THE MAGAZINES.

Tha Right Rev. Monsignor Canon Moyes undertakes the defence of the Papal Encyclical against Modernism in the

Nineteenth Century in an ably written article. The pith of hie argument is summed up in the assertion that "in the Thee of this root principle of denial [of the intervention of the Divine Reality in history] and of its rigorous consequence in the reduction of Christ to the human level on the stage of history, the Catholic Church through her Supreme Head has raised her voice in condemnation and correction. Being what she is, and believing what she does, it is difficult to see how sire could have acted otherwise." We may also note his epigrammatic definition of the Modernist conception of the Church as "a spiritual democracy in which we may say that

conscience is invested with a universal suffrage." His final answer to the question, Why has the Pope condemned the Modernists ? is given on the last page of the article, and is worth placing on record :— " (1) Because tho Modernists have denied that the divine facts related in the Gospel are historically true. (2) Because they have denied that Christ for most of His life know that He was God, and that He over knew that He was the Saviour of the world. (3) Because they have denied the divine sanction, and the perpetuity of the great dogmas which enter into the Christian creed. (4) Because they have denied that Christ Himself per- sonally ever founded the Church or instituted the Sacraments. (5) Because they deny and subvert the divine constitution of the Church, by teaching that the Pope and the Bishops derive their powers not directly from Christ and his Apostles, but from the Christian people."

We may add that Monsignor Moyes defends the Encyclical egainst the charge of reinstating mediaeval scholasticism by asserting that " the Pope only requires that the scholastic method shall be the basis of clerical studies, and only such parts of it as are 'in keeping with the certain results of later times.' "—Sir Alfred Wills in a most weighty article proclaims his substantial agreement with the views expressed in Sir Robert Anderson's recently published work on Criminals and Crime. He classifies delin- quents in an ascending scale of criminality, the worst of all being the "professional," and the next worst the

" habitual," criminals. Sir Alfred Willa regards the last- named as generally irreclaimable, and believes with Sir Robert Anderson that they ought to be detained in special or. "asylum prisons," where they should be made to earn their livelihood. As for the professional criminals, a limited class, he strongly urges a change of system by which it shall be possible to detain them either for life or for the longest period allowed by the existing criminal law for the offences

of which they have been convicted. But that change of system, however, should, in his opinion, secure a modification of the conditions of penal servitude, which he believes to be still too severe. The urgency of the question is sufficiently proved by the significant and formidable fact that, while general crime against property has been for .a long time steadily on the decline, professional crime has increased to

an alarming extent.—Special interest attaches, in view of the circumstances of his retirement, to Sir Bampfylde Fuller's article on "The Clainis of Sentiment upon Indian Policy." Briefly put, the article consists of a plea for the multiplica- tion of provinces and provincial governments as the beet means of developing moral, social, and civic aspirations amongst-.

our Indian subjects, and of thus obviating the draivbacks of an over-centralising of authority. Sir Bampfylde Fuller holds that, so far from this carving up of provinces and removal of landmarks being disliked by the people and leading to trouble and disturbance, it would be generally welcomed by all except the advanced "Nationalist " Party, as tending to reinforce local sentiment, and to admit_ capable natives to a wider prospect of Government service in the neighbourhood of their own homes. We cannot but think the project fantastic and inopportune. But it should certainly serve to open the eyes of those Radicals who may have been led to regard Sir Bampfylde Fuller as a harsh bureaucrat.—Mr. J. W. Cross in "Over Niagara— and After?" contributes an interesting paper on recent financial troubles on both sides of the Atlantic. The root of the evil he finds in extravagance,—Governmental, business, and personal extravagance. For Great Britain the most pressing matter to look into is our banking reserve of gold, in regard to which he renews his suggestion of a " Council of Bankers Defence." As for America, his fifty years' experience of American finance prompts him to a tempered optimism. In any case, lie holds that we are hardly in a position to lecture the United States. " My experience has been that, when the occasion arises, the Americans have an extraordinary faculty for suddenly curtailing their ordinary profuse expenditure, which may yet prove a lesson to Englishmen."

