GRUND'S AMERICANS.

THE extent and diversity of the subject—in some cases the novel and in others the questionable nature of the views put forward— and last, but not least, the limited time since the arrival of this work—must render our notice rather descriptive than analytical. Mr. GRUND is, we believe, a German, who has resided in Ame- rica for many years ; and these volumes contain the result of his experience and observations on the social, moral, and political characteristics of the Americans. He describes their manners ; which he admits to be deficient in the high polish of the European

aristocracy ; but, contrary to the assertions of most persons, in- cluding the Americans themselves, he pits the behaviour of the masses against that of the lower classes at home. Of their do- mestic morals he forms a very favourable estimate ; tracing the cause to the easiness with which want may be averted, and to the absence of a law of primogeniture, which preventing the inheri- tance of large fortunes, prevents idleness, and the glittering baits to vanity and weakness that a fashionable aristocracy holds out. In theatricals, native American talent, be admits, is rare, and not encouraged ; for the people are too serious and calculating to patronize the drama, unless as a " curiosity." In music, he thinks they have a better taste than the English, and will shortly be able to " produce" it for themselves, whilst we must always be im- porters. In the fine arts, he rakes up a list of inferior names, all the best known of which studied, practised, and lived in Europe. In his earnestness to advocate the literary claims of the States, lie pursues a somewhat similar course, and also points to the number of books annually printed,—forgetting that America has never yet produced an original work, or formed a style of' literature. Mr. GRUND'S accounts of the American prejudices, religious feel- ings, and state of education, are judicious if not profound ; his ge- neral observations on the American character, slight as a whole, although sensible and clever in parts. His opening picture of American industry is graphic, but forced ; its middle and end, in- structive, and almost philosophical. His chapter on commerce is for the most part a defence of the system of making trade a gambling adventure ; which it seems to be in America. That on internal communication, and the means of conducting it, is spirited and lively ; though drawing those qualities from the moving nature of the subject, rather than from any peculiar vivacity in the author. The long disquisition on the South and Slavery is very indifferent ; devoid of facts, servilely sophistical in argument, with dashes of mysticism; and capable of being written, and written much better, by a person who had never set foot in Ame- rica. The view of the army and navy is complete in its statistics ; and the account of the militia conveys a good idea of the compo- nent parts: but it is obvious from his puffed-up notions as to the warlike efficiency of that military force, that the author is one . . . . " who never set a squadron in the field,

Nor the division of a battle knows More than a spinster "-

America could be subdued to-morrow if she had nothing but her citizen soldiers to rely upon. The earlier part of the last chapter, in which Mr. GRUND discusses the benefits of her democratic in- stitutions and their probable permanency, is very able : the closing speculation, in which the writer dreams of a single republic "one and indivisible," extending over the whole of both Americas, is too obviously Utopian to require comment. Such are the main topics of The Americans. As regards the merit of the author, he must at once be allowed an acquaintance approaching familiarity with the matter lie handles; his thoughts on politics are liberal, just, and comprehensive; be gives the most complete and extended view of the American character we have yet met with in a single work ; and his style is clear and flowing. On the other hand, Alr. GRUND'S mind seems deficient in depth and discrimination. He is, moreover, too apt to generalize on in- sufficient evidence ; and hence his particular facts, when he pro- duces any, sometimes run counter to his general conclusions. He also deals too much in disquisition, when the reader looks for de- scriptive particulars ; and there is throughout such an obvious partiality for the Americans, as to give occasionally an air of advo- cacy to his pages.

The most mooted, and therefore the most interesting topics in the volume, relate to manners, business as affecting manners, and political institutions ; and on these points shall our extracts bear. The following passages, which describe effects whilst they investi- gate causes, are just and sensible.

In proportion as the liberties of a people are enlarged, and their franchise extended, they must necessarily become more active and serious. For an illus- tration, we need only compare the character of the French since the Revolution of July, with that which they possessed under the old Bourbon dynasty, pre- vious to the Revolution of 1789. How much gayety and outward politeness is there not missing ; but how much understanding and rational liberty gained? What difference is there not between the buffoonery of " merry England" under the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and the sober, denture composition of John

Bull since the acquisition of the Habeas Corpus and the Revokitinn? And yet villa unbiassed individual in either country would wish back " the good old times," or deny that the condition of the people has been materially improved by the change? Well, then, the Americans are. in common with the English, a more sober, calm, and reflecting people, than, perhaps, any other in the world ; and, for this very reason, able to bear a lager proportion of rational liberty.

