted with French news- papers, is akin to our Gazette. In what is termed the partie (Odell°, all official documents are published, and their insertion there is taken as proof of their legal promulgation. The Moniteur has also a partie non (*idle, under which head are inserted such extracts from foreign journals as the Ministry of the day consider important enough to require publicity, and also when the Chambers sit a report of the debates. The same department of the paper is devoted to defences of the Ministry when attacked, and to such remarks as they deem requisite on the political questions foreign or domestic of the day. The paper is, in a word, the organ of the Govern- ment, whatever that Government happens to be—never speaking but on the side of Ministers and as instructed by them. The same journal which on Monday published the ordinances of the ex- King, published on Thursday the proclamations of the Provisional Government that succeeded to the authority he had forfeited. After the proclamation of the ordinances on Monday, the Bank stopped its discounts, the Funds fell, the shops were shut, labour of every kind was suspended. The first act of resistance, however, was the declaration of the newspapers that they would not obey the ordi- nances ; the first of usurpation, was the forcible putting down of the journals that refused. On Tuesday such only as had licences were permitted to publish ; and to many of the people this was the first intimation of the existence of the ordinances. The sus- pension endured but for one day, and it was amply atoned for by the extra • . t*-- indiscriminate gratuitous distribution, of the days Monday closed without • blood ; but the approach of the conflict, should the King persevere, was por- tended by no uncertain signs. CHARLES, in the mean while, is stated to have exhibited no marks of uneasiness amit:st the general confusion. He was engaged in a shooting party on Monday, and, it is said, had arranged similar parties for Tuesday and Wednesday! It is however proper to be noticed, that as yet all our information comes from one side. The despot's friends "make no sign." The corps of that double traitor MARMONT which guarded CHARLES'S retreat, necessarilyprevented those who were in the city from coming at an ,ccurate knowledge of his worthy master's movements. Tuesday morning opened with the same symptoms of gloomy resolution on both sides. MARMONT had been appointed Com- mander-in-Chief, and every possible reinforcement had been sum- moned by the King. The plans of the citizens had hitherto led to no practical result, though many had been projected. Of the mo- ment or the causeof the first collision, it is difficult to speak. The correspone.mt. of Ow Times mentions, that on Tuesd;ty afternoon_ while passing alcng the Rue St. Honore, in which at the moment a few unarmed people were grouped, and in their front a party of soldiers, he suddenly heard the word "fire!" and in an instant a shower of musket-balls whistled past him, and two men fell dead at his side. It would therefore appear, that the murder of the people, like the outrage onthe constitution, was an act of sponta- neous and unprovoked atrocity on the part of the Government and its minions. The troops who began the civil fight were a party of the Garde Royale, similar to our Life Guards. The regiments of the Line, on that and on the two following-days, seem to have re- mained neutral, or to have joined the popular side. The first indi- vidual of the old National Guard, suppressed by VILLELE and not restored by MARTIGNAC, made his appearance on Tuesday. It is worthy of notice, because it goes to prove that the reorganization of this constitutional corps—the Local Militia of France—was suggested not so much by the counsels of the great ones of Paris, as by the imincited heroism of a nameless individual. The appa- rition in the streets of the capital of the members of a force so dear to the recollections of its inhabitants, which an act of des- potism had driven into retreat, and the attempt to perpetrate a more atrocious and fatal one had now called forth, seems to have been the first signal of a vigorous and combined movement on the part of the people. The young men of the Polytechnic School, with the theory of war in their heads and the devotedness of mar- tyrs in their hearts, furnished them with officers, of a bravery, skill, and prudence, which many years' apprenticeship in camps do not always bestow. In the evening of Tuesday, cannon were planted in the Place Louis XVI , the Place de Carrousel, and in the neighbourhood of the arch villain POLIGNAC'S hotel; which, by a foregone conclusion, drawn by fear and guilt, it was well known would be the special object of popular vengeance. Subse- quent to the murders in the Rue St. Honore, numerous atrocities are said to have been practised by the Garde Royale, the Lancers, and above all by the Gendarmerie. Many citizens were killed, and a much larger number wounded. The contests were not, however, of a formidable character ; or at least it was not deemed proper by Government so to represent them. Galignani's Mes- senger, which appeared on Wednesday morning, spoke of the events of the previous night, as. casual disturbances. When the ordinances were published, the Duke of ORLEANS/-.'. the present Chief Magistrate of France, was at Neuilly. Prince has long been an object of jealousy and hatred to the ex;- Mona,rch. His private virtues, his sound understanding, his libetj rality of sentiment, and his consequent popularity,. have necesr sarily rendered him odious in the eyes of a family which equally base, imbecile, bigoted, and detested. It is mention that his arrest had been advised by PSYRONNXT, the most violent of the Cabinet, and that nothing but his rapid return to Paris pre- vented it. The object, it seems, of this arrest, was to leave to the French people only the alternative of a republic or a despotism, in the hope that if they chose the former, the surrounding nations would push forward to force the latter on their acceptance. The force collected by the people on Tuesday night, and with which they were on Wednesday to encounter the wholepower of their King, did not, it is said, exceed five thousand, and these armed in a very miscellaneous fashion. But every moment brought acces- sions of power from the surrounding villages and from the suburbs,— from that of St. Antoine, the \Yapping and Ratcliffe Highway of Paris ; from the Polytechnic School, the students of which, on the morning of Wednesday, joined the people in a body; and above all, from the Fifth Regiment of the Line. which