BOOKS.

WILLIAM /CAPIER'S LIFE OF CTIA.RLES NAMES

NAPIER.* TFIE life of the Conqueror of Scinde was varied, eventful, incessantly active in mind and body, and made by that activity full of adventure, where external circumstances would almost seem to forbid adventure ; it has the further advantage of being illustrated by his own pen. Till the death of his mother, in his forty-fourth year, it was the habit of Charles Napier to write to her continually, not only on family matters, but pouring out his thoughts and feelings on all that concerned himself, and passing a free opinion on public events and persons. He was nearly as constant a correspondent, and quite as free, with his relations and friends. In addition to this extensive letter-writing, he kept a journal, in which he not only noted occurrences and commented on them, but extended reflections almost into essays on a variety of subjects, moral, social, political, military. On military matters he indeed wrote direct essays, on the campaigns of some ancient generals, as well as comments upon the wars he was engaged in. The result of this extraordinary pen-work was an immense amount of written materials; from a selection of which the largest portion of the Life consists, Sir William Napier only narrating the early story, filling up gaps, and inserting comment. Some of this matter, though written in letters and journals, and strongly reflecting the writer's "opinions," is not strictly biographical : the same subject is too often repeated, or dwelt upon in extenso, especially during his rule in Cephalonia, (from 1822 to 18300 his command of the Northern districts of England during the disturbed times of 1839, 1840, 1841, and his eampitigns in Seinde. Notwithstanding the vigour of thought and style which distinguishes both the brothers, the fulness with which opinions and disquisitions on past and distant topics are presented induces a feeling of something like satiety in the reader. This promises to be still greater in the ensuing volumes, that must be devoted mainly to Indian affairs, and of which we have had a good deal already in the way of narrative or controversy. The blood of the Napiers is very noble. By their father's side, they trace their descent to Montrose and the great inventor of logarithms; by the marriage of a paternal ancestor they inherit the blood of Henry the Pourth of France ; the marriage of their father with a daughter of the house of Richmond connects them, though in a left-handed way, with the Stuarts. This daughter, moreover, was the once celebrated Lady Sara Lennox, the first love of George the Third, who our author says, refused the royal hand and the throne of England. Through their mother they were connected with the noble families of Fox, Fitzgerald, and other great houses. This heraldic glory brought grief. Sir William Napier thus accounts for the crosses, difficulties, and unfair exercises of power, which thwarted the promotion of the three brothers, Charles' George, and himself in early days, and attended Charles to the last.

"As courts are proverbially far more vengeful than grateful, it was not surprising that a man whose very existence had been an offence to royal pride—a man of whose near kindred one had severely checked royal indiscipline in the navy, a second had endangered royal life in a duel, a third had died an unsuccessful insurgent, and a fourth had been the most impassioned orator of his age in opposition to royal encroachment [Fox]—it was not surprising, or unnatural, that such a man should meet with disfavour, enmity it could scarcely be called. Moreover, to be noticed by Wellington was then no recommendation to the new Commander-in-chief; for, whatever may be said or supposed to the contrary, the writer of this work has sure knowledge that no friendly feeling existed between the royal general [Duke of York] who so signally failed in the early part of the war, and the great captain whose transeendant genius terminated it with a glory dazzling to contemplate."

Charles Napier was born at Whitehall, in 1782. In 1794, being then a boy of twelve or thirteen, he obtained an ensigney in the Duke of Wellington's Regiment, the Thirty-third ; and, after some exchanges, went to Ireland, where his father then resided, and returned to school. Even at this early age the spirit of the hero was strong in him, and his brother tells various stories of his resolution, determination, and instinctive courage against any odds. • At that time, Ireland was in a terribly disorganized condition, just out of one rebellion, with another preparing, and society divided against itself. It was not a pleasant country to dwell in for those who love peace, but well adapted to train a boy to war. Colonel Napier, the father, had not only served with distinction in the American war and Flanders, but had successfully filled civil offices connected with the army. He did not approve of the Government doings in Ireland, but he was too loyal and sensible a man not to resist rebellion. This was a kind, of scene young Charles was frequently engaged in.