The article on " Germany and England—Some Unpublished Pages of German Diplomacy" by "Ignotus," which stands first in the National Review, in one important respect accords with Dr. Dernburg's paper in the Contemporary when the writer asserts that " the real director of Germany's foreign policy is neither Herr von Tschirscliky, Herr von

Schoen, nor Prince Billow, but Kaiser Wilhelm himself, who, not content with sketching its-general lines, determines many

of its details as well." For the rest, "Ignotus" gives full credit to the Kaiser for his unwearying devotion to what he considers to be the true interests of his country, and holds that in persistently pursuing the policy of isolating Great Britain he is only endeavouring to fulfil the desires of his people, " whose one aim is to oust us from our international position." He points out, however, that the isolation policy has recoiled on its promoters like a boomerang. As one after another of the Kaiser's brilliant combinations hung fire, and be still continued to fashion others, peace-loving nations resolved to ensure themselves against further surprises :—

"That was, if not the primary cause, the favourable occasion of our entente cordials with France, of our arrangements with Italy, Spain, and Portugal, of our understanding with Russia, and of the present rapprochement between Holland and Belgium. And one of the indirect consequences of these combinations is that Germany is temporarily alone. Another is that she has taken to proclaim solemnly and emphatically that she never harboured a thought of breaking the peace or injuring her neighbour ; that her one ardent desire is to live on good terms and in amity with Great Britain. We may, if we choose, believe these pacific if belated assurances. But it would be the height of folly to act upon them."

In support of this view "Iguotus ". gives a number of specific incidents in the conduct of Germany's •foreign relations in which the Palace and the Foreign Office have,

according to him, played the game of Spenlow and Jorkins in the sphere of high diplomacy. The moral of the article is much the same as that of "Catches" in the Fortnightly,—viz., that while maintaining a correct and polite attitude towards Germany, we can never afford to relax our vigilance. That is sound enough, but the lesson might have been enforced in a

less aggressive tone. —Mr. J. L. Garyin, under the heading of "The Falsehood of Extremes," writes an eloquent vindica- tion of Tariff Reform as " the quintessence of anti-Socialism." " Our, fiscal Adullamites," he says in a characteristic passage, "cannot fight the red crusade. They lack the true weapons of Mind and spirit. Tariff Ifefamero can fight it and they will." We may note here that in his "Episodes of the Month" the editor welComes back Mr. Balfoni to the fold of Tariff 'Reform on the'strength of the " valuable concessions " Made in his

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mmgliani speech.. ".Having converted anr-Party,*e [i.e.,' the pioneers 'and, pacemakers'] mist. now set to work to convert the . country in order. to -secure A -mandate to carry out.this policy whenever we come into power." Lord Cronier's .beretical, pronouncement on FiScal policy sadly grieves the editer, who summonses his argument folloWs : " Free Trade rests on a solid foundation of -foink.":- The edit& evidently

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.writes more in sorrow than in anger, but it is clear that he already relegates Lord Cromer to the limbo of Mandarins and mugwumpe.

.'Dr. Friedrich Dernburg writes an instructive paper on "The, Kaiser and his Chancellor" in the new Contemporary. The.gist of the article is to be found in the. concluding state- ment that "so long as the German Reichstag, by its ever- lasting divisions, shows itself unfit to take a share in the Government, . so long must the ;Emperor continue to be in reality his own Chancellor." This view is developed in an interesting passage which may be quoted in full :— " The German Empire, as is well known, is not a single State, but a federation of States. It is governed by a national assembly and an assembly of the States, the Bundesrath. Throughout the five and thirty years of its existence, it has never succeeded in obtain- ing from the votes dependent on universal suffrage a stable majority on which the Government could lean. The cleavage in civilisation and the divisions of Particularism have found new expression in the Reichstag. The great power of the Press, again, has no common centre. The governing forces in that quarter for the most part balance each other. The unity of the Empire is repre- sented by the Kaiser and his Chancellor ; and if they cannot obtain for their policy a stable majority or a decisive public opinion, they lose the security and control which these supports would give them. Thus the Kaiser is in the eyes of the nation even more responsible for the choice and support of his Chancellor than the Chancellor is for the proceedings of his Imperial Master. That the persons with whom the Kaiser comes into touch should seek ."to 'gain influence over his resolutions is just as natural as that he should in 'critical moments invite the counsel of the -friends whom he trusts outside the official world. , People have invented, for-this the word 'Camarillo,' an expression against which the Kaiser the other day energetically protested to a dis- tinguished English journalist. The word has a sinister meaning Which • does not 'fit in with the character of the Emperor as a strong-willed man,. jealous of his independence. It is true, all the same, that he seeks, other advice than that of his Chancellor, especially when there is a question of the retention or removal of