marched over to their side, and fought on it during the whole of that day and Thursday. The first attack of the people on Wednesday was on the Palais Royal, which had been shut up the previous day, and occupied by a party of the Household troops. General GERARD—who had in the meanwhile taken command under the virtuous and venerable LA- FAYETTE, in whose hands, by acclamation, the defence of the liberties of the people were deposited—advanced against the Place Vendome, which, after considerable resistance, he succeeded in oc- cupying, having driven its defenders out. The strife was now general, and those who were not busied in active hostilities, were employed in the equally necessary work of throwing up temporary barricades across the narrow streets, and in carrying the paving- stones which were dug up for that purpose, to the upper stories of the houses, that they might shower them down on the military as they passed. A terrible struggle took place at the Porte St. Mar- tin ; which terminated in the dispersion of the Guards, and in the destruction of the Swiss,who formed the Royal forces in that quarter. From the Porte St. Martin, the mob and the boys of the Polytechnic School proceeded southwards to the Hotel de Ville, which was held by a band of Swiss. There the popular arms were not so success- ful, for, after a murderous attack, continued until near nightfall, the position remained in the hands of its first occupants. The as- sailants gt one time had possession of the Hotel ; but the Swiss were reinforced by a party of Lancers, Guards, and Gensdarmes ; and they were compelled to relinquish it. The slaughter in this narrow space was very great—not less on both sides than ten or twelve hundred fell. The proclamations of the Provisional Government, and of General GERARD, were now, however, dis- persed all over the city and suburbs ; and before the eventful day of Wednesday was at an end, a corps of nearly thirty thousand men, mostly National Guards, had rallied round the standard of their country. The reinforcements of the Royalists are less known, but they are supposed to have been considerable in the course of the day. The fatigue of the soldiers, however, had been extreme ; and they exhibited, even then, very marked symptoms of disin- clination to the task imposed on them. It appears that, in the course of the day, MARMONT had been personally engaged with a body of the people in the Rue Montmartre; and that after a mur- derous attack, he was compelled to fall back to the Place of the Carrousel, amidst showers of stones from the females and boys, and of bullets from the men in every street that he passed. In the evening, the national force amounted to nearly fifty thousand ; they occupied nearly every street and point, on the north side of the river, except the HOtel de Ville, the Louvre, Carrousel, and Tuileries. Paris had now been rendered completely impassable by cavalry or artillery, and not easily to be traversed by infantry. This night CHARLES and his family slept at St. Cloud. It has been said, that the Duchess de BERRI had, on the previous day, entreated the King to revoke the ordinances,—which his Majesty scornfully refused ; but that on Wednesday he offered to do so, and the offer was not accepted. This is opposed to an account, which appeared some days ago, of an interview between M. LAF1TTE and General MARMONT, after the latter had been driven beyond the barriers, and in which the King is represented as still indignantly refusing to make the slightest concession. In the middle of the night of Wednesday, and early on Thursday morning, numerous small parties of peasants ar- rived in the city; and in the whole of the surrounding villages, the inhabitants took up arms, resolute to stand or fall with the capital. The same resolution was taken in towns hundreds of miles distant as at Passy and St. Denis. The gates and barriers were strictly watched on Wednesday night and on Thursday, and no one was allowed to leave Paris. There does not seem to have been the slightest wish on the part dr 'the inhabitants to quit the town ; but many of the strangers, particularly the English, were anxious to get out of the tumult. Compelled to remain by these regulations, they seem to have made a merit of necessity ; and some of them joining with the popular party, contributed as far as their numbers went to the glorious success that attended it. The first point of attack on Thursday was the Place de Greve; where the Hotel de Ville, so unsuccessfully attacked on Wednesday, was still held by the Swiss. The bands which attacked this point were marshalled and led by the Polytechnic boys. They captured the place after an obsti- nate resistance ; the defenders were almost wholly cut to pieces. From the Place de Greve, the people proceeded to the Louvre ; where they were equally victorious, though there also the combat was obstinate. It is worthy of notice, as characteristic of the so- briety and reflectiveness of the French people even under circuin- stances of the highest possible excitement, that both assailants and defenders, by choice, and as it were by.convention, avoided the quarter of the gallery where the pictures and other works of art are deposited ; so that not the slightest damage, external or internal, has been sustained by that magnificent room. In the commencement of . the struggle of Wednesday, the Royal forces had occupieda variety of points from the Rue St. Martin, (which traverses Paris somewhat in the same way, and, relatively speaking, in the same place as the line of streets that stretch on each side of London .Bridge do our own metropolis),—as far as the Champs Ely- sees, which border the Seine in the western extremity of the city, and i occupy n Pans, relatively to the Rue St. Honor e and its continuation eastward, nearly the same place that the Green Park and St.James's do to. Piccadilly, Long Acre, Holborn, and the line of Cheapside and Whitechapel. They had been gradually compelled to retreat to the westward ; and after the capture of the Hotel de Ville, the whole that remained were collected in the 'Louvre, the Carrousel, and the courts and gardens of the Tuileries. In fact, on Thursday morning, the struggle, so far as the troops then in Paris were con- cerned, was given up as hopeless ; and they received orders to re- tire on St. Cloud, for the purpose of concentration, and to wait for reinforcements. The Louvre, the Carrousel, the Tuileries, were successively occupied by the people ; and by three or four o'clock in the afternoon, the whole of Paris was in their tranquil and un- disturbed possession.