The influence of this character on the sociable circles of America is un- doubtedly felt; but not in the manner generally described by Europeans. Thus, for instance, it does not destroy the spirit of hospitality for which the Americans were always distinguished, although it has but too often been ill re- quited ; it dues not prevent them from receiving their friends in a cordial manner, or enjoying their own domestic fireside : but being always accus- tomed to thought and reflection, their minds are, perhaps, too fraught with the eveata of the day and the apprehensions of the future to pre- serve throughout that fashionable indifference on all topics, which can neither affect nor cheer any of the company present, and which, for that very reason, is considered essential to good manners in Europe. T sentiments are often expressed with warmth bordering on enthusiasm, and re- quite, therefore, a greater degree of attention and sympathy on the rata of their audience, than Europeans of rank are willing to bestow on ordinary subjects of conversation. On this account American society is sometimes fatiguing ; and the complaint has often been made by foreigners, that it requires a certain pre- paration in order to understand or enjoy it. Its demands on a stranger are more numerous than is always agreeable; and if he be a man of talent or repu- tation, he is expected to show off and entertain the company. The Americans on such occasions are always willing to listen, to learn, and, perhaps, to ques- tion ; but Europeans are nut always ready to teach or to answer, and still less disposed; to receive instruction from their entertainers. In this manner so- ciety proves often a task to men of consideration and learning, instead of offer- ing them a convenient respite, as in Europe. • • The attempt to create fashionable and aristocratic distinctions will, in Arne. rica, never be crowned with success. The reason is apparent. Every species of aristocracy must be based On wealth and power, and contain within itself the principle of perpetuity. Without these requisites, their superiority will neither be acknowledged, nor will they have the means of enforcing it. There exists in the large cities of America certain coteries, composed principally of wealthy families ; but their wealth is not permanent, and they are perfectly power less when opposed to the great mass of the people. Not inure than one-fourth of all the men who possess property in the United States have inherited it ; the rest have acquired it by their own industry. Scarcely one-fourth, therefore, could have been brought up in the elegancies of fashionable life; the remainder are re- cruits and stragglers. But in the total absence of monopolies, and with the immense resources of the country, the road to fortune is open to all ; while those who possess property may lose it, and must at any rate ultimately divide it equally amongst their children. The elements of American coteries are, therefore, constantly varying; but every new change brings them nearer to a level with the people. The abrogation of primogeniture in America has done more towards equalizing all conditions than the spirit of exclusiveness will ever be able to overcome : aristocratic pretensions may exist ; but they will always remain impotent, and die with the respective pretenders. The absence of primogeni- ture acts as a constant moderator in society, humbling the rich and elevating the poor. It obliges the sons of the wealthy to join personal application to an honest inheritance, and elevates the hopes of the lower classes with the expect- ance of future prosperity. It is thus the strongest pillar of Democracy is the constitution of neatly every State of the Union.

BUSINESS HABITS OF AMERICANS.

From the earliest hour in the morning till late at night, the streets, offices,. and warehouses of the large cities are thronged by men of all trades and pro.. fessious, each following his vocation like a perpetnurn mobile, as if he never dreamt of cessation from labour, or the possibility of becoming fatigued. If a lounger should happen to be parading the street, he would be sure to be justled off the side-walk, or to be pushed in every direction, until lie keeps time with the rest. Should he meet a friend, he will only talk to him on business; on 'change, they will only hear him on business ; and, if be retire to some house of entertainment, he will again be entertained with business. Wherever he goes, the hum and bustle of business will follow him ; and when he finally sits down to his dinner, hoping there at least to find an hour of rest, he will dis- cover to his sorrow that the Americans treat that as a business too, cal despatch it in less time than he is able to stretch his limbs under the mahogany. In a very few minutes, the clang of steel and silver will cease, and he will again be left to his solitary reflections, while the rest are about their business. in the evenings, if he have no friends or acquaintances, none will intrude on his re- tirement; for the people are either at Lorne with their families, or preparing ft,: the business of the next day.

Whoever goes to the United States for the purpose of settling there, must resolve in his mind to find pleasure in business, and business in pleasure; or he will be disappointed, aid wish himself back to the sociable idleness of Europe. Nor can any one travel in the United States without making a busi- ness of it. In vain would he hope to proceed at his case; he moist prepare to go at the rate of fifteen or twenty miles an hour, or conclude to stay quietly at home. Ile must not expect to stop, except at the places fixed upon by the proprietors of the road or the steam-boat ; and if he happen to take a friend by the hand an instant after the sign of departure is given, lie is either left behind or carried on against his intention, and has to inquire after his luggage in an- other state or territory. The habit of posting being unknown, he is obliged to travel in company with the large caravans which are daily starting limn, and arriving at, all the large cities, under convoy of a thousand puffing and clanking engines, where all thoughts of pleasure are speedily (move. tett into miter reflections on the safety of property and persons. He must resign the gratification of his own individual tastes to the wishes of the majority she are travelling on business, and with whum speed is infinitely more important than all that contributes to pleasure: he must eat, think, sleep. and wake, when they do ; and has no other remedy for the catalogue of his distresses, but the hope of their speedy termination. Arrived at the period of his sufferings, he must be cautious how he gives vent to his joy ; for he must stop quickly, it' his busy conductor shall not hurl him on again on a new journey. Neither is this hurry of business confined to the large cities, or the method of travelling ; it communicates itself to every village and hamlet, and extends to and penetrates the Western forests. Town and country rival with each other in the eagerness of industrious pursuits. .Machines are invented, new lines of communication established,and the depths of the sea explored, to afford scope for the spirit of enterprise; and it is as if all America were but one gigantic workshop, over the entrance of which there is the blazing inscription, "No ad- mission here except on business."

