SOME OF THE MAGAZINES.

CETEWAY0 is not a contributor one expects in an English magazine, but he has virtually contributed an article to Mac- millan for February. Captain J. R. Poole escorted the Zulu King from Zululand to Capetown, and took down through Mr. Longcast, "an able and trustworthy interpreter," his account of the history of Zululand and of the war. It is not so interest- ing as might be expected. Cetewayo knows nothing of the original history of his own people, and very little of their modern history till the British period, beyond the names of the chiefs of his dynasty, which have for the outer world no interest. The main fact that comes out in his narrative is that the King had no animosity against the English, and, indeed, a strong dislike to fighting them, though he admits that had the Trans- vaal not been annexed, he should probably have attacked the Boers. He affirms strongly that he knew nothing of the Sirayo affair, and thought Sirayo ought to have surrendered his sons, who had captured two women on British territory who had been Sirayo's wives and had betrayed him ; and nothing of the Mid- dle Drift affair, the repulse of the British surveyors. This was done by the local Zulus, without any orders from the royal kraal. His ultimate reason for fighting was the demand that he should disband his army, and he hoped to be able to drive out the English columns, hold the border, and then arrange a peace. He knew he should be beaten if the English persevered, but seems to believe that if his followers had maintained their discipline he might have won. They, however, were very unruly, and repeatedly 'forced his hand, one regiment at

Kambula actually attacking in defiance of orders. Cete- wayo's recklessness of human life comes out strongly in his narrative, he having once ordered a massacre of all the young men who evaded the conscription on pretext of sickness, and once of all women who disobeyed his marriage laws ; but he had a definite policy of a kind, and was above many African superstitions. He considered the witch-doctors, for instance, a nuisance, and seems to have agreed with his predecessor, Chaka, who once laid a trap for them, and killed them all out, except two... The imperfect belief of kings in priests, even when accepting creeds in which priests are im- portant, has been a noteworthy fact in all countries.

The paper which interests us most in the Contemporary Review is Dr. Radcliffe's, "On the Pedigree of Man," a partly thoughtful, partly dreamy, effort to suggest, rather than prove, that the Ego in man is the telegraph-clerk, and not part of the electric machine ; and that man differs from all other created things, and especially from all other sentient things, in being in some fashion a part of God, or rather a partaker of the nature of God :—

" When, for example, I say lain, I give expression to a fact which is not readily realised. Who am I? What ? In the exercise of memory and imagination, I, I myself, can in an instant go back into the past and forward into the future, and I find it difficult to say I am without at the same time saying I was 'and I shall be. Without the aid of my senses, I cannot draw a sharp line between the past and the present, or between the present and the future. I feel as if, in relation to time, I partook in some degree of the nature of Him who was, and is, and is to come, or who is rather to be spoken of as the Eternal Now ; for as Plato pointed out in the Timms ' long ago, it is right to speak of the Divine Essence as in the present always,—to say, he is,' but not to say he was,' or he shall be.' I also feel as if, in relation to space, I was in the same predicament as in regard to time, as if there was that in me to which one of the definitions of God was not altogether inapplicable,—namely that of a circle the centre of which is every- where, and the circumference nowhere. In the world of sense I find impassable barriers between now and then, between here and there, but not so in the world of spirit ; and, in fact, I am almost driven to the conclusion that I say / am because I am, in a measure, superior to time and space in the very same way as that in which the Divine Spirit is superior to time and space. Nor can I allow that the impressions of my senses should be listened to rather than the dictates of my pure reason; for Aristotle was not mistaken when he said that it was wrong to exalt the objects of perception above the great percipient faculty itself."