The loss on the part of the citizens during the three days has been very diffei ently estimated—by some so low as seventeen hun- dred, by others so high as seventeen thousand. From every ac- count it appears, that though the people fought with consummate bravery, they fought also with consummate prudence. They therefore probably suffered much less than might have been ex- pected from a combat urged so long and so obstinately ; yet the slaughter must have been greater than the least of the estimates, though it probably fell far short of the greatest. About fifteen hundred of the Swiss and Royal Guard were taken prisoners ; and though their conduct might have led them to expect very different treatment, they were used with the utmost kindness by their magnanimous victors. On the side of CHARLES, the corps which suffered most were the Swiss, the Garde Royale, and the Lancers ; such of the troops of the Line as were mingled in the contest, seem to have mingled as spectators rather than as actors. In the evening of Thursday, the King and the Dauphin re- viewed the troops at St. Cloud ; and the coldness with which they were received may be fairly supposed to have induced them scarea- chly to waive their claims to the throne as they subsequently did,— for it cannot be doubted that the regular troops, if they had chosen to fight, must have possessedvery great advantages over their irregular opponents, wherever the nature of the ground allowed of manceuvering. On Friday, it is said, another review of the Royal troops took place; when a proposal of the King to abdicate, first in favour of the Duke d'ANdouLama, and then in favour of the young Duke de BORDEAUX, was publicly made. We do not know what credit is due to this statement ; or to another, which de- scribes the Ministers of CHARLES as retreating to St. Cloud in dis- guise. There seems no reason why they should not have accom- panied their worthy master on Wednesday, when the roads were open and no disguise was required ; and it seems most Ilely they did. We must pronounce with equal hesitation on a reported conversation between Malmo:sr and the Dauphin, in which the latter is represented as inveighing against the General a. s a traitor both to the King and the Nation. The Dauphin has not, that we hear, communicated with the newspapers on the subject, and ManivroNr will most likely observe a similar silence on a subject which comes so home to his bosom as a charge of double treachery. In the afternoon of Friday, the Duchess D'ANGOULEME, who had been at the baths of Vichy, arrived at St. Cloud; where she is said to have warmly blamed the conduct of her father-in-law and his Cabinet, and advised im- mediate flight and abdication. This we do not believe. If CHARLES fled, there was no necessity for him to abdicate ; if he abdicated, flight was uncalled for—he could retire. In Paris, on the same day, a proclamation issued from the office of the National newspaper, calling on the people to proclaim t Duke D'ORLEANS King ; and a document of a more authentic character was issued by the Provisional Committee of Govern- ment, appointing him Lieutenant-General of the kingdom. _ It was the intention of the national troops to attack .S. t. Cloud on Saturday ; and a reconnoissance of the royal position took place on Friday afternoon, but the intended attack was prevented ed by CHARLES'S removal on Saturday to Versailles. He was badly received there. The people were filled with the same spirit that had actuated the Parisians; and after a day's sojourn, the Royal dfutgitoives thought fit to withdraw to Rambouillet. Only two thousan troops are seem to have been afterwards greatlyaugmonted.. In taking de- termined are said to have accompanied him to the latter place ; but their Versailles road, in preference to that of St. Denis, which, had on flight, he must have chosen,—for whither could be fly, but to England or the Netherlands ?—Csnia.i.as in all probabinlityaninyt tended to withdraw into the Southern provinces, where, if Chartres, and the other towns immediately in his linTehoef state of quarter of France, he might look for. supporters.