• The Life and Opinions of General Sir Charles James Napier, C.C.S. By Lieutenant-General Sir W. Napier, K.C.B., Ste. Ste. In four volumes. Volumes I. and II. With Portraits. Published by Murray.

"When the insurrection of 1798 broke out, many families took refuge in Dublin. The elder Napier would not do so. In that time of trouble and terror he fortified his house, armed his five sons, and offered an asylum to all who were willing to resist the insurgents. About a dozen came ; and with them he long waited an attack, which was often menaced, yet never made, although an insurgent camp too strong to be meddled with by any military force available at the time was but a few miles off. Finally he removed to Castletown,where a company of the Derry Militia, of which Mr. Conolly was colonel, soon arrived to reinforce the irregular garrison. The elder Napier was, from his kinship and knowledge of war, virtually accepted as the commander of all, and frequently scoured the country, Charles Napier being always at his side. One very dark night they came suddenly upon an armed body ; both sides halted, and a fight seemed impending ; but, suspecting the truth, Colonel Napier instantly gave a loud military order as a test, and a cry of recognition was heard: the Grenadiers of the Cork Militia were in front ! At that moment the moon shone out, and Charles Napier, very diminutive for his age [sixteen], was seen with his small fuail charging bayonets in opposition to Tim Sullivan, the biggest man of the Cork Militia. Tim looked down in astonishment an instant, and then catching his small foe up in his arms kissed him. "After this adventure the Grenadiers garrisoned Celbridgo; and Tim Sullivan especially patronized his in imy, as he called Charles, always swelling out his own gigantic proportions when he pronounced the word."

When Charles returned to military service, in 1799k he entered the family of Sir James Duff, then commanding the Limerick district, as aide-dc-camp; and at a later period he filled a similar post under his cousin General Fox. His actual military schooling on a large scale was under Stuart tho hero of Maida, an able, but wild, and when the fit took him a despotic man ; afterwards under Sir John Moore at the celebrated camp-school of Shorno Cliff. His first employment against the French was in the Corunna campaign : in the final battle of 'which ho distinguished himself, was wounded, and taken prisoner. The leading outlines of his sufferings and adventures, and of Ney's generosity in releasing him that he might go and tell his blind mother of his safety, were already known to the world. The biography contains a full account drawn up by his own hand. His next appearance was in Portugal under Wellington, where he was very severely wounded ; and by dint of dunning, influence, and perhaps some old associations in the mind of the Prince of Wales, (for in other days the Prince and the father of the Napiers had been friends,) became Lieutenant-Colonel, after all the other Corunna Majors had obtained that rank. Even this promotion was accompanied by something very like official spite ; for the regiment given to him had just come from Botany Bay, it was in a disorganized state, and was sent to the Bermudas. From Bermuda Charles Napier was embarked in those buccaneering expeditions by which the ineptitude of the Ministry uselessly ravaged America. After exchanging into the Fiftieth Regiment, he was placed on half-pay through the peace of 1814. On the evasion of Napoleon, he started for Waterloo as a volunteer, but was too late ; though he followed the army to Paris, and joined in what was going on. It deserves to be emphatically remarked, that in his thirty-second year and after so much service, Colonel Napier entered the Military College at Farnham, where he was joined by his brother William, the editor of this work.

Hitherto Charles Napier had served in positions directly subordinate, or in a very narrow sphere. In 1819 in his thirty-eighth year, Colonel Charles Napier was appointed Inspecting Field-officer in the Ionian Islands, under Sir Thomas Maitland—" King Tom," as he was generally called. The post was still subordinate, but Napier was employed in various diplomatic intrigues with Ali Pasha of Jannina : Napier's idea was to assist Ali, then in open revolt against the Porte, seizing Albania and Greece, and erecting them into an independent kingdom, with a constitution and so forth for the Greeks. After a good deal of writing and passing to and fro, the scheme came to an end. Indeed, it was not one that an English Government could be a party to, or even countenance, with any propriety. In 1822, our hero was appointed by Sir Frederick Adam Military Resident at Cephaloma--that is to say, absolute Governor of the island. With his wonted energy, he corrected many abuses ; improved the roads and public buildings of the island ; was affronted in one matter by the Duke of York, whose conduct in another case was really infamous if the story as told does not admit of explanation. Napier subsequently quarrelled with Sir Frederick Adam; a sort of paper war was carried on ; Lord Ripon, (then Lord Goderich,) who was Colonial Minister, tried to compose the strife, and offered a higher post in the Islands ; nothing would satisfy Napier but to return to Cephalonia in defiance of Adam ; to this the Minister would not consent, and Charles Napier in his fiftieth year (1832) had to retire into private life.