Dr. Radcliffe works out this idea by quoting the will, which refuses to be coerced, the conscience, which admonishes us as if separate from us, and were the "voice of the God within us," the "imperative instinct" which produces reliirion in us, and the sense of free agency, and maintains that the only simple ex- planation of the mystery of existence is a certain direct and special relation of man to God :—

"I can, in a measure, see why I am required to love my neighbour as myself, if man is only perfect when he is at one with The God who is Love. I can see that the command to love my neighbour as myself is a necessary corollary of the command to love God with all my heart, and mind, and soul, and strength. All men have the same nature. All men, if I have not been speaking wildly, have their true centre, not in themselves individually, but collectively in God. Hence the primal law of perfect human nature is a law which works in the direction of sympathy and love. Hence, anything which is opposed to this law must be looked upon as abnormal,—as the result of the unnatural centralisation of man in self, as the working of evil, and not as the result of the natural centralisation of man in God. If this be so, I need go no further to find the key to the explanation of human sympathies and antipathies. Up to this point, I can see my way with tolerable clearness; beyond it, all is mist."

The especially misty point is the great and radical differ- ence between man and all animals. Dr. Radcliffe proceeds to argue that the Mosaic account of Creation, the Deluge, 8rc., may shadow out statements more accurate, on scientific grounds, than men of science just now believe, the object of the whole, paper being to hint that orthodoxy may yet have powerful arguments to produce for its general belief. The paper is well worth careful study, though part of it impresses us as a little dreamy. Professor Jevons, in an essay on the drink traffic, fights for experimental legislation, from the results of which we may deduce principles of action; and would place the control of the whole matter in the hands of a strong executive Commission, framed on the lines of the Poor-law Com- mission, which should have the power of authorising schemes proposed by local authorities, and would work through them,—a new and much stronger form of the "local option" idea, which may attract attention. Mr. F. Peek's paper on agricultural prospects contains little that is new, but brings the facts forcibly before the ieader, and will probably greatly alarm landed proprietors. His general conclusion is that, under the competition from beyond the Atlantic—from Canada, no less than the United States—the average price of wheat in London, which might heretofore be taken at 52s. a quarter, must come down to 32s.; while the value of stock will be reduced also, though in a smaller degree. Rents, therefore, must fall heavily, the degree of the fall depending mainly upon the wisdom of the proprietors in removing all hindrances to cheap cultivation :—

" If Canada could be persuaded so to modify her tariffs as to encourage the import of those goods with which we can best supply her, she might almost monopolise the English grain trade, receiving, in return, not only cheap manufactures and implements of agriculture, but a splendid revenue, which she now sacrifices, for the sake of pro- tecting a few manufacturing interests, and of enabling scheming tradesmen to wax rich at the expense of the whole community. If, however, she persists in her present policy, other corn-growing countries will doubtless undersell her!'

The. Rev. M. MacColl, in a paper discussing "Some Forgotten Aspects of the Irish Question," disposes finally of the absurd charges generated by Mr. Gladstone's reference to the Fenian outbreak as a cause of Irish Disestablishment. He shows the extent of the panic in England in the last weeks of 1867, and

that the first to acknowledge it VMS the present Lord Beacons- field :— " When Parliament met, the influence of the panic was soon visible in the action of the Government. The Prime Minister (Mr. Disraeli) declared that the Government had 'a liberal, a truly liberal, policy' for Ireland. The present Lord Derby declared the Irish Question to be the question of the hoar! And the Chief Secretary for Ireland (Lord Mayo) expounded the policy of the Government in a speech of four hours' duration. The gist of his exposition was that the Government mast meet the 'disaffection' and disloyalty,' which he admitted, with a comprehensive policy, the mainspring of which must be religious equality.' This he explained, however, as a policy of levelling up.' In fact, the Government, to use a phrase that has become classical, intended to 'consolidate' the Irish Church by the amputation of a number of parishes, and to appease her assailants by the bribe of concurrent endowment.' Thus challenged, Mr. Glad- stone proposed his counter-policy of Disestablishment."