seems to have given him pause. It was supposedanatdonee time that bourg ; and others hardly less confidently had brought him over, rehportw:swactu- him at Cher-' he had determined on proceeding into Brittany, ally reported to have arnved at Rennes; nes • nay, reached London on Thursday confidently placed in the Lightning we suppose, to London. Further tl an Rain- bouillet, however, he had not retreated. From that town, on Sunday, he sent a message to Paris, professing his readiness to abdicate the throne,—requesting a safe conduct- to quit the king- dom, and (oh the bathos of royalty !) requesting cash for the bank-notes he had carried off with him, because the people of Rambouillet would not take them!

On Monday afternoon, the Dukes de TREVISO (111/1IS(n) and de COIGNY, and Messrs. ODILLON, BARROT, de SCHONIEN, and. JA- QUEMINOT, were sent as Commissioners to Rambouillet, agreeably to the request contained in the royal message of the foi mer day. On Tuesday, the Chambers were opened by the Duke of OR- LEANS, as Lieutenant-General of the kin edom, and locum tenens of the sovereign authority. The Duke was accompanie d by the Duchess, and by his son the Duke de CHARTRES, one of the most popular young men in France. The speech of the Lieutenant- General on this occasion was as follows :— "Peers and Deputies—Paris, troubled in its repose by a deplorable violation of the Charter and of the laws, defended them with heroic cou- rage ! In the midst of this sanguinary struggle, the guarantees of social order no longer subsisted. Persons, property, rights—everything that is most valuable and dear to men and to citizens, was exposed to the most serious dangers.

"in this absence of all public power, the wishes of my fellow-citizens turned towards me ; they have judged me worthy to concur with them in the salvation of the country ; they have invited me to exercise the func- tions of Lieutenant-General of the kingdom. "Their cause appeared to me to be just, the dangers immense, the necessity imperative, my duty sacred. I hastened to the midst of this valiant people, followed by my family, and wearing those colours which, for the second time, have marked among us the trumpli of liberty. " I have come firmly resolved to devote myself to all that circumstances should require of me in the situation in which they have placed me, to re-establish the empire of the laws, to save liberty, which was threatened, and render impossible the return of such great evils, by securing for ever the power of that Charter, whose name, invoked during the combat, was also appealed to after the victory. " In the accomplishment of this noble task, it is for the Chambers to guide me. All rights must be solemnly guaranteed, all the institutions necessary to their full and free exercise must receive the developments of which they have need. Attached by inclination and conviction to the principles of a free Government, I accept beforehand all the consequences of it. I think it my duty immediately to call your attention to the or- ganization of the National Guards, to the application of the Jury to the crimes of the Press, the formation of the Departmental and Municipal Administrations, and, above all, to that 14th Article of the Charter which has been so hatefully interpreted. " It is with these sentiments, gentlemen, that I come to open this

session.

"The past is painful to me. I deplore misfortunes which I could have wished to prevent. But in the midst of this magnanimous transport of the capital, and of all the other French cities, at the sight of order re- viving with marvellous promptness, after a resistance free from-all ex- cesses, a just national pride moves my heart, and I look forward with confidence to the future destiny of the country.