In 1834, as some readers of the Spectator may remember, the projectors of the colony of South Australia proposed that Charles Napier should head that adventure as Governor ; but they differed on the necessity, of carrying out soldiers as well as settlers, and on some economical questions. He led a comparatively private life till 1839; though he was active in Bath politics, and published several military works, besides writing an historical

novel on the Conquest, the manuscript of which was lost by Mr. Colburn the publisher. Through Lord. Hill and the late Lord Raglan he was appointed, in 1832, to the cOmmand of tlie .NOrt; h em District, at a time when commercial difficUlties; the deep din.. tress of the operatives, strong Chartist feelings, and it may he added ill blood between different classes Of society, made insur rection talked of, and. riot was really impending. This is the freshest part of the book ; for controversial publications had made readers familiar in some degree with Cephalonia and South Aus tralia, the history of the Peninsular war and. other notices with the campaigns in Spain and Portugal. It is also perhaps the

most curious. As one compares the safe and, quiet feelings of the present times, with the anxious state even of a man like Napier as to what was to happen in the way of bloodshed, the mind is induced to be thankful for the trading and economical reforms of the late Sir Robert Peel.

Charles Napier was transferred from the command of the Northern District to India in 1841, in his sixtieth year ; but it is needless to follow him thither at present. The entire ground is not entered upon, only the beginning of Seinde ; and the circumstances are familiar to every one likely to take an interest in it, from the despatches of the victor, the debates in Parliament, the historical and controversial works of Sir William Napier, General Ontram, and. others.

It will also be more convenient to reserve any general estimate of the hero and the Life until the completion of the work. In fact, the heroic part of Sir Charles Nanier's career did not commence till he was sixty. Meanwhile, it may be said that the life, character, and exploits of the man, are overlaid. by writing ; and. when these writings verge upon controversy, they exhibit some of the family defects of the Napiers—a disposition to see an enemy in all who oppose their views, and not only to describe them accordingly, but to impute motives on very slender grounds, and to hold. that proofs, from their point of view, are established on very slight evidence. If it were necessary to give the " opinions " at the length they are presented, it would have been better to print them separately as opinions, under their respective heads, so that those who feel an interest in the subjects might read continuously. As the whole stands, the personal character is somewhat overlaid by reflection, disquisition, and controversy. And yet how attractive that character was at its core !—so dutifullyaffectionate to his parents, especially to his mother—so attached to his family and friends—so zealous in duty—so patient, nay, so cheerful in suffering—so hopeful, if somewhat angry, under 'disappointed expectations I Nor were his affections, as is too often the case, limited. to his equals. Old servants, the common soldier, the enemy, the poor, had an equal share of his sympathy. The too great keenness of his feelings and expressions doubtless originated in his milk of human kindness, which boiled over at what he thought meanness, or self-seeking, or injustice. This tenderness extended even to dumb animals, especially to horses, of which he was very fond. He had. a favourite old horse, Blanco, who died at sea, under these circumstances, which he found time to enter in his journal amid the distractions of the Northern command. " Lancaster.—A fine old town, with John of Gaunt's Castle. Here I met Assistant-Surgeon Ore, who told use Ile was in the ship when my old Blanco died. Mr. Ore constantly fed him with biscuit, but the long voyage killed him. My weakness was the cause of his sufferings. Twice I went to shoot him in London, but my heart failed: and I took him to Cephalonia, where I thought to pass many happy days with my old horse. How I did love him ! Well, I and all I love must go the same way. Mr. Ore told me he grew so fond of Blanco that he wanted to say prayers for him, to the great horror of the ship captain ; yet I am sure he has a soul as good as most masters of merchant. ships. Noble excellent animal ! you were good and brave, and faithful as ever charger was ; and as you so often escaped being shot, would you had died in your stable ! your picture and your memory is dear to me, with your playful ways. Heigh° ! this is a weary world, and I will go to sleep, which is like death. 'Yet we love sleep, and fear death ! Strange ! If they be alike, death must be indeed a blessing."