Mr. MacColl advocates inquiry into the Home-rule cry, be- lieving that if inquiry were made, it would be found that much less than a sovereign Parliament would content the majority of Irishmen. We have spoken of the papers on usury else- where; and can only ask all interested in the Eastern Question to read the cool and able contribution on Turkey by an "Eastern Statesman." It is full of information, from amidst which we extract a few significant lines. The Turks and Turkophiles write strongly of the condition of the Mahommeclan exiles in Ronmelia, and the Government of Prince Vogorides asked per- mission to raise a loan for their support, secured on the tribute of the province :—" The Turks agreed to it, and at the same time hypothecated the whole tribute to the bankera of Galata."

The Nineteenth Century is full of half-political papers, usually worth reading. Mr. E. Dicey sends one of his temperate,. though biased accounts of Egyptian affairs, full of knowledge, though he is not severe enough on the joint protectorate, which may, at any moment, land us in endless complications, espe- cially if it ends, as Mr. Dicey believes it will end, from the inability of the two Governments to work together. There will then, he appears to believe, be another chance for England, but it will be far inferior to the one Lord Beaconsfield threw away. It is worth noting that Mr. Dicey thinks Prince Tewfik still an unknown quantity, a man who is feeling his way, and who may not turn out exactly what Europe expects. He is a sincere Mahommedan, with little personalliking for Europeans. Another paper of interest is Mr. A. Forbes's furious attack upon Lord Chelmsford, whom he accuses of strategy positively foolish in his original advance into Zululand, of want of spirit in his subsequent operations, of rejecting subordinate aid, and of disobedience to Sir G. Wolseley's instructions by retreating from Ulundi before the war was fairly over. Mr. Forbes says :—" There remains Lord

Chelmsford's avowal of his belief that he was best carrying out Sir Garnet Wolseley's instructions, by imitating the dirty little boy who chalked an opprobrious epithet on the shutter, and then ran away. Strong as is public apathy in regard to 'bygones,' I do think that, if the communications which at thin time passed between his Lordship and his superior officer were now in the hands of the public, Lord Chelmsford, instead of swaggering about success, would probably be somewhat nervous lest the vox populi should compel his official friends to put him on his defence under military law. There can be no valid pre- text for withholding these documents, and I treat that they will be moved for when Parliament reassembles. With- out the light they throw on events, this phase of the

'campaign remains a discreditable enigma." And. Sir Henry Bawlinson has another of his regular articles, in which he admits that "the immediate effect of Yacub Khan's -disappearance, and the virtual extinction which it involved of the Baruckzye dynasty—for there was no available member of

the family qualified in any way to take his place—was to necessitate the disintegration of Afghanistan, thus scattering to -the winds the prospect we had so long entertained and clung to, of a strong, friendly, and independent Power' on our

North-Western Frontier." He would hand over Herat to Persia, govern the province of Candahar directly and ex- tend it to Farrah, and transfer Ghnzni, Cabul, and Badak- shan to chiefs with semi-independent authority. This latter plan, however, he half believes will fail, unless the garrisons in the fortresses are very strong ; and he believes that when it has failed, the only alternative will be annexation. A retirement he 'considers out of the question, though the only reason he assigns is that we should thereby "make ourselves ridiculous to our friends and contemptible to our enemies," which is precisely what the advocates of that policy deny. We may discuss Mr. Watts's paper, on "The Present Conditions of Art," here- after ; and, can only call attention to Mr. Gladstone's exhaustive paper on the comparative benefits derived by the commerce of the country from Railways and from Free-trade.

The first article in the Fortnightly Review, on "Turkish Facts and British Fallacies," is an essay on the Eastern Question, in which the writer, under a specious disguise of impartiality, ificides the case between Liberals and Conservatives against the former. He considers the agitation which saved U9 from

war for Turkey a mere result of ignorance, and a cause not of the enfranchisement of eleven millions of Christians, but of untold suffering to them and to the Moslem, who, when not in power, he evidently considers the superior of the two. We do

not deny the suffering, which would have been wholly pre- vented if England had done her duty, and sent the Fleet to the Bosphorus, and insisted on making the scheme drawn up by the Conference of Constantinople a reality; but temporary suffering, however great, is better than slavery continued for a generation. The Christians would have been much more debased by another thirty years of Turkish rule, than they were by losing a tenth of their

