7 AUGUST 1841, Page 11

TOPICS OF THE DAY.

THE POSITION OF THE LIBERAL PARTY.

"The bark was still there, bat the waters were gone."—Moonz.

Wu have received a well-toned and temperate letter from an in- telligent but troubled correspondent,who considers that our " denun- ciations of the Whigs for the last two to three years were richly merited, and that their being driven from office will only be their just reward": he also conceives that the Spectator was all along "understood by the truly Liberal portion of the community ; but that at present many do not see their way so clearly." Our corre- spondent, moreover, objects to "taking PEEL upon sufferance, and being content with him awhile" ; and seems to require some sug- gestions for a Liberal course of action which is to end in something, though he does not himself exactly know what. As these and similar opinions are entertained, we believe, by numbers among the Move- ment party whose honesty shrunk from the trickeries of the Whigs and whose intelligence saw that it must terminate fatally—but who, not being accustomed to contemplate distant consequences, are now surprised at the prospectless position of affairs—it is worth while to reply, not to this correspondent merely, but to the class of persons he represents.

One error, it may be premised, into which many of this class fall, is the error of confounding criticism with acquiescence—an expo- sition of things actually existing with an approval of that condition. Another is that of mistaking the different rules which govern theory and practice. The principles of the Movement—the principles, in reality, of Social Progression—are founded in nature; their eventual advance is quite irrespective of any individual or any party. But their immediate advance is dependent, like that of other things, upon various circumstances, which sometimes hasten sometimes retard them, and call respectively for various modes of treatment. The theory may be advocated, and very properly advocated, "in season and out of season," by those who feel a vocation that way. In practice—in arranging an immediate business lying before us in daily life—a different principle of action comes into play, and things must be considered with a view to what it is possible to obtain. Absolute Free Trade, for example, is necessary to insure industry free play and full reward, and to guard all monetary and commercial systems from constant derangements. We blame no one—quite the contrary—for advocating absolute Free Trade, even though the time may be unpropitious, and the thing impossible of immediate attainment; for whatever there is of truth in such labours will have an influence in proportion to its merit, though the results may not be immediate. But he is, in our opinion, quite as true a friend of Free Trade, and perhaps a more judicious one, who endeavours to obtain all that is at present practicable. If he should even fail, he has the other course to fall back upon, with a stronger argument and a more willing audience.

It may be said that this is granting more to the Conservatives than to the Whigs : but if it be, the remark does not apply to us, who throughout the session of 1835 and 1836 discouraged the attempt to "test the Ministry," as it was called, by bringing for- ward questions only to elicit opinions upon abstract points ; and who inculcated the prudence of first taking every thing in which the Whigs agreed with the Radicals, trusting to discussion for the gradual advance of those questions whereon they differed. But in reality there is no analogy between the case of Whigs and Con- servatives. Every Whig measure since 1836 has confessedly been "prepared for rejection." Whatever measures Sir ROBERT PEEL proposes, will be real measures brought forward to be carried: he is now entitled to have them examined upon their own merits, and if they are good in themselves, and as liberal as can fairly be expected, the country is justified in accepting them. Be it also remembered, that the Movement party has no claim upon Sir ROBERT PEEL. He never deceived or betrayed them: he never promised an Appro- priation Bill, declared himself bound in "honour and conscience" to carry it, and then made it an easy sacrifice, gilded with a million of money, as a peace-offering to the Irish Church ; he never held out turgid threats to the Lords, to catch votes and trick followers into acquiescence, and then succumbed to the Peers ; he never, according to the purpose in hand, encouraged hopes of "Further Reform,' or, taking his stand upon "Finality," sneered at the Liberals as little better thau crazy enthusiasts, who would set up an unworkable government ; and, though not distinguished for con- sistency, he never made such strong declarations as those of Lord Ifnutouase against an alteration in the Corn-laws, and then, as an experiment for preserving place, proposed an alteration without the slightest chance of carrying it. We believe there is no dispo- sition in the practical part of the community to offer any factious opposition to Sir ROBERT PEEL merely because he is Minister ; and we think the community right, for there is nothing else to be done. As soon as he is in responsible office, he will be a fair subject of criticism, both for what he does and what he neglects : at present, criticism has nothing to criticize.