the Chancellor himself." . • -

Count Caprivi, he. asserts, was the personal choice of the Emperor, and " when the Emperor .withdrew his hand from Caprivi he disappeared of himself." Dr. Dernburg, however, admits that , the resolution to dismiss him was arrived at at Prince . Eulenburg's pestle,. and asserts that Prince Eulenburg and .Count Kuno Moltke manoeuvred the Kaiser into a false • position over Morocco. It practically amounts to this, that there was a " camarilla," but that the Kaiser was not conscious of its existence, and that its influence on his decisions has been greatly exaggerated. We may .note, in conclusion, the belief of , the writer, that King Edward's influence on foreign policy is very much on a par with that of the Kaiser. Dr. Dernburg, it should be added, frankly realises that it has been shown to be impossible for the two nations to come to any agreement such as Great Britain has concluded with France and with Russia. The situation, in his view, is rather one of national psychologyi.e., the state of mind of the German people towards England—and leads him to the following temperate conclusion :- " The inherent disposition of a National State is egoism ; but so far as a magnanimous and honour-loving nation is capable of sympathy ;with another nation, I can see no .other which can so well attract, to itself the sympathy, of the Germans as just this _English nation. Every nation is irritated by minifestatiOns of hostile feeling, and is won over by 'friendly intercommunication, and this ii especially true of the German people. That is the formula for German-English relations. The sentiments of each nation correspond with. the sounds which reach it from the opposite shore. So much the more cheerful are -the voices which come over to its just now from Englatal. The-Contiction that the peace 'of 'the world depends on a good understanding between 'England and Germany. is the .common thought of the German people;, and any man who disturbs this .00nviction counts as a traitor to the progress Of. the world. .The,Kaisercannot mistake ' this 'general opinion of his people;-which coincides with his own.

Bit so long as the German its :everlasting divisions, Showa itself unfit to take a share in the' GOverruiint:* so must the Emperor continue to be in reality his own ChantsAkir.

—Mr. W. T. Stead's "Impressions from the Hague " are by turn s amusing and amaiing. The Villain Of the plot; in his view, was the British Foreign Office. His special • bercei Baron Marschall—though he admits that the GerMans Weis amongst the worst offenders against ethical priiiciplesand Dr. Riiy Barbasa of Brazil, while the' Marquie de Several wns not merely delegate for Portugal, but" he was atbneVeriod'the only representative who seemed to haVe at heart the'fraditien of Britain as a leader in the cause of arbitraticin. 'Thinhs toThim; and almost to hini alone, the honont. of Engiand was saved ; but it was ' as by fire.' " HoiveVer, be admits that Great Britain had "a picturesque andAturdy " in"Sir 'Ed. Fry."--M. Francis Pressense; viraing on " France, Morocco, and Europe," expresses What is no doubt a minority view, but one which claims respect. when the w character,, learning, and literary ability of the writer are taken into account. M. de Pressense holds that M. Delcasies attitude towards Germany was needlessly provocative, and pile removal from office a subject for national satisfaction. 'He has cOnfidence in the good intentions of M. Pichon, but is inclined to believe that the Government is obliged to struggle, not too successfully, against the persistent endeavours of the military chiefs to protract and extend the operations; France, in his view, should return as soon as possible to the .strict execution of the Algeciras programme, and England can do much for a happy solution by discouraging the adoption of a venturous policy by France, and. thus hastening the enforce- ment of her just moderate claims.—We felt sure that. hp.. Lawson's article. on " Oxford Finance " in the November Contemporary would not remain unanswered. Mr. A. J. Barer in a trenchant article dissects Mr. Lawson's arithmetic_; 'and maintains that his arraignment of , Oxford is vitiated f rein end to end by his want of acquaintance with the facts. He further shows that to supply the crying needs of the University. the Colleges are contributing " most of them=- not all—to the measure of their ability, while some have to struggle for a bare subsistence. But nothing that the Colleges could do would provide . the University with the money required for its natural development. Those Who know the truth about Oxford know that the Cherieella's appeal for funds, which Mr. Lawson seeks to discredit, is more than justified."