The section from which the following passages on local self- government are taken, is one of the most valuable in the book, and in philosophical spirit may almost compete with DE TOCQUIP■ VILLE. The author has been speaking of the uses and effects of the settlements cf the West.

The Western States, from their peculiar position, are supposed to develop Nothiug indeed is more common than to hear ADMIC:MS themselves aver, birching; and GOLDSMITH was an urchin at an Irish country

that " there is a great deal of aristocracy in their country, of which Europeans school. Before the last epistle was penned, WORDSWORTH, ROGERS, generally are entirely unaware." Now I have remained nearly fifteen years in tee United States ; but I have never been able to discover this aristoeracy; nor and CAMPBELL, had risen above the literary horizon. When its trapplogs, power, influence, or worshippers. I have, usauredly, known a W ALPOLE and GRAY the poet started on their Continental tour, variety of fashionable coteries—at least what in Ametica would be called Spain was " Spain with both the Indies ;" the territory of France fashionable; composed of highly respectable merchants, lien ary and professional in America exceeded ours, and outs was the present United States; men, politicians and others, who, it was evident, considered themselves the no- whilst in India we had nothing save a few forts. Ere the corre-

bility and gentry of the land : but they never had the courage of avowing their

sentiments and pretensiona in public ; and have, of I .te, been as much excluded spondent died, he had laughed at "rho Forty-five;" had been con- from the government of the country as they avoided being cenfeunded with the temporary with Cnivg and Fitansnsiets. the Great ; had sat in rest of their fellow citizens. On the other hand, I have had an opportunity of Parliament with the elder PITT, predicted the greatness of his olaset wing a class of society, again composed of highly respectable merchants, son, and lived to witness it ; had seen France shorn of the Ca- literary and professional men, politicians, and others, who never exhibited the nadas, and England of her Colonies par excellence ; had sym-

least symptoms of imaginary superiority over their countrymen, but always

acknowledged themselves to be public servants, paid and provided for by the pathized with the slow nisi, death, and exile of his old bugbears the peuele ; and who, in fact, possessed considerable more power and influence than French Bourbons—been horrified by the excesses of Jacobinisna- their aristocratic neighbours with the exclusive sentiments. One party was scandalized, Infidel as he was, at the public establishment of Lill-

always dreaming of influence and distinction ; the other actually possessed delity—and witnessed the appearance of that military meteor then. This is all the difference I have ever knows: between the aristocracy and whose glory dawned indeed at Toulon, but did not emerge in full democracy of America. splendour until the battle-field of Montenotte. We will close with a powerful, just, and philosophic passage on We take our extracts upon the same plan as we pursued in Democratic institutions. reading—just as they happened to strike us. Here is a sketch of Democratic institutions, as they exist iu America, are without a precedent in the rival with whom we have compared him—the " charming history-. The ancients never dreamed of a government similar to that of the Mary Montagu," when she was turned of fifty, and was, it seems, United States; and its vety existence was precluded by the ignorance of the masses and the absence of a periodical press. Never before have the people no longer charming to bystanders. The scene is Paris.