This course of waiting, and watching, and getting all that can be gotten, may be unpalatable ; but, excepting the always open course of appealing to the reason of mankind by abstract argu- ment, it is the only course left for the Movement party at present. For practical purposes the Liberals are disorganized, and without a line of action. The Whigs and "wise Reformers" have not merely ended by "letting in the Tories," but have left the game alto- gether in their hands. Matters have reached the crisis we pre- dicted three years since : "When the characters of the Ministers are irretrievably ruined, the Liberal party divided into sec- tions, some opposed to the others, without admitted leaders, party organization, or binding objects and all, save the masses beyond the pale and a few of the extreme section of the Radicals, are crying out for a government on any terms— then will be the time for the Tories."* This is a state of thing's which Sir ROBERT PEEL can put an end to if he pleases, but it is not in the power of the Liberals. If the Conservatives attempt to evade the difficulties which they come into office to meet, and think they will be permitted to rub on" in matters of practiaal improvement—if they try to govern after the Tory fashion of other times—or if they sacrifice the views of Liberal Conservatism to the crotchets and prejudices of some of their extreme followers— then indeed an advance may be made by the Liberal party : this resolt, however, is not in their hands, but in the hands of their op- ponents. On the contrary, if Sir ROBERT PEEL, while standing on Lord Joan RUSSELL'S " Finality," shall carry into effect those measures of practical amelioration, particularly in the economical wellbeing of the masses, which the people were taught to look to as the consequences of the Reform Bill, and which were the cause of their earnest exertions to carry it, then the Conservatives are likely to remain in power for years to come,—barring accidents. We make the proviso, because, with our dense population, and our peculiar systems of currency, credit, and commerce, a series of un- toward events might produce a very sudden crisis. But accidents of the kind we speak of are more likely to throw Chartism upper- most than to favour any other party.

All this' it may be said, is a mere dictum or opinion. Well: let those whom it dissatisfies try to shape a course of conduct for themselves : not after the fashion of Lear, when his reason is failing—

"1 will do such things !- What they are, yet I know not ; but they shall be The terrors of the earth !"—

but such a practical line of action as will be supported by the country and carried out in Parliament. To discover the most likely means of rousing the people to action, the late election is the- readiest test : and, looking either to the general result or to the topics urged in the course of the contest, we find that organic changes were lost sight of altogether, or ranked as secondary matters. The inference therefore is, (we are speaking of facts, not praising them,) that organic changes are slumbering in the national mind—unless it be the principles of Chartism. Let those who are for instant action next survey the Parliamentary forces; for it is in Parliament that any immediate practical result must be ob- tained, or the measurement of any tangible advance be tested. He will first find a Conservative majority of about 80; which would perhaps be increased on any attempt to turn out the Tories merely to put in the Whigs again. But the nature of the Opposition is of far more consequence than the mere numbers of the majority ; and if that Opposition be analyzed, it will be found to consist of four bodies-

1. The Old Whigs ; whose principles, or what they call princi- ples, more nearly resemble the Conservatives than those of any other party ; whose class prejudices are much stronger than those of many Conservatives ; and who are only kept in their present position by the influence of old habit and hereditary notions of "family consistency." On the Corn-laws, the majority of these men will divide against the Opposition : any plan of Parliamentary action which those friends of the Movement we are more especially addressing could lay down, would drive nearly the whole of them into the Conservative ranks.

2. The present Ministers and their immediate adherents. But many of these men are so committed to "Finality," that it is ques- tionable whether they will boldly advocate "Further Reform "—it is certain that they cannot heartily ; and if the point were more ques- tionable than it is, Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S City manifesto has settled the matter. Moderate opposition, at all events for the present, is to be the cue of the official Whigs : so that no reliance in sup- port of a movement in advance can be placed upon them. A mixture of Free Trade and Protection is to be their cheval de bataille ; and unless they occupy the vacation in getting more knowledge upon the subject of the Tariff than they yet possess, their "measure for rejection" is likely to be inferior in details, with no great superiority in principle, to the PEEL measure to be carried—supposing PEEL to understand the necessities of his position. If he does not, the Liberals are set up again ; and the first action will then be to extort Tariff Reform from the Conserva- tive Ministry.

3. O'CONNELL and his immediate followers ; who are urging mischievous and impracticable measures, for purposes which move no sympathy in this country. The votes of these persons could very probably be obtained for the nonce for any measure that durst be proposed in Parliament ; and their votes would count in a division as well as the best. But we question whether any party would act wisely in forming plans which depended upon the steady support or apparent alliance of Mr. O'CoxiseLL. His Irish exhibitions for some time past, and his Parliamentary conduct almost ever since the commencement of the Whig backslidings, have been such as to excite not disapproval merely, but the strongest distrust ; and we believe not a few even among the Move- * Spectator, lit September 1838; page 820, col. 14 ment go the length of Colonel NAPIER and would refuse "to meet him"—would consider a cause stronger without him than with him. Whenever his assistance in a course unexceptionable in itself is useful, it may be taken ; but all intimate partnership with O'CONNELL is unsafe.