As was to be expected, the Fortnightly Review contains an article on the Kaiser from the pen of "Calehas." The subject has been discussed too often of late to admit of much novelty of treatment. The paper may be summed up as an Appeal to England to be polite but watchful.—Miss Edith Sellers endeavours to summarise all that is known of the character of the heir to the throne of Austria, who is generally regarded as an enigmatical personage. The Archduke married a lady who was of noble but not of Royal birth, but the Emperor consented to the union on condition that his heir should take an oath that his children shOuld never be regarded as Royal, or his' wife as a Queen. It appears that the Archduke lives in the greatest seclusion with his family, and takes no part in public affairs. On the rare occasions when he has bad to attend some Court function he is described as going through his part in courteous silence. Suddenly and without .warning the Royal recluse became the patron of the Catholic School Union; a body known for its narrow-minded aggressiveness. In a speech he declared that he intended to be the patron of the Union in deed as well as in name. This course of action was regarded with much astonishment, for the Union is extremely un- popular in Hungary. The explanation given by the writer of the article is this, The marriage of a member of the Austrian Royal house is illegal unless the consent of the Emperor is obtained. If in the present case this consent had been with- held and the marriage persisted in, the wife would on the death of the Emperor of Austria have become Queen of Hungary by the marriage law of that country. In Austria the case would have been different, for there the union would have been merely morganatic. Hence the reason of the: oath. But Popes have always been willing to consider the poisi- bility of dispensations for a high diplomatic reason. This might be found in the active devotion to the Cliiireh on the part of . an Austrian Emperor.—Mr. Sydney

Brooks's paper on "The Significance of Mr. Hearst" gives a lurid description of the methods of "yellow" journalism in America. We are told that in estimating the influence of Mr. Hearst it must never be forgotten that, whether from good motives or bad, he has done an immense amount of useful work in the way of exposing the nefarious methods of Trusts and Rings. He insisted in the past that the people were being plundered by rapacious companies, and every exposure now increases his influence by proving that he was in the right. Mr. Brooks believes that a new spirit of unrest is manifesting itself in America which has displaced the old self-complacent optimism. This new spirit in its worst mani- festations is fostered by Mr. Hearses newspapers.—M. Chedo Mijatovich, who was Servian Minister in England, contributes

an estimate of Lord Salisbury remarkable for the deep reverence it shows for the character of that statesman. The article is indeed a striking tribute to the lofty nature, truthful-

ness, and love of peace of our great Foreign Secretary. M. Mijatovich declares that it was Lord Salisbury's influence upon himself that enabled him to bring to a successful issue the peace negotiations between Servia and Bulgaria.

Blackwood contains a paper of memories of London literary clubs in the " forties" by the late Professor Masson, who dictated this account to his daughter. Here we come across the well-known literary figures of the time. The following is curious with regard to Thackeray :—

"'D'ye know,' he said, 'that though I can describe an Irishman perfectly, I never could describe a Scotchman ?' I reminded him of Mr. Binnie. Oh,' he said, that's not what I mean : that's a mere facsimile of a man I know ; a mere description from life. But what I mean is I couldn't invent a Scotehman.'"

—Mr. W. R. Macdonald writes an article on the relations between an inventor and the Navy which it is a real pleasure to read. To judge by this account, nothing could have been more prompt, intelligent, and considerate than the treatment of the inventor by every one, from the Admiralty to the blue- jackets. The invention in question was one for cleaning a ship's bottom without going into dry dock. After a very short delay, in fact no longer than was necessary for the inventor to get his apparatus in order, an experiment was made upon a ship. Mr. Macdonald pays a high tribute to the way in which the officers treated him, rendering every help possible, and taking the greatest interest in the work of experiment. We are told that this interest was also shared by the lower deck, the working of the new invention being keenly watched by the bluejackets. —Major MacMunn's story of the North-West Frontier of India is good reading. It describes the jealousy of two regiments of local militia, and

the way in which this feeling is used by the Begum Allah Visaya, a lady who is desirous of acquiring Government land.