The connexions of the family sprinkle a good many anecdotes of great names through the pages. Here are some traits of Fox, reported by William Napier.

While on the London staffhe had been frequently thrown into the society of Charles Fox ; and the young soldier used to describe with vivid humour the manifestations of the orator's natural and earnest disposition. How at cricket he would strike at the ball and recklessly run for a score, bat on shoulder, his Sancho Panza figure fully displayed and his head thrown back, laughing with childish delight amidst reproachful cries while his opponents struck down the wickets behind him. How also, when walking in the beautiful garden of St. Ann's Hill, amidst rare flowers, discoursing gravely, he would at sight of a snail suddenly stop, plant his heel on it, spin round like a teetotum, and then resume his walk and his wisdom' with all possible gravity. Mr. Fox often expressed his disapproval of Mr. Windham 's military notions, calling them his fancies, and predicting failure, as indeed happened. Of other prominent men he also spoke freely, and his dislike of Mr. Calming was not disguised. His young cousin often pressed him on military policy, especially on the defects of the Mutiny Act, its vagueness where precision was essential for enabling officers to act with decision and legality. To this Mr. Fox answered drily, whether in condemnation or approval was not ascertained, That it was purposely so framed, to retain unlimited power over military men."

Colonel Napier the father is described. and alluded to by both his sons, whether in the slightest jotting of Charles or the more elaborate composition of William' as a man of the ancient faith and ancient integrity. He was at all events a good judge of character.

When young, he was an intimate friend of Lord Erskine, who was a distant relation, and being in the same regiment with Napier, was often exhorted, and finally persuaded by him, to quit the army for the bar. But a more noticeable example was his early perception of the Duke of Wellington's genius. Cast1etown satiety was then prominent in fashion and politics; Ensign Wellesley frequented it, and was generally considered a shallow, Panay stripling. Colonel Napier thought otherwise, and after many con

versations thus predicted his greatness—' Those who think lightly, of that lad are unwise in their generation : he has in him the makings of a great general.' 1Vhethei this readtted the Duke's ears at the time, or that Lady Sarah Napier's attention to him, in adopting her husband's opinion, gratified him, or both, is uncertain ; but, though the acquaintance soon entirely ceased, whenever her sons were wounded in the Peninsula, the Duke invariably wrote with hifi despatches a consoling letter to her."

We have heard much of the soldiers' sufferings in the Crimea, and no doubt theyre very great : it is to be feared that very in

much worse must inevitably be borne in a campaign where men are left. about not only unattended to but unseen. This was a part of Charles Napier's sufferings when severely wounded at Corunna.

"Very wretched in body and mind was I now ; and in about two hours after Hennessy had gone, the French officers went away, one after another. The tire was out and it was dreadfully cold, yet pain kept me from feeling it so much ; and all that long and horrible night and next day, did I lay wishing for death, and expecting it if a stray soldier should see me. There was no roof, only a few feet of wall standing, and the fillowirg evening, about dusk, being in less pain, I crawled out, reckless of Ihiug killed or not. Outside there was a Frenchman cooking; he was a kind man and gave me some broth, but I could not eat it. He went away, but returned with another soldier, and they made up a little more fire, rolled themselves in their greatcoats and other warm things, and lay down. Pain kept me waking ; and the fire went out soon, for there was no fuel. I had no waistcoat or drawers, only a uniform coat and torn trousers, and the cold was dreadful, for it was January and the hill high. An oilskin was on my hat, and I pulled it off to cover my head and face ; then putting my hands on my mouth warmed myself with my breath, but could not lie down. My feet and legs lost all feeling, and the wounded leg ceased to pain me except when moved. About midnight the two Frenchmen went their way, and promised to tell their commandant of my state ; yet the second dreadful night passed and no one came.

"Next day about three o'clock a musician came near me, and I persuaded him to take me to his regiment; but to walk was agony. I was, however, very kindly received by all the French officers, who were seated round a fire, and especially so by their commander, a man with a very red face and perfectly white moustachios and hair; they treated me well, and finally forwarded me on to Marshal Soult's quarters."