4. Mr. ROEBUCK, as representative of the Movement, Mr. COB.. DEN and other Free-traders; to whom we are referred as to the

Omnis apes Dana6m et ccepti fiducia bell."

Of the honesty of Mr. ROEBUCK we have no doubt' there can be no doubt of his abilities ; and he has given proof of his activity in partisan war. But his capacity as a leader is yet to be proved : he has to exhibit his judgment in forming the plan of his campaign— his readiness and sustained vigour in carrying it out. Nay, more, he has to inlist his recruits and to form his army : and unless he chooses to beat his drum to little purpose, he too must wait to discover the plans of his enemy before he can offer terms of ser- vice. Mr. COBDEN, and several of the "total Repeal and ab- solute Free Trade" party, are men of great information and industry, well versed in the facts of the subject they are to advo- cate, by no means devoid of powers of statement, and Mr. Cos- DEN in particular possesses a vigorous style rising to a business- like eloquence. But we have yet to discover their place and their figure in Parliament. They are men no longer young; and they may possibly want the flexibility, which serves a man instead of early training, to adapt themselves to their new arena. They may also be deficient in the conjoint courage and intellectual power necessary to triumph over the damping influences of a cold, con- ventional, and critical assembly like the House of Commons. We say this not disparagingly, but as matter of explanation. We have no doubt these gentlemen will earnestly endeavour to discharge their duties as Members of Parliament. But we cannot be called upon to pin ourselves to a leader without a party, or to men whose position is yet to be ascertained, and that too without knowing their plans. These plans, indeed, are probably not yet matured ; nor can they well be till the enemy is in the field and has given some indications of his movements.

Notwithstanding all this, it can be readily imagined that Reformers, and very honest Reformers too, who remember the prospects of the Movement in the election of the first Reformed Parliament, or even when the nation rose in 1834 to bear back the unfairly-dismissed Whigs, should be dissatisfied at being told that nothing can be done at present. But if they doubt us, let them look to the Ministerial or Whig-Liberal organs. In some they will find much fierce and fool- ish abuse of the Tories; in others, very pleasant and pointed at- tacks, with a calmness of manner, now they have nothing 'staked, which has not been displayed for a long time. In some there are confident prophecies of active evils from Sir ROBERT PEEL ; which, as the prophecy is not likely to be fulfilled, seems inju- dicious since it will raise a reaction in his favour. In some there are predictions of Tory downfal, not from any Liberal assault, but from an action in the Tory ranhs ; and some give their readers the same hollow comfort which Satan administered to his followers as they emerged from the burning lake- . . . . "with high words that bore

Semblance of worth, not substance, gently raised Their fainting courage and dispelled their fears."

But of a practical plan of action—of a definite purpose of any kind—we have not been able to find a trace.

This position of affairs is lamentable enough ; but we did not cause it. On the contrary, we did every thing we could to prevent it, and that under discouragements and every kind of misrepre- sentations. As long as it seemed of any use we addressed our- selves to the Whig Ministry, urging them to male an advance, and effect a union among Reformers, in order to take up a new line, as a means to make themselves a reality—a Government that could carry its measures. When the time for this was past, we called upon the Liberals to leave the Whigs to their fate, and take up a line of their own, rallying the Further Reformers around them, and keeping up the prospects of a better future. But we were called traitors and Tory-Radicals for our pains. We urged, that when a dissolution came, the Liberal party would have nothing on which to go to the country—neither principle, nor promises, nor rallying- cry ; and we predicted to the letter their present plight. But we urged and prophesied to no purpose. The Liberals have now lost the tide, and must wait for its flowing. Their bulkier craft are fast aground; the tide is rapidly ebbing from others ; and the course of those which can yet float is beset by shallows and difficulties. We have no remedy for this : we cannot suspend the laws of nature. "We work by wit and not by witchcraft"; and vie think it wittier to endeavour to get all we can from the occasion before us, than to remain idly " whistling for a wind "—or to call upon the gods to pity our condition—or to waste time and strength in striving to launch what it is impossible to move—or even in railing at those who have bided their time and taken advantage of the turn in their favour : for be it remembered, that all which the most unscrupulous may undertake for, now, must be gotten from the Conservatives.