She concocts a plan with a subandar of one of the regiments, by which he is to surprise a party of his rivals who are in a small fort and steal their rifles, and thus disgrace them. As soon as the plan is at work the Begum reveals it to the "political" officer, and receives as a reward a piece of the coveted land.

The editor of the Albany Review returns to his attacks on Sir Edward Grey, whom he accuses of receding "from Lord Lansdowne's firm assertion of the claim of Europe [as regards Macedonia]—as opposed to the 'interested' Powers— to apply reforms." The extreme Radical seems to want a foreign policy which is difficult of realisation, being at once pacific and militant.—Lord Courtney writes an article defending proportional representation from the attack made in this review last month. The danger of the increased election of faddists is shown to be a not very likely con- tingency,. and the greater stability given to individual Members of Parliament is insisted on. For instance, if Manchester voted all together, how different would have been the position of Mr. Balfour. The opponents of proportional representation can never get over the fact that the plan would secure a more perfect representation of the feeling of the country.—Professor Edward G. Browne has collected a number of Persian opinions as to the arrangement regard- ing "spheres of influence" by Russia and England. The opinions have been gathered from leading Persian journals, and some of them express the anxiety that Persia will share the fate of Egypt, and cease to be governed by her native rulers. In these extracts is to be found intense hatred of Russia as a devastating Power, and fear

that England may be drawn on to intervene. One writer illustrates his meaning by saying that supposing the two Powers felt they must support the Shah against a Pretender, they might actually send troops. There would then be a demand for payment for these troops, which Persia would most likely be unable to meet. Then would follow an occupa- tion until the debt was paid, together with financial control, and thus a state of dependence would be gradually reached. Let us hope the Persians will realise that the way to prevent such things happening is for them to set to work earnestly to develop and reform the government of their country.

The first article in the United Service Magazine for December, entitled "Principles of Naval Discipline," is both useful and interesting. Though open to criticism from the literary point

of view—it is rather a collection of notes and detached observa- tions than a coherent whole—it contains so much sound sense,

and is imbued with so excellent a spirit, that we do not hesitate to say that it might be read with advantage by every officer in the Service, however high or however low his standing. This does not mean that the article contains anything sensational or original. Indeed, if it did on such a theme it would hardly be likely to deserve the praise we have given it. On essential themes it is too late to be original. What is wanted is to keep men in remembrance of the truth. Lieutenant Dewar's main point is to insist on the distinction between true and pseudo discipline. As he says, "discipline, to be a real force, must be willingly borne and be based on utility." Pseudo discipline is defined as "a magnification of puni- tive power in a disciplinary system, directed towards a petty and insignificant end, ignoring the necessity of main- taining a community in unity and co-ordination, and usually accompanied by a lamentable lack of interest in war work.

Where pseudo discipline prevails, discontent will flourish." Lieutenant Dewar does not, however, confine himself to laying down abstract propositions, but emphasises every point on which he insists by stories of the past. We wish we had space to quote the admirable passage -which shows that discipline, drill, and training are not synonymous terms.

" Discipline and training are seen without drill on a football field or on the top of some bridge when a huge beam weighing many tons is being placed in position. Drill here will add to the efficiency, but is not essential." We cannot part from Lieutenant Dewar's article without congratulating him on having accomplished an excellent piece of work.—Another article is " The Possibility of Invasion," by "A . Civilian Thinker." Though it contains nothing very new, the examples it gives of the extreme rapidity with which troops can be landed from ships are worth noting. For example, Napoleon, pursued by Nelson, arrived off Alexandria in a heavy sea on the morning of July 1st, 1798. He at once began to disembark, and at 2 a.m. on the 2nd forty thousand men with a hundred and seventy guns and vehicles and twelve hundred horse and three months' supplies had been put on shore in spite of the weather, and by 4 in the morning the French army was marching towards the desert. In the Crimean War thirty thousand men were landed in six hours.—In " The Anglo- Russian Treaty" Mr. Angus Hamilton states the case against the Treaty. We cannot say that it in any way shakes our belief in the utility of that instrument, but it is nevertheless well to hear the other side.