at large participated in or assumed the government of a state. All the argu• But for the Academy, I ant not of it, but frequently in company with it : 'ti ments in the world in favour or against Democracy must, therefore, remain con- all disjointed. Madam ***, who, thought a learned lady, has not lust her mo- jectures, till time shall have solved the prubleao '1 he question, in America, is destv and character, is exte emely scandalized with the other two dames, espe- no longer Outlier Democracy is to be established, but whether it is to be (daffy with Mull Worthless, who knows no bounds. She is at rivalry with Lady domed. It exists there already, and cannot be abolished without a most dans Walpole for a certain Mr. 4 " *, whom perhaps you knew at Oxford. if you gerous and violent revolution. The 'furies are the Revolutionists in America ; did not, I'll tell you : lie is a grave young man by temper, and a rich one by the Democrats, are the Conservatives and adhere to the government. The point constitution ; a shallow creature by nature, but a wit by the grace of our at issue is, whether the latter are to give up a form of government under which women here; whom he deals with as of old with the Oxford toasts. Ile fell they have prospered and made such immense improvements, merely because into sentiments with my Lady W., and was happy to catch her at Platonic doubts are entertained as to the possibility of retaining it for ever?—whether love ; but as she seldom stops there, the poor man will be frightened out of his they shall aurrender a power which, once departed Lean them, will never return senses, when she shall break the matter to hint ; for he never dreamt that her to its source, and to obtain which they would have to make new and additional purposes were so naughty. Lady Mary in so far gone, that to get him flout the eacrifiees ? mouth of her antagonist, she literally took him out to dance country-dances last The face of the world is changed ; why should the old forms of government be nightlat a formal ball ; where there %V AS no measure kept in laughing at her old, the only Ones, adapted to its new character ? The people have acquired infora foul, tawdry, painted, plastered personage. She played at pharaoh two or 'nation and power ; why should they not use them in the establishment of three times at Princess Cramil, where she cheats horse and foot. She is really governments, when they can do so without committing an act of injustice to entertaining. I have been reading her works, which she lends out in menu- others? Democracy in America is a legitimate and Mato; kat form of govern- script ; but they are too womanish : I like few of her performances. I forgot went, anti does net clash with the established manners and customs of the to tell you a good answer of Lady Pomfret to Mr. ''' , who asked her if she country. The notst perfect despotism—that of China—has lasted for thousands did not approve Platonic love? Lord, Sir, says she, I am sure any one that of years ; why should liberty alone be for ever banished from the earth ? If knows me never heard that I had any love but one, and there s:t two proofs of tyranny could find such a basis, should justice be built in the air? I much it—pointing to her two daughters. rather believe that the liberty of the ancients was not established on a basis sof. The following pendant, a character of Mr. WORTLEY himself, ficiently large to withstand the attacks of factions, and that the overthrow of their republics was chiefly owing to the little power which was vested in the and his place, now Wharneliffis Lodge, was penned some sixteen

majority of the people. A whole nation is seldom deceived about her true in. years later.

tereets, and cannot be bribed by a party. 'f ke people may make faults; but Well, you have had enough of magnificence ; you shall repose in a desert. they have always the power of repairing them, and where they have a share iu Old Wortley Montague lives on the very spot where the dragon of \t ant did the government, are identified with its continuance and progress. If it be true —only I believe the latter was much better lodged. You never saw such a that " universal history contains the judgment of the world," we must consider wretched hovel, lean, unpainted, and half its nakedness barely shaded with the downfil of Rome as the punishment of its political crimes, and may hope harateen, stretched till it cracks. Here the miser hoards health and money, for the freedom of America as long as her people shall be worthy of it. his only two objects; he has chronicles iu behalf of the air, and battens on

all the resources and peculiarities of Democratic governments, without being driven to excesses by the opposition of contrary principles. Their number, too, augments the intensity of Republican life, by increasing the number of ral- iyingspoints, without which the principle of liberty would he too much weak- turd by expansion. It is a peculiarly happy feature of the constitution of the United States, that every State has itself au independent government, and be- comes thus the repository of its own liberties.

The inhabitant of Arkansas, Illinois, or Indiana, living on the confines of the State and the very skirts of civilization, would, in all probability, he less of a patriot if his attachment to the country were only to be measured by his ad- herence to the General Government. He would lie too remote from the centre of action to feel its immediate influence, and not sufficiently affected by the po- litical proceedings of the State to consider firm paramount ta the local interests of his neighbourhood. Political life would grow fainter in proportion to its remoteness from the seat of legislation and the energies of the people, instead of being roused by the necessity of action, would degenerate into a passive acknowledgment of the protection offered by the Government. This is more or less the ewe in every country except England and A teerica, and perhaps the principal reason of their little progress in freedom. Henre the feverish excite- ment in their capitals and large towns, and the comparative inertness and palsy of the country. Every town and village in America has its peculiar Republican government, hatted on the principle of election ; and is, within its own sphere, as free and independent as a sovereign state. On this broad basis rests the whole edifice of American liberty. Fteedom takes its root at home, in the satire village or town of an American. The county, representing the aggre- gate of the towns and villages, is but an enlargement of the Same principle; the State itself represents the different counties; and the Congress of the United States represents the different States. In every place, in every walk of life, an American finds some rallyingpoint or centre of political attachment. His sympathies are, first, inlisted by the government of his native village; then, by that of the county ; then, by the State itself; and finally, by that of the Union. If he is ambitious, he is obliged to make an bumble beginning at Nome, and figure in his native town or county ; thence he is promoted to the dignity of representative or senator of his State ; and it is only after lie has held these preparatory- stations that he can Lope to enjoy the honour of represent. ative or senator in the Congress of the nation. Thus the county is the prepara- tory school for the politician of the State, and the State furnishes hint with a proper introductiun to national politics.

PSEUDO ARISTOCRACY.