"Yes, gentlemen, France, which is so dear to us, will be happy and free ; it will show to England, that, solely engaged with its internal pros- perity, it loves peace as well as liberty, and desires only the happiness and the repose of its neighbours. "Respect for all rights, care for all interests, good faith in the Govern- ment, are the best means to disarm parties, and to bring back to people's minds that confidence—to the institutions that stability—which are the only certain pledges of the happiness of the people and of the strength of states.

"Peers and Deputies—As soon as the Chambers shall be constituted, I shall have laid before you the acts of abdication of his Majesty King Charles the Tenth. By the same act, his Royal Highness Louis Antoine de France also renounces his rights. This act was placed in my hands yesterday, the 2nd of August, at eleven o'clock at night. I have this morning ordered it to be deposited in the archives of the Chamber of Peers; and I cause it to be inserted in the official part of the Moniteur." The Deputies who, attended the opening of the Chambers were all of the extreme Left—the Republicans and Bonaparteans, and the Centre—or what in England would be called the Moderate Reformers, including a considerable number of mere Whigs, that is, opponents to the Ministers, rather because they desired their places than because they disliked their measures. No Ministerial and no Ultra members were present. The latter, it is supposed, will resign their seats ; which a French member of Parliament can do without a fiction. Immediately after the reading of the Lieu- tenant-General's speech, and after he and his cortege had with- drawn amidst boundless acclamation, there was a general cry of "adjourn ;" and, pursuant to custom, an adjournment took place to next day. . In the mean time, a change of no unimportant kind had been operating on the side of the ex-King. The accession of troops at Rambouillet between the period of the message on Monday and the evening of Tuesday had been such, that at the latter period the whole force under the orders of Maamoerr was said to amount to fifteen thousand men. From a confidence in the re- sources which so large a body of troops seemed to place at his dis- posal, the King appears to have hastily retracted his abdication, re- fused the safe conduct for which he had applied, and even refused to see the Commissioners that had been appointed to confer with him respecting it, and an annuity for his future subsistence to be paid by the nation. This new fit of insanity, as the Standard well termed it, was also attributed to the exhortations of the Duchess d'AerooneEms ; who, having succeeded in persuading the King to attempt a fresh stand, is said to have immediately left him for the purpose of rousing, if possible, the peasantry of the South, to enable him to make it more effectually than he had the former.- The Royal army was even said on Wednesday to have been on its return to Vincennes, which fortress still remained true to the Royal cause. • The instantaneous march of the Constitutional troops under General PAJOT and Exotemaws, whose army is stated in one ac- count to have amounted to sixty thousand; put a speedy stop to the resolutions and inovements of the ex-King. The abdication, as it had been at first agreed to, was finally arranged, and the re- tirement of CHARLES from France definitively settled. The abdi- cation, which was not published until the treaty with CHARLES had terminated, and until the latter was en route for Cherbourg, where it is supposed he and his family will embark for America, runs in the following terms :— TO THE DUKE OF ORLEANS.

" Rambouillet, Aug. 2, 1830.

" My Cousin—I am too profoundly grieved by the evils which afflict or might threaten my people, not to have sought a means of preventing them. I have therefore taken the resolution to abdicate the crown in favour of my grandson the Duke de Bordeaux. '`` The Dauphin, who partakes my sentiments, also renounces his rights in favour of his nephew. " You will have, then, in your quality of Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, to cause the accession of Henry V. to the crown to be pro- claimed. You will take besides all the measures which concern you to regulate the forms of the Government during the minority of the new King. Here I confine myself to making known these dispo • itions ; it is a means to avoid many evils. • " You will communicate my intention to the diplomatic body ; and you will acquaint me as soon as possible with the proclamation by which my grandson shall have been recognized King of France, under the name of Henry V. " I charge Lieutenant-General Viscount de Foissac-Latour to deliver this letter to you. He has orders to settle with you the arrangements to be made in favour of the persons who have accompanied me, as well as the arrangements necessary for what concerns me and the rest of my family. " We will afterwards regulate the other measures which will be the consequences of the change of the reign. " I repeat to you, my cousin, the assurances of the sentiments with

which I am your affectionate cousin, "CHARLES.

LOUIS-ANTOINE."

On Wednesday the Chambers met, pursuant to adjournment. Baron PASQUIER was President. A committee was appointed to draw up an answer to the address of the Lieutenant-Ge- neral: the nine bureaux were then ballotted for, and candidates for the Presidency were also chosen in the usual manner. The number of Deputies present was 218. The candidates nominated were Messieurs C. PERRIER, J. LAFITTE, B. DELESSERT, DUPIN, senior, ROVER COLLARD. As soon as the Chamber is definitely constituted, says a letter which accompanies the Messager des Chambers of yesterday, a proposal will be submitted to it to offer the crown to the Duke of' ORLEANS.