whole number in getting rid of it. It is noteworthy that a writer of these opinions is in favour of compelling the Sultan by force to call a Parliament, holding that the governing Ring of Constantinople is incurable, except by opinion. We hold it to be incurable anyhow, except by dismissal to the Desert :— " And here I would take the opportunity of dispelling any illusions which may still exist as to the disposition of the existing Adminis- tration, in regard to this great question of reform. Two years have elapsed since the termination of the war, and so far from any effort having been made to remedy abuses, things have been going steadily from bad to worse. The Turkish Government has during this period succeeded in gulling England with excuses, the fallaciousness of which has at last been exploded, and it has become apparent that the delay in putting into operation measures which should remedy the most glaring evils, has not arisen from the lack of pecuniary means to do so—for many reforms could be suggested which would be measures of economy—nor from any inherent difficulties in the process, or opposition in the country itself, for the country is writhing under the abuses, and only too anxious to see them remedied ; nor from incompetence or apathy on the part of the Government, for there have been energetic and able men of late connected with the administration of affairs; but from the determined opposition to all reform on the part of a powerful political clique, who control the Palace, and who fatten on the plunder which is obtained by means of the abuses that they foster and maintain. There is a ramifica- tion of official thieves throughout the empire, strongly represented in every Cabinet, still more strongly represented in the Palace, united by bonds of corruption all through the lower grades of the various Government departments, and extending throughout the provincial bureaucracy."

Lord Coleridge sends a sympathetic account of Sir W.

Boxall, the Royal Academician, who appears to have been a man with singular attraction alike for young and old, arising partly from moral beauty of character, and partly from a sym- pathetic sensitiveness which all men recognised, but which made harsh comment on any of his pictures so painful to him, that there was always a risk that he might destroy them before they were sent home. Mr. H. M. Hyndman, the gentleman whose essay on the impending bankruptcy of India excited so much momentary attention, sends his view upon Home-rule, which is briefly that it would be impracticable, that the cause of the demand. is English ignorance of Ireland and want of sympathy with her, and that the Chief Secretary for Ireland. should in- variably be an Irishman. Mr. Hyndman is, however, favourable to some variety of Mr. Bright's scheme, and would compel absentee landlords to sell their lands. Mr. Sydney C. Buxton contributes a very exhaustive account of the expense of elections, which he cal- culates at £1,100,000 for each General Election, without allowing

for irregular expenses. He maintains that the candidate who spends most money almost always wins, because he canvasses better, and suggests that conveyance should be disallowed and. paid canvassers prohibited. The Tories will make a strong fight for the former expense, as it guarantees them against the poorer voters, but we do not blow that the latter will be energetically defended. The only argument for it is,

that without paid canvassers the friends of the "isms" would be a little too visible just before an election. With these two reforms, elections could be fought by

men of moderate purses, though even then, we suspect, the rich would have the advantage which they possess in every

other department of life. Mr. Simcox's account of H. T. Buckle is a clever but not sympathetic sketch, bringing the old- maidisms of the philosopher—due to his peculiar education—a little too prominently forward; and Mr. Harrison's outburst on "Empire and Humanity" is marked by more eloquence than thought. This passage seems, to ordinary minds, eclecticism run mad :— "In this very month, which we associate with the memory of Moses, the weeks are associated with the names of all the great prophets and teachers who maintain the religious life of the East,— with Confucius, Buddha, and Mehemet. We embrace them all, and honour them all,—the great patriarchs and Hebrew prophets and kings-; the great founders of the empires of the East, Zoroaster and his Sun Worship, the Theocrats of Thibet, the Theocrats of Japan, the great teachers of China, the great chiefs of the Mnssnlman world. When these sacred and heroic names are read round the altars of the Christian fanes, then, and then only, can the religion of Christ pre- tend to the glorious name of Catholic."