The criticisms on war are of two kinds, ancient and modern. The ancient can be studied in the book. Here are some comparative remarks on French officers, with the old or new story. " 1810. French Officers. Those of the infantry distribute their clothes

amongst the men of their companies—one carries a shirt, another stockings, &c. : thus they have an excellent kit and no baggage-horse. By this arrangement, in an army of fifty regiments, there are 1000 horses or thereabouts less to provide for : by what trifles are great objects attained ! What is there in military knowledge too minute or too extended for a general's attention ! A French general sends officers of trust, aware of the importance of accuracy as to time and facts, to bear orders for combined movements; and their staff are selected for talents and experience united, not for their youth, ignorance, and imbecility, as in our army—displayed in vanity, impertinence, and blunders on all occasions. A French quartermaster-general is not distinguished by his dangling sabretache, High Wycombe drawingbook, and fine ass's skin, and ass's head, with which he makes rapid sketches equally deficient in clearness and accuracy. Nor do French soldiers stand for hours unsheltered in a town, while the quartermaster-generals are— taking care of themselves. That a proper staff is the hinge on which a general must turn his army, seems never to have been attended to by us. The ignorance of regimental details and of tactics is conspicuous in our staff, who are generally young men, heaven-born generals, fit to command armies but unable to quarter a regiment, because they seldom know how many companies it consists of."

From the observations of Captain Nolan in his book on Cavalry, and the experience in the Dobrudscha, the following on the equipment of horsemen would seem to be as needed now as it was nearly fifty years ago. " With regard to the equipment of cavalry, we could hardly alter for the

worse. I will not enter into details, but the chief objects are to have two classes, viz, light dragoons and heavy dragoons ; that is larger men, not heavier baggage. All should have straight cut-and-thrust swords, thirtyfive inches in the blade, and light muskets for acting on foot as the French do. No trappings : the horse must not be killed by unless weight. A dragoon should have no kit but a cloak, a pair of shoes, two flannel shirts, and a piece of soap. These wrapped up in an oilskin would go in the right holster-pipe, and a pistol in the left. Thus the horse would have no load but the man and his forage ; for which a forage-bag and nose-bag should be always tied on the cantle. Instead of this, there are six or seven pelisses, caps, coloured boots, dressing-eases, undress-jackets, half-dress jackets, and half-undress jackets, on the back of an English dragoon horse, making a weight of twenty-one stone ! A dragoon's heavy portmantle is now as heavy as his whole kit ought to be. Of the dragoon's dress-maker general I dare not speak, but he is clearly not a horse, or he would never so load one."

Sir William Napier varies the biographical narrative by occasional reflections or anecdotes of his own. This is a story of Louis the Eighteenth's entry into Paris after the battle of Waterloo.

"When Louis the Eighteenth entered Paris, the writer, his post being at

the head of the picquets guarding the Barrier of St. Denis, was asked by the captain on duty there, if he was to salute ? I have no orders on that head, and give none, was the reply. The King came up, crowds thronged forward, and the words Vive ' and ftoi' were heard on all sides ; but the last was generally preceded by the words L'Empereur et,' pronounced in a low tone. The British soldiers, being left to themselves, brought down their muskets from the shoulder, and placing their hands on the muzzles, fiercely regarded the approaching King. He seemed surprised, but soon his countenance assumed a look of such malignant ferocity, so fixed; so peculiar, as never to be form.. tten, A number of mousquetaires in burnished cuirasses, their faces convulsed with anger, then rode up, shouting, gesticulating, and brandishing their swords ; but close behind the picquet was a wall, and the swarthy veterans, hard as the steel of their bayonets, and with wits as sharp, knew the advantage. Keeping their bronzed faces bent over their hands, their eyes glared sternly, yet no movement indicated that they were even sensible of the mousquetaires' presence, until the latter closed within a few paces and seemed dangerous : then suddenly: all their heads were lifted and streams of tobacco-juice flew towards the shining cuirasses ; whereupon the courtier soldiers followed the chariot of the King. A shout of delight arose from the crowd, and many well-dressed women embraced the British veterans."