From these despatches we learn that the whole of the crown jewels have been recovered. This is the second time they have been in imminent jeopardy. St. Acheul has been burnt by the populace; but no other act of popular indignetion is recorded. Fran can spare Ste Acheul as easily as it can spare CHARLES the Tenth. The number of killed and wounded on the 27th and 29th is now stated at 1700 only ; but this account does hot in- clude the wounded who are in private dwellings, and it is probably softened a little on purpose to keep down irritation. In the other towns of France, as well as in the metropolis, the ordinances of the King seem to have excited but one feeling of indignation and contempt. As, however, in none but in Paris was the popular party attempted to be violently suppressed, so in none have the tragical scenes that horrified the metropolis been exhibited. Everywhere the Royalists have been peacefully and irresistibly repressed ; and the trhcoloured flag now waves from Bordeaux to Calais, and from Brest to Lyons. The instantaneous extinction of the despot's influence in the provinces, proves clearly the truth of what we observed several weeks ago, that it was really less powerful there than in the metropolis ; and that, contrary to the example of 1789, Paris, instead of commanding the country, was now in a great measure commanded by it. The Provisional Government will probably be modified in a few days ; but it is proper to put the names of its present members on record.

Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom . Duke of ORLEANS.

Commander-in-Chief. • . Marquis de LAFAYETTE.

Minister of War . . General GERARD.

Justice Dur-oNT DE L'EURE.

the Interior Ginzor.

Finance Baron Loins.

Prefect of Police GIROD DE L'AD.T.

The settlement of the succession, now that every external ob- stacle to a satisfactory arrangement is removed by the voluntary abdication of CHARLES, cannot be difficult, if set about in the spirit of accommodation, and with that prudence and forbearance that have characterized the other proceedings of the French people. There are in the nation, and somewhat less markedly in the Chambers, two great parties—the Monarchical and the Re- publican ; but we do not think that there will be much dispute between them touching the form of government; and although the Monarchists may possibly argue in France, as a few of them did.aenong ourselves, for the preservation of the legitimate line of succession, the cause of the Duke of BORDEAUX will engage the attention of few practical statesmen. The modified abdication of CHARLES can have no weight with any one. Either his grand- son's title was good, or it was not : if he had a good title to the crown, it required no strengthening,—if not, the act of CHARLES could not bestow, validity on it. • The transfer of a kingdom by a deed of conveyance would be something extraordinary in this age of the world. The real question between the par- ties in the Chambers and the parties out of doors, will be the restrictions on the new King. His own personal party, which is not inconsiderable, and which in the nature of things must be 'fecal-ring hourly accessions, will no doubt struggle to retain as much power as possible ; and the old arguments of the advantages of a strong government will not be wanting on the occasion. The Republicans will, of course, insist on such restrictions as may remove the hazard of such another attack as they have just repelled ; and they will probably take advantage of the crisis to introduce a number of reforms which experience has shown to be desirable as well as necessary. We shall not be sur- prised to find the sticklers for Divine Right join the Republicans on this occasion, or even to see them go beyond them. It would be indeed agreeable to these gentry to pare down the power and prerogatives of the Monarch so as to render the sovereignty no- thing but a name, in the hope that in the reaction such a process would likely produce, their idol might, at some future period, rise to its original splendour. After all, we are disposed to think that the Republican party will hold the balance between the party of ORLEANS on the one side, and the Ultra Tory faction— the most violent of reformers, when they set about it— on the other ; and that the issue will be a sound, well- regulated, constitutional monarchy, in the person of one whom all accounts represent as most worthy of being at the head of such a government. Some alterations are, it is said, contemplated in the Chamber of Peers,—we suppose a limitation of the numbers, or a regulation of the census. The Departmental Colleges will probably be abolished—they are an infraction of the Charter.; and the pernicious system of centralisation, as it is called, will be abolished, and local magistrates be in future elected by local conventions of the people whom they are to superintend. The Jesuits, whose influence over the Bourbon Princes has been so great and so pernicious, must be banished ; this is mere pru- dence. These men are the bane of liberty every where, and have in France exposed it to serious hazard. These will probably be the amount of the changes in the first instance. Others will doubtless follow as they are required. The people have power, and what is more, they know the use of it.